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Freedom of Transit 过境自由
Pub Date : 2019-02-13 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3333841
Arushi A. Malik
Nearly one-fifth of the states of the international community are without access to the sea i.e. they do not possess a coastline. By virtue of their geographical location, these states do not have access to marine resources and encounter severe limitations in their participation in international trade. The states without access to and from the sea are described as land-locked states. For these land-locked nations free access to the sea is linked to the question of transit. Goods originating from these states or entering into these states must pass through the territory of their neighbouring states. The neighbouring states through whose territory these goods pass are known as the transit states.

Since the land-locked states have to borrow the territory of their neighbouring states, they are dependent on them for providing them with adequate means of transport facility for transit of their goods. But the land-locked states do not have any control over these transport facilities and transit countries have sometimes used their strategic position as an economic and political lever against the land-locked states.

As mentioned above the free access to the sea is linked to the question of transit therefore, freedom of transit should exist for the land-locked states. Freedom of transit in general terms means the freedom to pass through the territory of any other state in order to have an access to the sea or to reach markets. Since, most of the land-locked states are either developing or least developed; freedom of transit is of utmost importance to them as it will help boost their economy.

Land-locked states have always demanded an unconditional right of access to the sea and transit states have always countered this with the argument of state sovereignty. The importance of right of access to the sea for the land-locked states cannot be undermined but for their right the transit states cannot be put at stake. So, for the protection of the transit states there are certain situations under which transit can be refused like to protect the sovereignty, maintenance of public order, to protect the animal, plant or human life, etc.
国际社会近五分之一的国家没有出海口,即没有海岸线。由于地理位置的原因,这些国家无法获得海洋资源,在参与国际贸易方面受到严重限制。不能进出海洋的国家被称为内陆国。对这些内陆国来说,自由出海口与过境问题是联系在一起的。来自这些国家或进入这些国家的货物必须经过其邻国的领土。这些货物途经的邻国被称为过境国。由于内陆国不得不借用邻国的领土,它们依赖邻国为它们提供足够的运输工具以过境其货物。但内陆国对这些运输设施没有任何控制权,过境国有时利用其战略地位作为对抗内陆国的经济和政治杠杆。如上所述,自由出海口是与过境问题联系在一起的,因此,内陆国应该享有过境自由。一般来说,过境自由是指通过任何其他国家领土以进入海洋或到达市场的自由。因为,大多数内陆国家要么是发展中国家,要么是最不发达国家;过境自由对他们来说至关重要,因为这将有助于促进他们的经济发展。内陆国一直要求有无条件进入海洋的权利,而过境国一直以国家主权为理由加以反驳。内陆国入海权的重要性不能被削弱,但过境国的权利也不能因此受到威胁。因此,为了保护过境国,在某些情况下可以拒绝过境,如保护主权,维护公共秩序,保护动物,植物或人类生命等。
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引用次数: 0
Investment Promotion and Protection in the Canada-UK Trade Relationship 加拿大与英国贸易关系中的投资促进与保护
Pub Date : 2018-11-18 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3312617
A. Bjorklund, Yarik Kryvoi, J. Marcoux
A new investment agreement between Canada and the UK constitutes a crucial opportunity to include innovative provisions from recent international agreements and to explore new possibilities to construct a more legitimate regime. In order to support evidence-based decision-making in the negotiation of such an agreement, a comprehensive review of the range of opportunities must be provided. What are the provisions that can be included in an investment agreement between the two states to address controversial issues and support the reform of the international investment regime? The objectives underlying the final report are to allow policy-makers to undertake the negotiation process with a clear sense of the various provisions that are available to address the most controversial issues of international investment law and their legal implications. The report demonstrates that an investment agreement can respond to legitimacy concerns raised by a variety of stakeholders. More specifically, it provides a side-by-side comparison of provisions that have already been included in IIAs and model agreements for three specific themes: 1) dispute settlement possibilities; 2) the breadth of investment protection; and 3) obligations imposed on foreign investors. For each theme of the knowledge synthesis, the material that has been collected and analyzed is synthesized through a side-by-side comparison of provisions and their legal implications. 1. Dispute settlement possibilities: The mechanism allowing private investors to submit investment claims to international arbitration has come under increasing public scrutiny, with several actors criticizing its lack of legitimacy. Some policy-makers and negotiators have responded to these criticisms through various means. The report focuses particularly on six approaches that have been included in IIAs and model agreements. These approaches range from a reformed investor-state dispute settlement mechanism through the inclusion of new provisions, a return to diplomatic protection and state-to-state arbitration, reliance on domestic courts, alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, hybrid approaches, and an investment court system. 2. Breadth of investment protection: Addressing concerns raised by stakeholders can also be achieved by further clarifying the content of standards of protection that are traditionally included in IIAs. An enhanced level of precision is especially visible with respect to fair and equitable treatment (FET) and expropriation. Various options have been used by states to qualify FET provisions and to list the elements included in this standard of protection. Other provisions include a limiting definition of indirect expropriation or various forms of carve-outs, including for general regulatory measures. 3. Obligations imposed on foreign investors: With a view to countering the generally asymmetric nature of IIAs, some states have chosen to address foreign investors’ responsibilit
加拿大和英国之间的一项新投资协议是一个至关重要的机会,可以将近期国际协议中的创新条款纳入其中,并探索建立一个更合法制度的新可能性。为了在这种协定的谈判中支持基于证据的决策,必须对各种机会进行全面审查。两国投资协定可包含哪些条款,以解决争议问题,支持国际投资体制改革?最后报告的基本目标是使决策者能够在进行谈判过程时清楚地了解可用于处理国际投资法中最具争议的问题及其所涉法律问题的各种规定。该报告表明,投资协议可以回应各种利益相关者提出的合法性问题。更具体地说,它就三个具体主题对已经列入国际投资协定和示范协定的条款进行了并排比较:1)解决争端的可能性;2)投资保护的广度;3)外国投资者的义务。对于知识综合的每个主题,收集和分析的材料是通过对条款及其法律含义的并排比较来综合的。1. 争端解决的可能性:允许私人投资者向国际仲裁提交投资索赔的机制受到了越来越多的公众监督,一些参与者批评该机制缺乏合法性。一些政策制定者和谈判代表通过各种方式回应了这些批评。本报告特别侧重于国际投资协定和示范协定所包括的六种方法。这些途径包括通过纳入新规定改革投资者与国家争端解决机制、恢复外交保护和国家间仲裁、依赖国内法院、替代性争端解决机制、混合途径和投资法院系统。2. 投资保护的广度:通过进一步澄清传统上包含在国际投资协定中的保护标准的内容,也可以解决利益相关者提出的关切。在公平和公平待遇(FET)和征收方面,精确性的提高尤其明显。各州采用了各种备选办法来限定FET的规定,并列出这一保护标准所包含的要素。其他规定包括限制间接征收或各种形式的豁免的定义,包括一般管制措施。3.对外国投资者的义务:为了对抗国际投资协定普遍不对称的性质,一些国家选择以各种方式处理外国投资者的责任。在IIA的序言部分或涉及企业社会责任概念的条款中,有些例子提到了这些责任。更多的限制性条款要求外国投资者承担直接义务,要求明确考虑投资的负面影响,或拒绝为通过腐败或其他欺诈手段进行的投资提供实质性保护。
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引用次数: 0
Trade in Developing East Asia: How It Has Changed and Why It Matters 东亚发展中国家的贸易:如何变化及其重要性
Pub Date : 2018-07-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3309045
I. Constantinescu, A. Mattoo, M. Ruta
East Asia, for long the epitome of successful engagement in trade, faces serious challenges: technological change that may threaten the very model of labor intensive industrialization and a backlash against globalization that may reduce access to important markets. A detailed analysis of the evolution of East Asia's trade and trade policy in goods and services leads to the conclusion that how East Asia copes with these global challenges will depend on how it addresses three more proximate national and regional challenges. The first is the emergence of one East Asian country, China, as a global trade giant—accounting for nearly one-seventh of global exports and one-tenth of global imports -- which is fundamentally altering the trading patterns and opportunities of its neighbors. The second is the asymmetric implementation of national reform -- remarkable openness to goods trade and investment coexists with relative restrictiveness of services policies -- which is affecting the evolution of comparative advantage and productivity in each country. The third is the divergence between the relatively shallow and fragmented agreements that regulate the region’s trade and investment and the growing importance of regional and global value chains as crucial drivers of productivity growth.
长期以来,东亚一直是成功参与贸易的缩影,但它面临着严峻的挑战:技术变革可能威胁到劳动密集型工业化的模式,对全球化的强烈抵制可能会减少进入重要市场的机会。对东亚商品和服务贸易和贸易政策演变的详细分析得出的结论是,东亚如何应对这些全球挑战将取决于它如何应对三个更紧迫的国家和地区挑战。首先是东亚国家中国作为全球贸易巨人的崛起,其出口占全球的近七分之一,进口占全球的十分之一,这从根本上改变了邻国的贸易模式和机遇。第二是国家改革的不对称实施——对商品贸易和投资的高度开放与服务政策的相对限制并存——正在影响各国比较优势和生产率的演变。第三,监管该地区贸易和投资的相对肤浅和零散的协议,与作为生产率增长关键驱动力的地区和全球价值链日益重要之间存在分歧。
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引用次数: 6
Leaving the European Union Without a Deal: The Legal Status of the UK's Financial Obligations Under EU Law Part I - EU Treaties and General Principles 无协议脱欧:欧盟法律下英国财政义务的法律地位第一部分-欧盟条约和一般原则
Pub Date : 2018-06-28 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3204180
N. Kemp
The author considers, from a number of perspectives in EU law, whether, under Article 50 TEU, the accrued EU law obligations of a departing Member State will remain legally binding and enforceable against it following its withdrawal from the EU. A range of purposive and contextual arguments are considered, together with the interpretation of Article 50 in the context of general principles of EU law, and the conclusion drawn that there is wide support under EU law for obligations to remain legally binding following a State’s withdrawal. The author also considers the doctrinal question of whether a “principle of survival of accrued rights and obligations” may be formally recognised under EU law, and concludes that there is scope for the CJEU to recognise a principle of survival of accrued EU law rights and obligations, either as an autonomous general principle of EU law or as a particular expression of existing principles.
作者从欧盟法律的多个角度考虑,根据第50条TEU,一个退出欧盟的成员国的欧盟法律义务是否在其退出欧盟后仍然具有法律约束力和可执行性。本文考虑了一系列目的性和背景性的论点,以及在欧盟法律一般原则的背景下对第50条的解释,并得出结论,即欧盟法律广泛支持在一国退出后仍有义务具有法律约束力。作者还考虑了“应计权利和义务的存续原则”是否可以在欧盟法律下得到正式承认的理论问题,并得出结论,欧洲法院有余地承认应计欧盟法律权利和义务的存续原则,无论是作为欧盟法律的一个自治的一般原则,还是作为现有原则的一种特殊表达。
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引用次数: 0
Cuba's Integration into the Global Economy — How Much is Cuba Expected to Change; How Far is Cuba Willing to Go; and Will the EU Serve as the Mediator of Those Changes? 古巴融入全球经济——古巴有望发生多大变化古巴愿意走多远?欧盟会成为这些变化的调解人吗?
Pub Date : 2018-06-18 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3198429
L. Backer
The essay considers the question: what internal Cuban legal adjustments will be necessary for Cuba to enter into a fully normalized relationship with the U.S. and the rest of the world? That raises three distinct questions made necessary by the profound changes that have occurred between the time U.S. Cuban normalization reached its high point in early 2016, and the changes in the world situation starting with the U.S. 2016 elections and its aftermath. The first question, examined in Part II, centers on consideration of the adjustments Cuba might have to undertake if it is to embed itself within the structures of global trade and finance. To that end, the chapter analyzes the legal changes Cuba would need to undertake to join international financial institutions and global and regional trade organizations. The second question, considered in Part III, examines the extent to which Cuba is disposed to consider these possible reforms. Against the objective of socializing Cuban legal and economic practices with global norms, the chapter will critically assess the extent to which the current Cuban socio-political framework can produce these modifications and the consequences for such limitations, including with respect to the limits of political reform and the relevance of human rights norms in the construction of economic legal and governance structures. The third question, considered in Part IV, then examines what may be possible in the aftermath of the U.S. Presidential election of 2016 (and its aftermath) and other global changes, including the emergence of a Chinese alternative to national embedding in global trade. These have considerably changed the terrain within with the consequences of U.S. - Cuba normalization can be considered. The examination considers the value of the European Union’s strategic initiative, the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) as a viable basis for Cuban reintegration in the global economy.
这篇文章考虑了这样一个问题:古巴为了与美国和世界其他国家建立完全正常化的关系,需要进行什么样的内部法律调整?从2016年初美古关系正常化达到最高点到2016年美国大选及其后果开始的世界局势变化,这段时间发生了深刻的变化,这就提出了三个不同的问题。第二部分审查的第一个问题集中在考虑古巴如果要融入全球贸易和金融结构可能必须进行的调整。为此目的,本章分析了古巴为加入国际金融机构以及全球和区域贸易组织而需要进行的法律改革。第三部分审议的第二个问题审查了古巴愿意在多大程度上考虑这些可能的改革。为了使古巴的法律和经济实践与全球规范相适应,本章将批判性地评估古巴目前的社会政治框架能在多大程度上产生这些修改,以及这些限制的后果,包括政治改革的限制和人权规范在建设经济法律和治理结构方面的相关性。第三个问题,在第四部分中考虑,然后检查2016年美国总统大选(及其后果)和其他全球变化之后可能发生的事情,包括中国替代国家嵌入全球贸易的出现。这些都大大改变了内部的地形,可以考虑到美古关系正常化的后果。审查审议了欧洲联盟的战略倡议《政治对话与合作协定》作为古巴重新融入全球经济的可行基础的价值。
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引用次数: 1
GATS Classification of Digital Services - Does 'The Cloud' Have a Silver Lining? 《服务贸易总协定》数字服务分类——“云”有一线希望吗?
Pub Date : 2018-04-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3194676
Ines Willemyns
This article removes the ambiguity surrounding the GATS classification of digital services and provides a technical analysis that might guide this (heavily politicized) debate. Digitization principally impacts trade in services, enabling the widespread use of digital services and enabling cross-border supply of services on an unprecedented scale. It is the seemingly new nature of these services that has caused confusion and anxiety among WTO Members. It is therefore worthwhile to take a closer look at what these services entail and whether, from the perspective of the GATS, we are actually dealing with a new phenomenon. First, the concept of digital services is clarified. Second, the classification issue is studied. The classification of digital services within the existing WTO services classification has been contested by some Members, who have claimed that such ‘new’ digital services cannot be classified within the existing framework. This opinion is not shared by the author, as the technologically neutral nature of the GATS allows for all services to be covered by this Agreement. Therefore, the way in which services are supplied should not render the GATS inapplicable. Rather, classification of services within the GATS framework should be based on the function of the services. Third, the article applies the proposed approach for a consistent classification to several contested digital services. It entails a legal analysis of how digital services fit within the scope of the GATS and the existing services classification.
本文消除了围绕GATS数字服务分类的模糊性,并提供了可能指导这场(高度政治化的)辩论的技术分析。数字化主要影响服务贸易,使数字服务得到广泛使用,并使跨境服务供应达到前所未有的规模。正是这些服务的新性质引起了世贸组织成员的困惑和焦虑。因此,有必要更仔细地研究一下这些服务带来了什么,以及从服务贸易总协定的角度来看,我们是否实际上在处理一种新现象。首先,明确了数字服务的概念。其次,对分类问题进行了研究。数字服务在现有世贸组织服务分类中的分类受到一些成员的质疑,他们声称这种“新的”数字服务不能在现有框架内分类。作者不同意这一观点,因为服务贸易总协定的技术中立性质允许本协定涵盖所有服务。因此,提供服务的方式不应使服务贸易总协定不适用。相反,服务总协定框架内的服务分类应以服务的功能为基础。第三,本文将提出的方法应用于几个有争议的数字服务的一致分类。它需要对数字服务如何适应《服务贸易总协定》和现有服务分类的范围进行法律分析。
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引用次数: 7
The Revival of Economic Nationalism and the Global Trading System 经济民族主义的复兴与全球贸易体系
Pub Date : 2018-03-29 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3152299
I. Sheldon, William H. McGuire, D. Chow
The election of Donald J. Trump to the US Presidency coincided with the US adoption of an “America First” policy in trade. This policy reflects an underlying theory of economic nationalism that is fundamentally at odds with the current approach of the multilateral trading system established by the GATT/WTO. The current multilateral system is based on a “positive sum game” theory, i.e. the view that cooperative trade concessions can increase the volume of trade for all nations involved and result in reciprocal and mutual benefits. A large body of theoretical and empirical work, discussed and analyzed in this Article, supports the conclusion that the GATT/WTO system has historically achieved significantly increased trade volumes on both a multilateral and national scale since its creation at the end of the Second World War. By contrast, President Trump’s economic nationalism holds that trade is a “zero sum game” in which a gain in trade by one nation must be accompanied by a corresponding trade loss by another nation. Under the view of the current Administration, the US has often been the loser in the global trade deals of the GATT/WTO. The current Administration now seeks to dictate the terms of any future trade agreements so that the US wins at the expense of its trading partners, if necessary, in a zero sum game. The economic nationalism espoused by the current Administration, if unconstrained, could result in the dismantling of the current multilateral trading system leading to long-term negative, if not catastrophic, consequences for the world economy.
唐纳德·j·特朗普(Donald J. Trump)当选美国总统,恰逢美国在贸易方面采取“美国优先”政策。这一政策反映了一种潜在的经济民族主义理论,这种理论与关贸总协定/世贸组织建立的多边贸易制度目前的做法根本不一致。当前的多边体系是建立在“正和博弈”理论基础上的,即认为合作性的贸易减让可以增加所有参与国的贸易量,从而实现互惠互利。本文讨论和分析的大量理论和实证工作支持这样一个结论,即关贸总协定/世界贸易组织体系自第二次世界大战结束时创建以来,在多边和国家范围内实现了历史性的贸易额显著增长。相比之下,特朗普总统的经济民族主义认为,贸易是一场“零和游戏”,一个国家的贸易收益必然伴随着另一个国家相应的贸易损失。在现任政府看来,在关贸总协定/世贸组织的全球贸易协议中,美国经常是输家。现任政府现在试图决定未来任何贸易协定的条款,以便在必要时以牺牲其贸易伙伴为代价,在零和游戏中获胜。本届政府所支持的经济民族主义,如果不加以限制,可能导致当前多边贸易制度的瓦解,从而给世界经济带来长期的消极后果,如果不是灾难性的后果的话。
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引用次数: 6
Does Uncertainty Over Economic Policy Harm Trade, Foreign Investment, and Prosperity? 经济政策的不确定性会损害贸易、外国投资和繁荣吗?
Pub Date : 2018-01-18 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3169563
R. Król
This paper examines the impact of uncertainty about economic policy on US exports, imports, and direct foreign investment inflows. Uncertainty over domestic and international economic policy adversely affects the international ow of goods, services, and investment. When sunk costs are associated with acting, uncertainty about expected profits leads entrepreneurs to wait rather than act, reducing commerce domestically and internationally. A solution is for governments to commit to a set of rules that provides businesses with a predictable economic environment, reducing policy uncertainty. International organizations such as the World Trade Organization and agreements such as the North American Free Trade Agreement reduce policy uncertainty. The resulting positive effect on international commerce raises living standards in the United States and abroad.
本文考察了经济政策的不确定性对美国出口、进口和外国直接投资流入的影响。国内和国际经济政策的不确定性对商品、服务和投资的国际流动产生不利影响。当沉没成本与行动联系在一起时,对预期利润的不确定性导致企业家等待而不是行动,从而减少了国内和国际贸易。一个解决方案是政府承诺制定一套规则,为企业提供一个可预测的经济环境,减少政策的不确定性。世界贸易组织等国际组织和北美自由贸易协定等协议减少了政策的不确定性。由此产生的对国际贸易的积极影响提高了美国和其他国家的生活水平。
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引用次数: 11
Energy Trade in the MENA Region: Looking Beyond the Pan-Arab Electricity Market 中东和北非地区的能源贸易:超越泛阿拉伯电力市场
Pub Date : 2017-11-22 DOI: 10.1093/JWELB/JWX031
R. Leal-Arcas, Nelson Akondo, Juan Alemany Ríos
This article contributes to the debate on energy security within the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region by highlighting various aspects of the energy sector, specifically electricity and gas, which are relevant to the discussion on regional integration and their convergence with sustainable development. Development is not possible without energy and sustainable development is not possible without sustainable energy. The article discusses energy sustainability through the trading system and proposes regional trade agreements as means to further enhance peace and the energy security agenda of the region. The article makes the case that, to achieve security of energy supply, two main factors are important: diversification to minimize risk and regional cooperation. It is suggested that the MENA region should reduce or eliminate the technical barriers to energy trade. The article concludes with some recommendations on how to move forward.
本文通过强调能源部门的各个方面,特别是电力和天然气,为中东和北非(MENA)地区的能源安全辩论做出了贡献,这些方面与区域一体化及其与可持续发展的趋同的讨论有关。发展离不开能源,可持续发展离不开可持续能源。本文讨论了通过贸易体系实现能源可持续性,并提出了区域贸易协定作为进一步加强该地区和平与能源安全议程的手段。文章认为,要实现能源供应安全,有两个主要因素是重要的:多样化以尽量减少风险和区域合作。建议中东和北非地区应减少或消除能源贸易的技术壁垒。文章最后提出了一些关于如何向前发展的建议。
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引用次数: 10
Europe Taking the Lead in Responsible Globalisation 欧洲引领负责任的全球化
Pub Date : 2017-07-07 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3189721
K. Aiginger, Heinz Handler
Political opposition to globalisation has risen in industrialized countries, although the positive overall effects on the growth of the world economy and the alleviation of poverty are empirically verifiable. However, the effects of globalisation vary according to regions, professional groups, and education. In the period of intensive globalisation, unemployment and inequality have risen, and people feel their lives to be determined by forces they cannot influence. Since the many new challenges, such as climate protection, can be better solved by worldwide efforts, it is indispensable to avoid new national barriers and to strengthen the endorsement of globalisation and the concomitant welfare effects. However, it is also necessary to respect cultural differences in preferences and to view globalisation as a search and learning process. Instruments for the implementation of such a strategy may vary according to regional specifics. Social and ecological goals - gaining higher importance with rising per capita incomes - are well-represented in the European model, but for worldwide solutions other socio-economic models will offer preferences and solutions. Apart from the announced partial withdrawal of the United States from globalisation and the upcoming dominance of China in world affairs and large scale investment, Europe would be well-advised to take a greater responsibility if not the lead in determining the rules of globalisation. Based on an opinion-forming process within Europe, responsible globalisation can significantly improve the quality of life in Europe and its partners worldwide.
工业化国家对全球化的政治反对有所增加,尽管对世界经济增长和减轻贫穷的积极全面影响是可以从经验上证实的。然而,全球化的影响因地区、专业群体和教育而异。在密集的全球化时期,失业和不平等现象加剧,人们感到自己的生活被他们无法影响的力量所决定。由于许多新的挑战,如气候保护,可以通过全球努力更好地解决,因此避免新的国家壁垒和加强对全球化及其伴随的福利效应的认可是必不可少的。然而,也有必要尊重文化偏好的差异,并将全球化视为一个探索和学习的过程。执行这种战略的工具可能因区域具体情况而异。随着人均收入的增加,社会和生态目标的重要性越来越高,这在欧洲模式中得到了很好的体现,但对于全球解决方案,其他社会经济模式将提供偏好和解决方案。除了美国宣布部分退出全球化,以及中国即将在世界事务中占据主导地位和大规模投资之外,欧洲在决定全球化规则方面即使不是带头,也应该承担更大的责任。基于欧洲内部的舆论形成过程,负责任的全球化可以显著改善欧洲及其全球合作伙伴的生活质量。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
LSN: Trade Law (Topic)
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