In 1999, two colonels in the Chinese People’s Liberation Army published a book titled Unrestricted Warfare. The book explored the possibilities for a developing nation such as China to defeat a developed nation such as the United States. True to the literal Mandarin meaning of its title (“War Beyond Bounds�?), Unrestricted Warfare cogently illuminates the interconnectedness of the modern world, and hypothesizes strategies for making use of those connections to achieve political and military ends. This paper will explore those interconnections and their implications for global trade and human rights. It will be structured in parallel to the original work, but rather than examine military approaches, it will bend Unrestricted Warfare’s principles to the cause of international trade. It is the author’s hope that, much as Sun Tzu’s Art of War came to become a blueprint for modern corporate business culture, Unrestricted Warfare might serve as a map for navigating the economic environment of the coming century.
{"title":"Trade Beyond Boundaries: The Unrestricted Struggle Toward Humanitarian Global Trade","authors":"J. P. Nichols","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1619586","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1619586","url":null,"abstract":"In 1999, two colonels in the Chinese People’s Liberation Army published a book titled Unrestricted Warfare. The book explored the possibilities for a developing nation such as China to defeat a developed nation such as the United States. True to the literal Mandarin meaning of its title (“War Beyond Bounds�?), Unrestricted Warfare cogently illuminates the interconnectedness of the modern world, and hypothesizes strategies for making use of those connections to achieve political and military ends. This paper will explore those interconnections and their implications for global trade and human rights. It will be structured in parallel to the original work, but rather than examine military approaches, it will bend Unrestricted Warfare’s principles to the cause of international trade. It is the author’s hope that, much as Sun Tzu’s Art of War came to become a blueprint for modern corporate business culture, Unrestricted Warfare might serve as a map for navigating the economic environment of the coming century.","PeriodicalId":106035,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights & the Global Economy eJournal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120971199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The global debt crisis continues despite a number of efforts over the years to resolve it, and the purpose of this article is to assist in the campaign for debt relief by using international human rights law as basis for granting debt relief to debtor countries. The article begins with a brief account of international customs involving debt cancellation or ‘write-offs’ and examines whether such customs have evolved into general practice. It will then catalogue a number of international conventions pertaining to human rights. It continues by highlighting the adverse effects of the debt burden on the human rights of the people of debtor countries. Finally, the article will conclude that international human rights law presents a compelling argument for canceling sovereign debt. The article will not attempt to provide a precise mathematical equation for solving the debt crisis. Rather, it hopes to supply debtor and creditor nations with a human rights law perspective to arrive at consensual formulas for erasing, or at least reducing, the debt burden.
{"title":"Making Poverty History: A Human Rights Law Approach to External Debt","authors":"Raymond Pasiliao","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1497010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1497010","url":null,"abstract":"The global debt crisis continues despite a number of efforts over the years to resolve it, and the purpose of this article is to assist in the campaign for debt relief by using international human rights law as basis for granting debt relief to debtor countries. The article begins with a brief account of international customs involving debt cancellation or ‘write-offs’ and examines whether such customs have evolved into general practice. It will then catalogue a number of international conventions pertaining to human rights. It continues by highlighting the adverse effects of the debt burden on the human rights of the people of debtor countries. Finally, the article will conclude that international human rights law presents a compelling argument for canceling sovereign debt. The article will not attempt to provide a precise mathematical equation for solving the debt crisis. Rather, it hopes to supply debtor and creditor nations with a human rights law perspective to arrive at consensual formulas for erasing, or at least reducing, the debt burden.","PeriodicalId":106035,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights & the Global Economy eJournal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124933664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper discusses the Domestic Relations Bill which provides for equal rights between men and the women during marriage and its dissolution. The paper analyses the practice of polygamy which this Bill seeks to legitimize in support of the religious and cultural practices of the people of Uganda. This article examines the impact of polygamy on the women's rights in Uganda and also analyses the issue of cultural relativism and universalism in relation to the protection of the rights to religion and culture, against the right to equality.
{"title":"Polygamy in the Domestic Relations Bill 2003: A Barrier to the Women’s Human Rights in Uganda?","authors":"S. Nakitto","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1431948","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1431948","url":null,"abstract":"The paper discusses the Domestic Relations Bill which provides for equal rights between men and the women during marriage and its dissolution. The paper analyses the practice of polygamy which this Bill seeks to legitimize in support of the religious and cultural practices of the people of Uganda. This article examines the impact of polygamy on the women's rights in Uganda and also analyses the issue of cultural relativism and universalism in relation to the protection of the rights to religion and culture, against the right to equality.","PeriodicalId":106035,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights & the Global Economy eJournal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115485617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Current approaches to deal with gender issues in transitional justice suffer important limitations. This paper focuses on one of them. It outlines the consequences of limiting transitional justice strategies to civil and political rights in so far as gender dimensions of the conflict are concerned. The article argues that by narrowly focusing on violations of civil and political rights, transitional justice mechanisms gloss over important gender dimensions of the past conflict. Conflicts, their termination, as well as efforts of transitional justice are gendered. As Bell and O’Rourke argue, "matters that address underlying issues of discrimination, domination and improvement of physical, social and legal security particularly with regard to gender, are often addressed as secondary, or not at all." If it is true that women and girls are disproportionately affected by violations of ESCR - both during armed conflict and in peacetime - donor agencies, human rights organisations and governmental authorities must be convinced that narrow conceptions of what constitute human rights violations fail to meaningfully deal with women’s experiences in conflict.
{"title":"Gender and Conflict: Potential Gains of Civil Society Efforts to Include Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in Transitional Justice","authors":"E. Schmid","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1423410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1423410","url":null,"abstract":"Current approaches to deal with gender issues in transitional justice suffer important limitations. This paper focuses on one of them. It outlines the consequences of limiting transitional justice strategies to civil and political rights in so far as gender dimensions of the conflict are concerned. The article argues that by narrowly focusing on violations of civil and political rights, transitional justice mechanisms gloss over important gender dimensions of the past conflict. Conflicts, their termination, as well as efforts of transitional justice are gendered. As Bell and O’Rourke argue, \"matters that address underlying issues of discrimination, domination and improvement of physical, social and legal security particularly with regard to gender, are often addressed as secondary, or not at all.\" If it is true that women and girls are disproportionately affected by violations of ESCR - both during armed conflict and in peacetime - donor agencies, human rights organisations and governmental authorities must be convinced that narrow conceptions of what constitute human rights violations fail to meaningfully deal with women’s experiences in conflict.","PeriodicalId":106035,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights & the Global Economy eJournal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133251495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-05-14DOI: 10.1163/157181709x429132
L. Stevens
These days the use of pre-trial detention in Europe seems to be ever increasing. This is in spite of the fact that the the presumption of innocence tells authorities to be restrictive in pre-detaining suspects. It also seems contrary to the starting point of the European Court of Human Rights. Basing itself on the presumption of innocence the Court holds that a suspect should await his trial in freedom. For obvious reasons, the presumption of innocence and the European case-law are often invoked to either state that today's pre-trial detention practices are in violation of both presumption and case-law or to say that pre-trial detention practice should take them more into account. In this article however, I argue that the presumption of innocence has little operational value when trying to limit the use of pre-trial detention. Also, the case-law of the ECHR allows pre-trial detention to be used more than only reluctantly and even in a rather punitive way. This poses the question what then could be arguments to put a hold to the increasing use of pre-trial detention. But maybe, this is not the right question to ask. Practice and theory are starting to diverge considerably. Also, practice does not seem to be receptive to any arguments put forward by scholars. In the reality of the risk society we may have to accept that pre-trial detention is no longer an ultimum remedium. It is on the contrary a popular preventive instrument serving the purpose of security, and hence an intensively used one. Perhaps it would be more realistic and useful to start thinking about a new theoretical framework on pre-trial detention.
{"title":"Pre-Trial Detention: The Presumption of Innocence and Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights Cannot and Do Not Limit its Increasing Use","authors":"L. Stevens","doi":"10.1163/157181709x429132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/157181709x429132","url":null,"abstract":"These days the use of pre-trial detention in Europe seems to be ever increasing. This is in spite of the fact that the the presumption of innocence tells authorities to be restrictive in pre-detaining suspects. It also seems contrary to the starting point of the European Court of Human Rights. Basing itself on the presumption of innocence the Court holds that a suspect should await his trial in freedom. For obvious reasons, the presumption of innocence and the European case-law are often invoked to either state that today's pre-trial detention practices are in violation of both presumption and case-law or to say that pre-trial detention practice should take them more into account. In this article however, I argue that the presumption of innocence has little operational value when trying to limit the use of pre-trial detention. Also, the case-law of the ECHR allows pre-trial detention to be used more than only reluctantly and even in a rather punitive way. This poses the question what then could be arguments to put a hold to the increasing use of pre-trial detention. But maybe, this is not the right question to ask. Practice and theory are starting to diverge considerably. Also, practice does not seem to be receptive to any arguments put forward by scholars. In the reality of the risk society we may have to accept that pre-trial detention is no longer an ultimum remedium. It is on the contrary a popular preventive instrument serving the purpose of security, and hence an intensively used one. Perhaps it would be more realistic and useful to start thinking about a new theoretical framework on pre-trial detention.","PeriodicalId":106035,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights & the Global Economy eJournal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122370082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The global economic crisis places national economies under strain, and governments around the world may be tempted to support local producers and workers by putting in place protectionist policies. In spite of the formal G-20 promise to abstain from such steps, recent evidence shows that countries, including those from the G-20, have been introducing measures to the detriment of international trade and investment. Policies of this kind proved seriously harmful during the Great Depression of the 1930s. Today, the international legal landscape is markedly different but can it serve as an effective break on protectionism in crisis times? This article reviews relevant international disciplines in the areas of trade, investment and state aid and concludes that while the system will generally prevent protectionist policies, existing lacunae, ambiguous provisions and a lack of effective enforcement all indicate that it cannot be relied upon to provide a durable guarantee against economic nationalism, especially if the economic situation continues to deteriorate.
{"title":"Global Economic Crisis and the Danger of Protectionism: Does International Law Help?","authors":"S. Ripinsky","doi":"10.37974/ALF.69","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37974/ALF.69","url":null,"abstract":"The global economic crisis places national economies under strain, and governments around the world may be tempted to support local producers and workers by putting in place protectionist policies. In spite of the formal G-20 promise to abstain from such steps, recent evidence shows that countries, including those from the G-20, have been introducing measures to the detriment of international trade and investment. Policies of this kind proved seriously harmful during the Great Depression of the 1930s. Today, the international legal landscape is markedly different but can it serve as an effective break on protectionism in crisis times? This article reviews relevant international disciplines in the areas of trade, investment and state aid and concludes that while the system will generally prevent protectionist policies, existing lacunae, ambiguous provisions and a lack of effective enforcement all indicate that it cannot be relied upon to provide a durable guarantee against economic nationalism, especially if the economic situation continues to deteriorate.","PeriodicalId":106035,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights & the Global Economy eJournal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133699318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Whereas the European Union (EU) favors a formal, binding, output-oriented, and to some extent supranational approach to cooperation, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is based on informal, non-binding, process-oriented intergovernmental forms of cooperation. This article addresses the question of whether these differences between European and Asian cooperation norms or cultures can account for interregional cooperation problems in the areas of democracy and human rights within the institutional context of EU-ASEAN and the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM). The author argues that a clash of cooperation cultures basically occurs in both forms of interregional collaboration between Asia and Europe, with slight differences due to the institutional context: while disagreements over the question of democracy and human rights between the EU and ASEAN have led to a temporary and then a complete standstill in cooperation, the flexible institutional mechanisms of ASEM seem, at first glance, to mitigate the disruptive effects of such dialogues. Yet informality does not remove the issues from the agenda, as the recurrent disputes over Myanmar's participation and the nonintervention norm favored by the Asian side of ASEM clearly indicate. Antagonistic cooperation cultures thus play a significant role in explaining the obstructive nature of the interregional human rights and democracy dialogue between Asia and Europe.
{"title":"Democracy and Human Rights in the European-Asian Dialogue: A Clash of Cooperation Cultures?","authors":"Howard Loewen","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1324114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1324114","url":null,"abstract":"Whereas the European Union (EU) favors a formal, binding, output-oriented, and to some extent supranational approach to cooperation, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is based on informal, non-binding, process-oriented intergovernmental forms of cooperation. This article addresses the question of whether these differences between European and Asian cooperation norms or cultures can account for interregional cooperation problems in the areas of democracy and human rights within the institutional context of EU-ASEAN and the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM). The author argues that a clash of cooperation cultures basically occurs in both forms of interregional collaboration between Asia and Europe, with slight differences due to the institutional context: while disagreements over the question of democracy and human rights between the EU and ASEAN have led to a temporary and then a complete standstill in cooperation, the flexible institutional mechanisms of ASEM seem, at first glance, to mitigate the disruptive effects of such dialogues. Yet informality does not remove the issues from the agenda, as the recurrent disputes over Myanmar's participation and the nonintervention norm favored by the Asian side of ASEM clearly indicate. Antagonistic cooperation cultures thus play a significant role in explaining the obstructive nature of the interregional human rights and democracy dialogue between Asia and Europe.","PeriodicalId":106035,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights & the Global Economy eJournal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132932607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This Essay examines the forces pushing the presently varying forms of domestic constitutional law toward each other, and the sources of and forms of resistance to that globalization (or convergence, or harmonization). After a brief introduction sketching claims for the existence of a "post-war paradigm" of domestic constitutional law and competing claims about national exceptionalism, the Essay sketches the "top down" pressures for convergence - judicial networks and actions by transnational institutions, including transnational courts, international financial institutions, and transnational NGOs. It then turns to "bottom up" pressures, from domestic interests supporting local investments by foreign investment and high-level human capital and from lawyers engaged in transnational practice. A discussion of counterpressures from the supply side follows. These counterpressures include resistance from local interests, including authoritarian or semi-authoritarian political elites, and subtle but perhaps deliberate misunderstandings that can arise when superficially similar legal arrangements take on distinctive local meanings. The Essay discusses whether the mechanisms it identifies lead to a race to the "top," to the "bottom," or to some more variegated location. It concludes with a brief treatment of how the globalization of domestic constitutional law can be accommodated to local notions of separation of powers.
{"title":"The Inevitable Globalization of Constitutional Law","authors":"M. Tushnet","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1317766","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1317766","url":null,"abstract":"This Essay examines the forces pushing the presently varying forms of domestic constitutional law toward each other, and the sources of and forms of resistance to that globalization (or convergence, or harmonization). After a brief introduction sketching claims for the existence of a \"post-war paradigm\" of domestic constitutional law and competing claims about national exceptionalism, the Essay sketches the \"top down\" pressures for convergence - judicial networks and actions by transnational institutions, including transnational courts, international financial institutions, and transnational NGOs. It then turns to \"bottom up\" pressures, from domestic interests supporting local investments by foreign investment and high-level human capital and from lawyers engaged in transnational practice. A discussion of counterpressures from the supply side follows. These counterpressures include resistance from local interests, including authoritarian or semi-authoritarian political elites, and subtle but perhaps deliberate misunderstandings that can arise when superficially similar legal arrangements take on distinctive local meanings. The Essay discusses whether the mechanisms it identifies lead to a race to the \"top,\" to the \"bottom,\" or to some more variegated location. It concludes with a brief treatment of how the globalization of domestic constitutional law can be accommodated to local notions of separation of powers.","PeriodicalId":106035,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights & the Global Economy eJournal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121695621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although many contend that human rights law is a justification for intellectual property rights, precisely the opposite is true. Human rights law is far more a limit on intellectual property rights than a rationale for such regimes. In a variety of ways, human rights law requires states to take specific, concrete steps to limit the effects of intellectual property rights in order to protect international human rights. This powerful and emancipatory dimension of human rights law has unfortunately been overshadowed by those who claim human rights as a basis for granting exclusive rights.The U.N. Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights – the body created to monitor state compliance with the terms of an international treaty called the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights – is in the process of drafting a General Comment that will interpret the “right to take part in cultural life,” a right protected under Article 15(1)(a) of the treaty. This submission was designed to provide the Committee with an overview of some of the ways in which intellectual property rights can affect this right and what states may be required to do to protect the ability of individuals to participate in cultural life.
{"title":"Intellectual Property Rights and the Right to Participate in Cultural Life","authors":"Molly K. Land","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1475430","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1475430","url":null,"abstract":"Although many contend that human rights law is a justification for intellectual property rights, precisely the opposite is true. Human rights law is far more a limit on intellectual property rights than a rationale for such regimes. In a variety of ways, human rights law requires states to take specific, concrete steps to limit the effects of intellectual property rights in order to protect international human rights. This powerful and emancipatory dimension of human rights law has unfortunately been overshadowed by those who claim human rights as a basis for granting exclusive rights.The U.N. Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights – the body created to monitor state compliance with the terms of an international treaty called the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights – is in the process of drafting a General Comment that will interpret the “right to take part in cultural life,” a right protected under Article 15(1)(a) of the treaty. This submission was designed to provide the Committee with an overview of some of the ways in which intellectual property rights can affect this right and what states may be required to do to protect the ability of individuals to participate in cultural life.","PeriodicalId":106035,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights & the Global Economy eJournal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115482186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There is no denying that human rights NGOs play an increasingly significant role at the international scene, their contributions to the development of human rights docket (treaties, principles and standards) and active participation in the implementation of the bill of rights at national levels are testament to their ever growing importance. Yet, their position under international law is generally regarded as informal and unspecified. This article investigates the general legal status of NGOs under international law and, in particular, offers a progressive account of the rights, responsibilities and role of human rights NGOs. The article shows in the end show that while there are emerging norms on the status and roles of human rights NGOs, none, is conclusive or binding in a strict legal sense.
{"title":"A Synopsis: Rights, Responsibilities and Roles of Human Rights NGOs under International Law","authors":"I. Ajibade","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1300103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1300103","url":null,"abstract":"There is no denying that human rights NGOs play an increasingly significant role at the international scene, their contributions to the development of human rights docket (treaties, principles and standards) and active participation in the implementation of the bill of rights at national levels are testament to their ever growing importance. Yet, their position under international law is generally regarded as informal and unspecified. This article investigates the general legal status of NGOs under international law and, in particular, offers a progressive account of the rights, responsibilities and role of human rights NGOs. The article shows in the end show that while there are emerging norms on the status and roles of human rights NGOs, none, is conclusive or binding in a strict legal sense.","PeriodicalId":106035,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights & the Global Economy eJournal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116707315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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