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Introduction: The American Occupation Of Iraq By 2006 And The Search For A New Strategy Timothy Andrews Sayle And Hal Brands 《2006年美国占领伊拉克和寻找新战略》蒂莫西·安德鲁斯·塞尔和哈尔·布兰兹著
Pub Date : 2019-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/9781501715204-002
T. Sayle, H. Brands
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter
Pub Date : 2019-09-15 DOI: 10.1515/9781501715204-fm
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引用次数: 0
Together Forward? 在一起?
Pub Date : 2019-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501715181.003.0004
This chapter examines debates over US policy in the summer of 2006, focusing particularly on the unhappy results of military efforts to tamp down violence in Baghdad. Two major military operations—Operations Together Forward I and II—were launched, intended, as the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Peter Pace, recalled, to “begin the process of turning over the battlefield responsibilities to the Iraqi armed forces.” Both were clear disappointments, however, revealing how unprepared Iraqi forces were to assume responsibility for their country's security. Iraqi forces themselves were, in the words of the National Security Council's Meghan O'Sullivan, “perpetuating acts of sectarian violence” and were “as much part of the problem as they are a solution to the problem.” Throughout the summer, NSC staff thus sought to press the Iraq country team for a review of Iraq strategy, and pushed the president to ask General George Casey, commander of Multi-National Force Iraq (MNF-I), harder questions about where the current approach was leading. However, MNF-I and the US Embassy in Iraq continued to champion existing plans, believing that the existing strategy merely required more time.
本章考察了2006年夏天关于美国政策的争论,特别关注了军事力量在巴格达镇压暴力的不愉快结果。两个主要的军事行动——“共同前进行动”和“共同前进行动”启动了,正如参谋长联席会议主席彼得·佩斯回忆的那样,旨在“开始将战场责任移交给伊拉克武装部队的过程”。然而,这两项行动都明显令人失望,这表明伊拉克军队在承担国家安全责任方面准备不足。用美国国家安全委员会(National Security Council)的梅根·奥沙利文(Meghan O'Sullivan)的话来说,伊拉克军队本身“延续了宗派暴力行为”,“既是问题的一部分,也是问题的解决方案”。整个夏天,国家安全委员会的工作人员都在敦促伊拉克国家小组重新审议伊拉克战略,并敦促总统向驻伊拉克多国部队(多国部队)司令乔治·凯西将军(George Casey)提出有关当前做法走向何方的更棘手的问题。然而,多国部队和美国驻伊拉克大使馆继续支持现有的计划,认为现有的战略只是需要更多的时间。
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引用次数: 0
Silos and Stovepipes 筒仓和烟囱
Pub Date : 2019-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501715181.003.0005
This chapter assesses how, by late August and into the early fall of 2006, the internal impetus for change was growing stronger across the government. The core premises of the National Strategy for Victory in Iraq (NSVI) were no longer tenable. These officials also worried that Washington had only limited time to make a course correction before the violence in Iraq spiraled out of control. The chapter then details a low-profile but intensive effort by National Security Council (NSC) staff to review US options. Some officials believed it was necessary to increase US forces in Iraq as part of an overall change in strategy. Whether or not any such forces were available was another question entirely, and so the NSC staff undertook a clandestine effort within the US bureaucracy to calculate just how many additional troops might be available. It was a remarkable aspect of the Iraq strategy debate that so little of these policy discussions leaked to the public, or were even known to those involved in parallel strategy reviews.
本章评估了从2006年8月底到初秋,政府内部变革的动力是如何变得越来越强的。《伊拉克胜利国家战略》的核心前提不再站得住脚。这些官员还担心,在伊拉克的暴力局势失控之前,华盛顿做出调整的时间有限。然后,本章详细介绍了国家安全委员会(NSC)工作人员为审查美国的选择而进行的低调但密集的努力。一些官员认为,作为整体战略改变的一部分,有必要增加驻伊美军。是否有这样的部队完全是另一个问题,因此国家安全委员会的工作人员在美国官僚机构内部进行了一次秘密努力,以计算可能有多少额外的部队可用。伊拉克战略辩论的一个值得注意的方面是,这些政策讨论很少泄露给公众,甚至那些参与并行战略审查的人也不知道。
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引用次数: 0
The Bush Administration’s Decision to Surge in Iraq 布什政府向伊拉克增兵的决定
Pub Date : 2019-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501715181.003.0016
R. Immerman
This chapter argues—using the Eisenhower administration as a model of peacetime national security decision making—that the surge decision-making process displayed by the oral histories was idiosyncratic, excessively compartmentalized, and profoundly flawed. No president since Dwight D. Eisenhower has fully adopted his model, and each has tailored procedures appropriate for his needs. The Bush process had to take into account his lack of expertise in military affairs, an increasingly polarized political climate, the legacy of the Vietnam War, the proliferation of leaks of sensitive information in the new media age, the resistance of the uniformed military leadership, and most important, Rumsfeld. Administration insiders argue that for these reasons Bush jettisoned fundamental tenets of Eisenhower's system in an effort to make a virtue out of necessity. Yet the evidence suggests that Eisenhower's best practices are just that—best practices. It further suggests that their rigorous application would have benefited Bush's process by expediting the instigation of a comprehensive review, co-opting opponents of a change in strategy, mitigating politicization, facilitating the exchange of information and advice, and accelerating implementation.
本章以艾森豪威尔政府作为和平时期国家安全决策的典范,认为口述历史所显示的增兵决策过程是特殊的,过度划分的,并且存在严重缺陷。自德怀特·d·艾森豪威尔(Dwight D. Eisenhower)以来,没有一位总统完全采用了他的模式,每位总统都根据自己的需要量身定制了适合自己的程序。布什的进程必须考虑到他在军事事务方面缺乏专业知识、日益两极分化的政治气候、越南战争的遗留问题、新媒体时代敏感信息泄露的扩散、穿制服的军事领导层的抵制,以及最重要的拉姆斯菲尔德。政府内部人士认为,出于这些原因,布什放弃了艾森豪威尔体制的基本原则,试图在必要的情况下树立美德。然而,有证据表明,艾森豪威尔的最佳做法只是最佳做法。报告进一步指出,严格执行这些条款将有利于布什的进程,因为它可以加快推动全面审查,吸收反对改变战略的人,减轻政治化,促进信息和建议的交流,并加快实施。
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引用次数: 0
Contributors 贡献者
Pub Date : 2019-09-15 DOI: 10.1515/9781501715204-023
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引用次数: 0
16. The President As Policy Entrepreneur: George W. Bush And The 2006 Iraq Strategy Review 16. 作为政策企业家的总统:乔治·w·布什和2006年伊拉克战略评估
Pub Date : 2019-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/9781501715204-018
C. Dueck
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引用次数: 0
Index 指数
Pub Date : 2019-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/9781501715204-024
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引用次数: 0
What Kind of Surge? 什么样的激增?
Pub Date : 2019-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501715181.003.0009
This chapter addresses how, even by late December of 2006, just what the surge would mean in terms of the number and timing of troop deployments remained uncertain. It describes the trip by the new secretary of defense, Robert Gates, to Iraq, his recommendations regarding the surge, and the deliberations by the president and his advisors as to just what means would be available for a new American strategy. By January, however, as Bush publicly announced the change of direction, he had made the crucial decisions to adopt a new counterinsurgency strategy, which included committing up to five brigades, enlarging the overall size of the Army and Marine Corps, and appointing a new country team for Iraq—David Petraeus as commander, Multi-National Force Iraq (MNF-I), and Ryan Crocker as ambassador. Moreover, the president had largely unified the executive branch—which had just recently been riven by disagreement on Iraq—in support of this new strategy. By January, recalls Stephen Hadley, the president had “brought his national security team on board; he's brought his military on board; and he's got a strategy... The effect the president wanted to achieve has been achieved.” The surge had been ordered.
本章讨论的是,即使到2006年12月底,就部队部署的数量和时间而言,增兵意味着什么仍不确定。报告描述了新任国防部长罗伯特·盖茨对伊拉克的访问,他对增兵的建议,以及总统和他的顾问们就美国新战略的可行手段进行的讨论。然而,到1月,布什公开宣布改变方向时,他已经做出了采取新的反叛乱战略的关键决定,其中包括派遣多达5个旅,扩大陆军和海军陆战队的总体规模,并任命一个新的伊拉克国家小组——大卫·彼得雷乌斯为指挥官,多国部队伊拉克(MNF-I),瑞安·克罗克为大使。此外,总统已经在很大程度上统一了行政部门,支持这一新战略,而行政部门最近还因为在伊拉克问题上的分歧而四分五裂。斯蒂芬·哈德利(Stephen Hadley)回忆说,到1月份,总统“让他的国家安全团队加入进来;他把他的军队带到了船上;他有一个策略…总统想要达到的效果已经实现了。”增兵的命令已经下达。
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引用次数: 0
This Strategy Is Not Working 这种策略行不通
Pub Date : 2019-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501715181.003.0003
This chapter discusses the Samarra bombing and the resulting debates over its significance. The winter and spring of 2006 was a time of conflicting signals and conflicting efforts in Washington. Some officials began to believe that the strategy in Iraq was not working. The predominant view in the intelligence community, according to David Gordon, vice chairman of the National Intelligence Council, was that “we were transitioning into something very different, that we were really transitioning from insurgency to a civil war.” Around the same time, the failings of the US mission in Iraq led a number of retired generals to publicly call for the ouster of Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. Unknown to its advocates, the public “Revolt of the Generals” actually undermined ongoing, internal efforts to replace the secretary of defense—and thus, ironically, delayed rather than accelerated a review of strategy in Iraq. Meanwhile, efforts from within government to rethink US strategy remained nascent and largely disconnected. The successful seating of the Iraqi government and a new prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, and the success of US forces in locating and killing Sunni militant Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, undercut arguments that the war was failing, and in particular derailed efforts to kick off a major strategy review beginning with a high-level meeting at Camp David in June of 2006.
本章讨论了萨迈拉爆炸事件以及由此引发的关于其重要性的争论。2006年冬春两季,华盛顿发出了相互矛盾的信号,做出了相互矛盾的努力。一些官员开始相信,在伊拉克的战略没有奏效。据美国国家情报委员会(National intelligence Council)副主席戴维·戈登(David Gordon)说,情报界的主流观点是,“我们正在过渡到一种非常不同的局面,我们真的正在从叛乱过渡到内战。”大约在同一时间,美国在伊拉克任务的失败导致一些退休将军公开呼吁国防部长唐纳德·拉姆斯菲尔德下台。其拥护者并不知道,公众的“将军们的反抗”实际上破坏了正在进行的内部更换国防部长的努力,因此,具有讽刺意味的是,推迟而不是加速了对伊拉克战略的审查。与此同时,美国政府内部重新思考美国战略的努力仍处于起步阶段,而且在很大程度上是脱节的。伊拉克政府和新总理努里·马利基(Nouri al-Maliki)的成功就职,以及美军成功定位并击毙逊尼派激进分子阿布·穆萨布·扎卡维(Abu Musab al-Zarqawi),削弱了这场战争正在失败的说法,尤其是2006年6月戴维营(Camp David)高层会议启动重大战略评估的努力受到了阻碍。
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引用次数: 0
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The Last Card
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