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Assessing Performance 评估性能
Pub Date : 2019-10-10 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190870829.003.0012
K. Banting, J. Nagel, Chelsea Schafer, D. Westlake
This chapter asks whether standard theories of differences between Canada and the United States (U.S.) can explain disparities in critical social and political outcomes in the two countries. On six measures of system performance (homicides, infant mortality, poverty, economic inequality, voter turnout, and women legislators) Canada consistently delivers far better outcomes than the U.S., but examination of subnational variation reveals a more complex pattern. Most indicators differ more among U.S. states than among Canadian provinces. Within the U.S., outcomes in the northern tier of states usually resemble those in neighboring Canada more closely than they do the rest of the U.S., especially the South, which performs worst by every measure. Standard institutional and cultural theories of differences between the countries cannot explain regional variation within the U.S. nor the similarity of Northern Border states to Canada. Although obvious differences between Canadian and U.S. political institutions help account for greater homogeneity among provinces, explaining the overall pattern may require invoking such causes as climate, ethnic diversity, size of political units, and subnational political cultures.
本章探讨加拿大和美国之间差异的标准理论是否可以解释两国在关键社会和政治结果上的差异。在六项系统绩效指标(凶杀率、婴儿死亡率、贫困、经济不平等、选民投票率和女性立法者)上,加拿大的表现一直比美国好得多,但对次国家差异的研究揭示了一个更复杂的模式。大多数指标在美国各州之间的差异大于加拿大各省之间的差异。在美国国内,北部各州的教育结果通常与邻国加拿大的教育结果更为相似,而不是美国其他地区,尤其是以各项指标衡量都表现最差的南部各州。关于国家之间差异的标准制度和文化理论不能解释美国内部的地区差异,也不能解释北部边境各州与加拿大的相似性。尽管加拿大和美国政治制度之间的明显差异有助于解释各省之间更大的同质性,但解释总体模式可能需要援引气候、种族多样性、政治单位规模和次国家政治文化等原因。
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引用次数: 139
Bureaucratic Influence and Policymaking 官僚影响和政策制定
Pub Date : 2019-10-10 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190870829.003.0005
John R. McAndrews, B. Rockman, Colin F. Campbell
This chapter examines the influence that senior career officials in the bureaucracy have on the policy decisions that politicians make. It argues that institutional differences tend to facilitate more bureaucratic influence in Canada than in the United States (U.S.). Furthermore, it contends that the greater the influence of these career bureaucrats on the policy formulation process, the more carefully policy alternatives are considered—and, ultimately, the better the selected policy tends to perform overall. The chapter illustrates these arguments with a pair of historical vignettes concerning Canadian and American defense and environmental policymaking, as well as examples drawn from the Obama and Trump administrations and the Harper and Trudeau governments. It concludes with a discussion of the growing cross-national trend toward the politicization of the career bureaucracy.
本章考察了官僚机构中高级职业官员对政治家做出的政策决定的影响。报告认为,制度差异在加拿大比在美国更容易产生官僚主义影响。此外,该研究还认为,这些职业官僚在政策制定过程中的影响力越大,对政策选择的考虑就越仔细——最终,所选择的政策总体上往往表现得越好。本章用两段关于加拿大和美国国防和环境政策制定的历史片段,以及奥巴马和特朗普政府、哈珀和特鲁多政府的例子来说明这些论点。文章最后讨论了职业官僚机构日益政治化的跨国趋势。
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引用次数: 0
Political Culture and Values 政治文化与价值观
Pub Date : 2019-10-10 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190870829.003.0002
R. Dalton
A long intellectual tradition links the different historical experiences in Canada and the United States (U.S.) to continuing contrasts in their political cultures. New evidence from contemporary public opinion polls highlights more cultural similarities between nations than differences. In broad value priorities, Canadians and Americans are more similar to each other than to the citizens in most other advanced industrial democracies. Feelings of national identity and trust in government are also strikingly similar across these two nations. The norms of good citizenship are very comparable. And perhaps most surprising of all, images of the appropriate role of government overlap substantially. In short, the rhetoric of cultural differences is less apparent in the reality of public opinion surveys.
悠久的思想传统将加拿大和美国不同的历史经历与两国政治文化的持续差异联系在一起。当代民意调查的新证据表明,国与国之间的文化相似性大于差异。在广泛的价值优先事项上,加拿大人和美国人更相似,而不是与大多数其他发达工业民主国家的公民相似。这两个国家的民族认同感和对政府的信任也惊人地相似。好公民的标准是非常相似的。也许最令人惊讶的是,政府适当角色的形象在很大程度上重叠。简而言之,文化差异的修辞在民意调查的现实中不太明显。
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引用次数: 1
Lessons of Comparison 比较的教训
Pub Date : 2019-10-10 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190870829.003.0013
P. Quirk
This concluding chapter synthesizes the main lessons of the book. Overall, the book suggests that effects of institutions—including those of parliamentary versus presidential or separation-of-powers systems—are contingent on other political circumstances, especially the state of the political party system, and yet that these effects will often shape important outcomes. The chapter reviews the book’s comparisons between the United States (U.S.) and Canada on political values and culture; electoral and party systems; executive leadership and legislative processes; bureaucratic influence; and federalism. It then reviews the comparisons of several policy areas—economic policy, environmental policy (climate change); social policy (healthcare); morality policy (abortion and gay rights); and diversity and inclusion (immigration and civil rights)—and of selected societal outcomes. It discusses the Trump presidency as both an indication and a cause of deterioration in American political institutions, and closes by considering the challenges facing both the U.S. and Canadian political systems.
这最后一章综合了这本书的主要教训。总的来说,这本书表明,制度的影响——包括议会制与总统制或三权分立制度的影响——取决于其他政治环境,尤其是政党制度的状况,然而这些影响往往会影响重要的结果。这一章回顾了本书对美国和加拿大在政治价值观和文化方面的比较;选举和政党制度;行政领导和立法程序;官僚主义的影响;和联邦制。然后回顾了几个政策领域的比较——经济政策、环境政策(气候变化);社会政策(保健);道德政策(堕胎和同性恋权利);多样性和包容性(移民和公民权利)——以及选定的社会结果。它将特朗普总统任期作为美国政治制度恶化的迹象和原因进行了讨论,并以考虑美国和加拿大政治制度面临的挑战作为结束。
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引用次数: 0
Executive Leadership and the Legislative Process 行政领导和立法程序
Pub Date : 2019-10-10 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190870829.003.0004
J. Malloy, P. Quirk
This chapter examines executive leadership and the legislative process in the United States (U.S.) and Canada. The U.S. has a separation-of-powers or presidential system while Canada has a parliamentary system. The constitutional differences do not produce predictable differences in policymaking performance, but they have crucial consequences in interaction with other political conditions. In particular, their effects depend heavily on variable conditions of the two countries’ electoral and political party systems. To explore these effects, the chapter distinguishes two major aspects of policymaking performance: (1) ideological direction and change and (2) policy competence. Over the long run, both systems have tended toward moderation and incrementalism. Canada has probably had an advantage with respect to competence. In recent years, developments in the respective party systems have challenged the long-term moderation of Canadian policymaking and have produced gridlock and episodes of serious incompetence in the U.S.
本章考察了美国和加拿大的行政领导和立法程序。美国是三权分立或总统制,而加拿大是议会制。宪法上的差异不会在决策表现上产生可预见的差异,但在与其他政治条件的相互作用中,它们会产生至关重要的后果。特别是,它们的影响在很大程度上取决于两国选举和政党制度的可变条件。为了探讨这些影响,本章区分了政策制定绩效的两个主要方面:(1)意识形态方向和变化;(2)政策能力。从长期来看,这两个体系都倾向于温和和渐进。加拿大在能力方面可能有优势。近年来,两党体制的发展挑战了加拿大政策制定的长期稳健,并在美国造成了僵局和严重无能的事件
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引用次数: 0
Economic Policy 经济政策
Pub Date : 2019-08-22 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190870829.003.0007
W. Keech, W. Scarth
This chapter identifies the differing policies and outcomes that Canadians and Americans have pursued with respect to economic growth, stabilization, and income distribution, and it analyzes several factors that can partially explain why divergent policy choices have emerged. The United States (U.S.) has recorded better productivity growth, while Canada has achieved a more sustainable fiscal policy, a less fragile financial sector, and more generous distributional policies. These contrasting outcomes are related to differences in size and geography, in political culture, and in political institutions. The analysis also considers how much it may be possible for each country’s policymakers to benefit from the other’s experiences. While identifying some lessons in this regard, the authors conclude that the sheer difference in the size of the two economies affects which economic policies can be expected to be effective. As a result, it is concluded that convergence in economic policymaking will remain somewhat limited.
本章确定了加拿大人和美国人在经济增长、稳定和收入分配方面所追求的不同政策和结果,并分析了几个可以部分解释为什么出现不同政策选择的因素。美国取得了更好的生产率增长,而加拿大实现了更可持续的财政政策、不那么脆弱的金融部门和更慷慨的分配政策。这些截然不同的结果与大小和地理、政治文化和政治制度的差异有关。该分析还考虑了两国决策者从对方经验中获益的可能性。在确定这方面的一些经验教训的同时,作者得出结论,两个经济体规模的绝对差异影响了哪些经济政策可以预期有效。因此,得出的结论是,经济政策制定的趋同将在一定程度上受到限制。
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引用次数: 0
Healthcare 医疗保健
Pub Date : 2019-08-22 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190870829.003.0010
A. Maioni, T. Marmor
The differences and similarities in health policy between the United States (U.S.) and Canada provide useful examples of how political institutions can shape democratic governance. These institutions have shaped both the obstacles to rapid welfare state expansion and the nature of the political reform coalitions that have been able to break through those obstacles. This chapter explores contending explanations of welfare state development, and then develops an institutional approach with which to parse though crucial differences between the U.S. and Canadian welfare states, and policy evolution in their healthcare systems. The chapter focuses on the role that political institutions have played in influencing national policy choices and in explaining policy differences between the U.S. and Canada. This comparison also bridges institutionalist theories with a more nuanced understanding of the way in which institutional arrangements interact with parties, policies, and welfare state outcomes.
美国和加拿大在卫生政策方面的异同为政治体制如何影响民主治理提供了有益的例子。这些机构既形成了福利国家快速扩张的障碍,也形成了能够突破这些障碍的政治改革联盟的性质。本章探讨了福利国家发展的争议解释,然后发展了一种制度方法,用来分析美国和加拿大福利国家之间的关键差异,以及他们的医疗保健系统的政策演变。本章的重点是政治制度在影响国家政策选择和解释美国和加拿大之间的政策差异方面所发挥的作用。这种比较也将制度主义理论与制度安排与政党、政策和福利国家结果相互作用的方式更细致地理解联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
Managing Diversity 管理多样性
Pub Date : 2019-08-22 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190870829.003.0011
I. Bloemraad, D. Provine
Comparing the United States (U.S.) and Canadian responses to immigration in the context of each country’s civil rights struggles underscores the importance of history, geography, demography, and institutional structures in determining law and policy. Civil rights in the U.S. required a civil war over slavery and created an important role for courts to interpret constitutional mandates of equal treatment. Constitutionally enshrined individual rights came late to Canada and change occurred often through piecemeal legislative and bureaucratic action rather than litigation. Such differences in the trajectory of rights influence differences in immigration policy: active support and management of entry and integration in Canada versus an ambiguous welcome and laissez-faire incorporation in the U.S. Looking to the future, the political system and contentious views on immigration make policymaking difficult in the U.S., while Canadian policymakers enjoy more public support and flexibility as they take on the challenges and opportunities of immigration.
比较美国和加拿大在各自国家民权斗争的背景下对移民的反应,强调了历史、地理、人口和制度结构在决定法律和政策方面的重要性。美国的民权运动需要一场针对奴隶制的内战,并为法院在解释宪法规定的平等待遇方面发挥了重要作用。宪法规定的个人权利在加拿大来得很晚,改变往往是通过零敲碎打的立法和官僚行为而不是诉讼来实现的。这种权利轨迹的差异影响了移民政策的差异:加拿大积极支持和管理移民进入和融入,而美国则是模棱两可的欢迎和自由放任的融入。展望未来,美国的政治体制和有争议的移民观点使政策制定变得困难,而加拿大的政策制定者在应对移民挑战和机遇时享有更多的公众支持和灵活性。
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引用次数: 0
Environmental Policy 环境政策
Pub Date : 2019-08-22 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780190870829.003.0008
K. Harrison
Although Canada and the United States (U.S.) have a special responsibility to act on climate change given per capita greenhouse gas emissions among the highest in the world, both have repeatedly failed to meet their domestic emissions targets. Their failure ultimately reflects the formidable political challenge of transforming economies heavily reliant on fossil fuels, which prompts opposition from both emissions-intensive industries and voters resistant to higher energy prices. Efforts to mitigate climate change have been undertaken in fits and starts, with leadership flipping between the U.S. and Canada as center-left leaders have exercised institutional points of leverage available to them. However, Democratic presidents’ efforts have been stymied by Republican successors, while Canadian governments’ efforts have been undermined by concerns about competitiveness with the U.S. That challenge looms large once again as Canada has pledged to meet its target under the Paris Agreement despite Donald Trump’s reversal of the U.S. commitment.
尽管加拿大和美国在应对气候变化方面负有特殊责任,因为两国的人均温室气体排放量是世界上最高的,但两国一再未能实现其国内排放目标。它们的失败最终反映了转型严重依赖化石燃料的经济体所面临的巨大政治挑战,这既引发了排放密集型行业的反对,也引发了反对能源价格上涨的选民的反对。缓解气候变化的努力断断续续地进行着,随着中左翼领导人利用他们可以利用的制度优势,领导权在美国和加拿大之间交替。然而,民主党总统的努力受到了共和党继任者的阻碍,而加拿大政府的努力也受到了对美国竞争力的担忧的影响。尽管唐纳德·特朗普推翻了美国的承诺,但加拿大已承诺实现其在《巴黎协定》下的目标,这一挑战再次凸显出来。
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引用次数: 1
Federalism 联邦制
Pub Date : 2019-08-22 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190870829.003.0006
Richard Simeon, B. Radin
The federal systems of Canada and the United States (U.S.) are difficult to define both individually and in comparative terms. They are similar in some ways yet very different in others. They have employed different strategies to deal with issues, diverse populations, and political structures. At the same time, both have relied on their constitutions to respond to change. Their strategies have moved between conflict and collaboration to attempt to support principles of democracy at different points in their historical development. Federalisms are highly variable; each is sui generis. Few if any generalizations about them are very robust. If this is true, then we have two quite different models to describe and explain. The task, then, is to understand how and in what ways they are similar and ask what common factors might explain why; and to understand the differences, and explain them.
加拿大和美国的联邦制度无论是单独定义还是比较定义都是困难的。它们在某些方面相似,但在另一些方面却截然不同。他们采用了不同的策略来处理不同的问题、不同的人口和政治结构。与此同时,两国都依靠各自的宪法来应对变化。它们的战略在冲突与合作之间转换,试图在其历史发展的不同阶段支持民主原则。联邦制是高度可变的;每一个都是独一无二的。很少有关于它们的概括是非常可靠的。如果这是真的,那么我们就有两个完全不同的模型来描述和解释。因此,我们的任务是了解它们是如何相似的,以及在哪些方面相似,并询问哪些共同因素可以解释为什么相似;理解差异,并解释它们。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Current Politics and Economics of the United States, Canada, and Mexico
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