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The Big March: Migratory Flows after the Partition of India 大游行:印度分治后的移民流动
Pub Date : 2008-04-23 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1124093
P. Bharadwaj, A. Khwaja, Atif R. Mian
The partition of India in 1947 along ostensibly religious lines into India, Pakistan, and what eventually became Bangladesh resulted in one of the largest and most rapid migrations in human history. We compile district level census data from archives to quantify the scale of migratory flows across the sub-continent. We estimate total migratory inflows of 14.5 million and outflows of 17.9 million, implying 3.4 million "missing" people. We also uncover a substantial degree of regional variability. Flows were much larger along the western border, higher in cities and areas close to the border, and dependent heavily on the size of the "minority" religious group. The migratory flows also display a "relative replacement effect" with in-migrants moving to places that saw greater out-migration.
1947年,印度沿着表面上的宗教界线分裂为印度、巴基斯坦和最终成为孟加拉国的地区,这导致了人类历史上规模最大、速度最快的移民之一。我们从档案中汇编了地区一级的人口普查数据,以量化整个次大陆的移民流动规模。我们估计移民流入总数为1450万,流出总数为1790万,这意味着340万“失踪”人口。我们还发现了相当程度的区域差异。西部边境地区的移民流量要大得多,靠近边境的城市和地区的移民流量更高,并且严重依赖于“少数民族”宗教团体的规模。移民流动也显示出一种“相对替代效应”,即迁入者迁移到迁出者较多的地方。
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引用次数: 80
What Makes Ethics Practical 什么使伦理学具有实用性
Kenneth I. Winston
The place of ethics in the curriculum of schools of public management and policy is not a settled matter. One common approach, called applied ethics, relies primarily on the work of academic philosophers and follows a two-stage process: first, work out the guiding principles (in the academy, where one is protected from worldly pressures), then apply them to the real world (where they are inevitably compromised). This essay defends an alternative approach, practical ethics, which follows John Dewey’s admonition to be guided by problems of life and practice, rather than academic disputes or disciplinary methods. The essay identifies the basic features of practical ethics, and proposes an agenda for future research. It emphasizes, above all, that practical ethics is strategic and depends crucially on the ability to exercise contingent judgment. Practical ethics takes into account the powers, opportunities, and constraints, as well as the interests (including moral interests), of human agents in particular circumstances. The picture of practical reasoning is thus at odds with the prevailing approach. The essay also addresses the peculiar position of the classroom teacher of ethics, who is not confronted by ineluctable features of real decision making, including the necessity to act and the contingencies involved in acting both effectively and well. Suggestions are offered on how the teaching of practical ethics can be improved.
伦理在公共管理和政策学院课程中的地位并不是一个确定的问题。一种被称为应用伦理学的常见方法,主要依赖于学院派哲学家的工作,并遵循两个阶段的过程:首先,制定指导原则(在学院里,人们免受世俗压力的影响),然后将它们应用于现实世界(在现实世界中,它们不可避免地会受到损害)。这篇文章捍卫了另一种方法,实践伦理学,它遵循了约翰·杜威的告诫,要以生活和实践问题为指导,而不是学术争议或学科方法。本文指出了实践伦理学的基本特征,并提出了未来研究的议程。最重要的是,它强调实践伦理是战略性的,关键取决于运用偶然判断的能力。实践伦理学考虑了特定情况下人类行为主体的权力、机会和约束,以及利益(包括道德利益)。因此,实践推理的图景与流行的方法不一致。这篇文章还讨论了道德课堂教师的特殊地位,他们没有面对真正决策的不可避免的特征,包括行动的必要性和有效而良好地行动所涉及的偶然性。并就如何改进实践伦理教学提出了建议。
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引用次数: 6
What are Human Rights? Human Rights as Membership Rights in the Global Order 什么是人权?人权是全球秩序中的成员权利
Pub Date : 2008-02-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1083719
Mathias Risse
Why do we have human rights? What ought to be the function of such rights in the global order, and to what extent does this help define what they are? Who needs to do what to realize these rights? In response to such questions this paper develops a conception of human rights that thinks of them as membership rights in the global order. Human rights are derived from contingent but relatively abiding political and economic arrangements. This conception has some intuitive disadvantages, but makes clear how human rights can be of genuinely global relevance; can explain why the language of rights (rather than goals or values) is appropriate here in the first place; derives human rights from relatively simple foundations; and can account of the range of disagreement that persists about precisely what should count as a human right.
为什么我们要有人权?这些权利在全球秩序中应该发挥什么作用,这在多大程度上有助于界定它们是什么?谁需要做什么来实现这些权利?针对这些问题,本文提出了一种人权概念,认为人权是全球秩序中的成员权利。人权来源于偶然但相对持久的政治和经济安排。这一概念有一些直观的缺点,但清楚地表明人权如何能够真正具有全球相关性;能够解释为什么权利的语言(而不是目标或价值观)在这里是合适的;从相对简单的基础推导出人权;并且可以解释关于什么应该被视为人权的分歧范围。
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引用次数: 5
Impact of For-Profit and Non-Profit Management on Student Achievement: The Philadelphia Experiment 盈利性和非盈利性管理对学生成绩的影响:费城实验
Pub Date : 2007-11-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1019024
P. Peterson, Matthew M. Chingos
Using individual student test-score data from the School District of Philadelphia, we estimated the impact of for-profit and non-profit school management on student achievement by tracking the performance of students in math and reading from 2001 to 2006. After four years, the average student at schools managed by for-profit firms learned roughly two-thirds of a year more in math than would be expected had the schools remained under district management. However, the positive impact of for-profit management on average reading gains was smaller and not statistically significant. For non-profits, we found mainly negative impacts on student performance in both math and reading, but none were statistically significant. Treatment effects were identified using a quasi-experimental research design known as "difference-in-differences" analysis. We used as a control group the 71 schools under regular district management at which students were performing below the district median.
利用来自费城学区的学生个人考试成绩数据,我们通过跟踪2001年至2006年学生在数学和阅读方面的表现,估计了营利性和非营利性学校管理对学生成绩的影响。四年后,由盈利性公司管理的学校的学生平均每年在数学方面的学习比由学区管理的学校多出大约三分之二。然而,营利性管理对平均阅读收益的积极影响较小,在统计上不显著。对于非营利组织,我们发现主要是对学生数学和阅读成绩的负面影响,但没有统计学意义。治疗效果采用一种被称为“差异中差异”分析的准实验研究设计来确定。我们将71所学生表现低于地区中位数的学校作为对照组,这些学校接受正规的地区管理。
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引用次数: 10
Inequality, Redistribution, and Population 不平等、再分配和人口
Pub Date : 2007-10-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1083714
Filipe R. Campante, Quoc-Anh Do
We document a negative relationship between population size and inequality in the cross-country data. We propose an explanation built on the existence of a size effect in the political economy of redistribution, particularly in the presence of different channels of popular request for redistribution, e.g. “institutional” channels and “revolutions”. Based on the assumption that the threat of revolution is directly related to the number of people that may attempt to revolt, the theory predicts that the stylized fact initially uncovered by the paper can be refined as follows: there is a negative relationship between population size, and its geographical concentration, and post-tax inequality in non-democracies. We subject these predictions to extensive empirical scrutiny in a cross-country context, and the data robustly confirm these patterns of inequality, population, and the interaction with democracy.
我们在跨国数据中记录了人口规模和不平等之间的负相关关系。我们提出了一种基于再分配政治经济学中存在的规模效应的解释,特别是在存在不同的大众再分配要求渠道的情况下,例如“制度”渠道和“革命”渠道。基于革命的威胁与可能试图反抗的人数直接相关的假设,该理论预测,本文最初发现的风格化事实可以细化如下:在非民主国家,人口规模及其地理集中与税收后的不平等之间存在负相关关系。我们在跨国背景下对这些预测进行了广泛的实证审查,数据有力地证实了这些不平等、人口以及与民主的互动模式。
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引用次数: 26
Deciding on Monetary Integration: An Operational Approach 货币一体化决策:一种操作方法
Pub Date : 2007-09-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1019014
A. Powell, F. Sturzenegger
We develop a simple, n-country model to consider the costs and benefits of joining a monetary union. Our factor-OCA framework encompasses different approaches and allows us to consider the optimal composition of a monetary union for all the potential members. We illustrate the model in practice with various simulations and we develop two empirical applications based on expanding EMU and on whether there would be a benefit to deepening Nafta to be a monetary union. While some commentators have called for a one-world currency, we find full monetary integration has costs for some countries and benefits for others, perhaps explaining why this remains a controversial issue.
我们开发了一个简单的非国家模型来考虑加入货币联盟的成本和收益。我们的因子- oca框架包含了不同的方法,并允许我们考虑所有潜在成员的货币联盟的最佳组成。我们通过各种模拟在实践中说明了该模型,并基于扩展欧洲货币联盟和将北美自由贸易协定深化为货币联盟是否有好处,开发了两个实证应用。虽然一些评论人士呼吁建立一个世界货币,但我们发现,全面的货币一体化对一些国家有成本,对另一些国家有好处,这或许可以解释为什么这仍然是一个有争议的问题。
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引用次数: 1
Measuring the Efficacy of Leaders to Assess Information and Make Decisions in a Crisis: The C-LEAD Scale 衡量领导者在危机中评估信息和决策的效能:C-LEAD量表
C. N. Hadley, Todd L. Pittinsky, Weichun Zhu
Effective leadership is needed in times of public health and safety crisis, yet the empirical research on what it means to be an effective crisis leader is scarce. We present a new measure, the Crisis Leader Efficacy in Assessing and Deciding (C-LEAD) scale, to further research on this important topic. C-LEAD captures the self-efficacy of an individual to perform two critical crisis leader behaviors, assessing information and making decisions, in the face of the ambiguity, high stakes, and urgency present in crises. In addition to the psychometric properties of the C-LEAD scale, we demonstrate evidence of its factor structure and discriminant validity from two related constructs - general leader efficacy and procedural crisis preparation. In particular, we found that C-LEAD more accurately predicts decision-making difficulty in a crisis context than general leadership efficacy. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
在公共卫生安全危机时刻,需要有效的领导,但对有效的危机领导意味着什么,实证研究很少。我们提出了一种新的测量方法——危机领导者评估和决策效能(C-LEAD)量表,以进一步研究这一重要课题。C-LEAD捕捉到个人在面对危机中存在的模糊性、高风险和紧迫性时,执行两种关键危机领导者行为的自我效能感,即评估信息和做出决策。除了C-LEAD量表的心理测量特性外,我们还从一般领导效能和程序危机准备两个相关构念中论证了其因素结构和判别效度的证据。特别是,我们发现C-LEAD比一般领导效能更准确地预测危机情境下的决策困难。讨论了理论和实践意义。
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引用次数: 0
Parochial Politics: Ethnic Preferences and Politician Corruption 地方政治:民族偏好与政治家腐败
A. Banerjee, R. Pande
This paper examines how increased voter ethnicization, defined as a greater preference for the party representing one's ethnic group, affects politician quality. If politics is characterized by incomplete policy commitment, then ethnicization reduces average winner quality for the pro-majority party with the opposite true for the minority party. The effect increases with greater numerical dominance of the majority (and so social homogeneity). Empirical evidence from a survey on politician corruption that we conducted in North India is remarkably consistent with our theoretical predictions.
本文探讨了选民族裔化(定义为对代表其族裔群体的政党的更大偏好)的增加如何影响政治家的素质。如果政治的特点是不完全的政策承诺,那么种族化降低了亲多数党的平均赢家质量,而少数党则相反。这种影响随着多数人在数量上的优势(以及社会同质性)的增加而增加。我们在北印度进行的一项关于政治家腐败的调查的经验证据与我们的理论预测非常一致。
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引用次数: 208
Giffen Behavior: Theory and Evidence 吉芬行为:理论与证据
R. Jensen, Nolan Miller
This paper provides the first real-world evidence of Giffen behavior, i.e., upward sloping demand. Subsidizing the prices of dietary staples for extremely poor households in two provinces of China, we find strong evidence of Giffen behavior for rice in Hunan, and weaker evidence for wheat in Gansu. The data provide new insight into the consumption behavior of the poor, who act as though maximizing utility subject to subsistence concerns, with both demand and calorie elasticities depending significantly, and non-linearly, on the severity of their poverty. Understanding this heterogeneity is important for the effective design of welfare programs for the poor.
本文提供了吉芬行为的第一个现实世界证据,即向上倾斜的需求。通过对中国两个省份的极端贫困家庭的主食价格进行补贴,我们发现湖南的大米存在明显的吉芬行为,甘肃的小麦存在较弱的吉芬行为。这些数据为穷人的消费行为提供了新的见解,他们的行为似乎是效用最大化取决于生存问题,需求和卡路里弹性都显著地、非线性地取决于其贫困的严重程度。理解这种异质性对于有效地设计穷人福利项目是很重要的。
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引用次数: 17
Crossing the Water's Edge: Elite Rhetoric, Media Coverage and the Rally-Round-the-Flag Phenomenon, 1979-2003 《跨越水边:1979-2003年精英修辞、媒体报道和“绕旗集会”现象
M. Baum, Tim J. Groeling
The most widely accepted explanation for the rally-round-the-flag phenomenon is a relative absence of elite criticism during the initial stages of foreign crises. In this study we argue that the nature and extent of elite debate may matter less than media coverage of any such debate, and that such coverage is heavily influenced by commonly held professional incentives and norms that lead journalists to strongly prefer certain stories over others. We also argue that not all messages in this debate matter equally for public opinion. Rather, the persuasiveness of elite messages depends on their credibility, which, in turn, arises out of an interaction between the sender, receiver, and message. Hence, only by understanding the interactions between elites, the public, and the press can we account for variations in public responses to presidential foreign policy initiatives. We test our theory by examining public opinion data and network news coverage of all major U.S. uses of military force from 1979 to 2003. We content analyze all congressional evaluations of the president and the executive branch of government from the three network evening newscasts within 60-day time periods centered on the start date of each use of force. Our results offer strong support for the theory.
对于这种团结一致的现象,最被广泛接受的解释是,在外国危机的初始阶段,精英们的批评相对较少。在这项研究中,我们认为,精英辩论的性质和程度可能不如媒体对任何此类辩论的报道重要,而且这种报道受到普遍持有的专业激励和规范的严重影响,这些激励和规范导致记者强烈偏爱某些故事而不是其他故事。我们还认为,并非这场辩论中的所有信息对公众舆论都同样重要。相反,精英信息的说服力取决于它们的可信度,而可信度又产生于发送者、接收者和信息之间的互动。因此,只有理解精英、公众和媒体之间的相互作用,我们才能解释公众对总统外交政策倡议的反应差异。我们通过调查1979年至2003年美国所有主要军事行动的民意数据和网络新闻报道来检验我们的理论。我们以每次使用武力的开始日期为中心,在60天的时间内,从三个网络晚间新闻节目中分析所有国会对总统和政府行政部门的评估。我们的研究结果为这一理论提供了强有力的支持。
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引用次数: 105
期刊
John F. Kennedy School of Government Faculty Research Working Paper Series
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