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Abbreviations for Machiavelli’s Writings 马基雅维利著作的缩写
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1515/9780691187914-001
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter
Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.1515/9780691187914-fm
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引用次数: 0
On the Myth of a Conservative Turn in the Florentine Histories 论佛罗伦萨历史中保守转向的神话
Pub Date : 2018-10-09 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691183503.003.0004
John P. McCormick
This chapter argues that the people must assert their necessary, salutary role as the guardian of liberty against predatory oligarchs and tyrants. It suggests that once readers appreciate that one of the most frequently quoted passages in the entire Florentine Histories occurs just a mere few paragraphs after Machiavelli has demonstrated this to be a deeply inaccurate assessment of events, they are encouraged to begin rethinking the entire relationship of words and deeds in that book—a reconsideration which reveals that Machiavelli, perhaps more often than not, seems to undermine his own expressly declared evaluative judgments throughout the entire Histories. The chapter also shows how pleasurable, perplexing, and beguiling the careful reading of Machiavelli's political writings can be.
这一章认为,人民必须坚持他们作为自由守护者的必要、有益的角色,反对掠夺性的寡头和暴君。这表明,一旦读者意识到整部《佛罗伦萨历史》中最常被引用的段落之一在马基雅维里证明这是对事件的极度不准确的评估之后仅仅出现了几段,他们就会被鼓励开始重新思考这本书中言行的整个关系——这种重新思考揭示了马基雅维里,也许更多的时候,似乎破坏了他自己在整个历史中明确宣布的评价判断。这一章还展示了仔细阅读马基雅维利的政治著作是多么令人愉快、困惑和迷人。
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引用次数: 2
Leo Strauss’s Machiavelli and the Querelle between the Few and the Many 利奥·施特劳斯的《马基雅维利》和《少数与多数之间的Querelle
Pub Date : 2018-10-09 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691183503.003.0006
John P. McCormick
This chapter analyzes Leo Strauss' engagement with the democratic elements of Niccolò Machiavelli's political thought; specifically, Machiavelli's self-avowed departure from the ancients in favoring the political judgment and participation of the many over the few, and in recommending the people, rather than the nobles, as the ultimate foundation for political authority. It identifies several of Strauss' misinterpretations of Machiavelli's democratic, anti-elitist republicanism and explores tensions and discrepancies within Strauss' reconstruction of Machiavelli's political-philosophical project. Furthermore, Strauss exaggerates Machiavelli's criticisms of peoples and underplays his criticisms of the nobilities within republics. Strauss marshals instances of elite-popular interactions in the Discourses that purportedly demonstrate Machiavelli's preference for elite intervention and manipulation over popular participation and judgment.
本章分析了利奥·施特劳斯与Niccolò马基雅维利政治思想中的民主元素的接触;具体地说,马基雅维利自认与古人的不同之处是,他更倾向于政治判断和多数人的参与,而不是少数人,他推荐人民,而不是贵族,作为政治权威的最终基础。它指出了施特劳斯对马基雅维利的民主、反精英共和主义的几个误解,并探讨了施特劳斯对马基雅维利政治哲学计划重建中的紧张和差异。此外,施特劳斯夸大了马基雅维利对人民的批评,淡化了他对共和国内部贵族的批评。施特劳斯在《论》中列举了精英与大众互动的例子,据称这些例子证明了马基雅维利倾向于精英的干预和操纵,而不是大众的参与和判断。
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引用次数: 0
“Keep the Public Rich and the Citizens Poor” “让公众富裕,让公民贫穷”
Pub Date : 2018-10-09 DOI: 10.23943/princeton/9780691183503.003.0003
John P. McCormick
This chapter indicates how, when one realizes that Machiavelli presents the Gracchi's career in the Discourses in such a way that he may be read as both endorsing and criticizing the ill-fated Roman tribunes' redistributive agenda, the reader is compelled to doggedly pursue what Machiavelli actually means when he repeatedly declares that republics must keep the public rich but the citizens poor. At the end of this interpretive expedition, one discovers a radical answer to perhaps the most controversial question within the Roman-Florentine republican tradition: political liberty requires genuine economic equality. The chapter then asserts that the people of republics ought to relate to each other as free and equal citizens—not only politically equal but socioeconomically as well.
这一章表明,当人们意识到马基雅维利在《论篇》中以这样一种方式呈现格拉奇的职业生涯时,他可能被解读为既支持又批评命运多舛的罗马保民官的再分配议程,读者被迫固执地追求马基雅维利的实际意思,当他反复宣称共和国必须使公众富裕,而公民贫穷时。在这次解释性的探险结束时,我们发现了一个可能是罗马-佛罗伦萨共和传统中最具争议的问题的激进答案:政治自由需要真正的经济平等。这一章接着断言,共和国的人民应该作为自由和平等的公民相互联系——不仅在政治上平等,而且在社会经济上也是平等的。
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引用次数: 0
Scandalous Writings, Dubious Readings, and the Virtues of Popular Empowerment 诽谤性的著作,可疑的解读,以及大众赋权的优点
Pub Date : 2018-10-09 DOI: 10.23943/princeton/9780691183503.003.0008
John P. McCormick
This concluding chapter entertains the idea of Niccolò Machiavelli possibly dismissing Leo Strauss, J.G.A. Pocock, Quentin Skinner, and even Jean-Jacques Rousseau, in much the same manner that he disdained “the writers” who comprised the Western tradition of ancient and medieval political thought—all of whom he considered pusillanimous propagandists for the enduring power of wealthy elites. Machiavelli often exposed the powerful forces operating throughout intellectual history that disparaged the political judgment of the people, hence prompting his own defiant, often uproarious, distancing of himself from that tradition. In this sense, the book's efforts to contest the influential interpretations of Machiavelli offered by Rousseau, the Straussian school, and the Cambridge School were intended to serve as a Machiavellian critique of Machiavelli scholarship itself.
这一结论章讨论了Niccolò马基雅维利可能轻视利奥·施特劳斯、J.G.A.波考克、昆汀·斯金纳甚至让-雅克·卢梭的观点,就像他蔑视构成西方古代和中世纪政治思想传统的“作家”一样——他认为所有这些人都是为富裕精英的持久权力而胆怯的宣传者。马基雅维利经常揭露在思想史上运作的强大力量,这些力量贬低了人民的政治判断,因此促使他自己挑衅,经常是喧闹,与传统保持距离。从这个意义上说,这本书试图挑战卢梭、施特劳斯学派和剑桥学派对马基雅维利的有影响力的解释,目的是对马基雅维利学术本身进行马基雅维利式的批判。
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引用次数: 0
The Cambridge School’s “Guicciardinian Moments” Revisited 剑桥学派的“吉卡迪亚时刻”重访
Pub Date : 2018-10-09 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691183503.003.0007
John P. McCormick
This chapter focuses on the most influential contemporary approach to the study of classical and early-modern republicanism and Niccolò Machiavelli's supposed place within that tradition—the Cambridge School of intellectual history, most prominently represented by J.G.A. Pocock and Quentin Skinner. It argues that these world-renowned intellectual historians obscure important aspects of both republican and Machiavellian political thought; specifically, they largely ignore the fact that ancient and modern republicanisms secure the privileged position of elites more than they facilitate political participation by citizens. They also underplay the fact that Machiavelli's political prescriptions more substantively empower common people and more actively facilitate popular contestation of elites than did most authors and regimes that typify republicanism.
这一章的重点是研究古典和早期现代共和主义最具影响力的当代方法,以及Niccolò马基雅维利在这一传统中的假定地位——剑桥学派的思想史,最突出的代表是J.G.A.波科克和昆汀·斯金纳。它认为,这些世界知名的知识历史学家掩盖了共和主义和马基雅维利主义政治思想的重要方面;具体来说,他们在很大程度上忽略了一个事实,即古代和现代的共和主义更多地确保了精英的特权地位,而不是促进公民的政治参与。他们也低估了这样一个事实,即马基雅维利的政治处方比大多数代表共和主义的作家和政权更能在实质上赋予普通人权力,更积极地促进精英阶层的流行争论。
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引用次数: 0
Vulgarity and Virtuosity 粗俗与精湛
Pub Date : 2018-10-09 DOI: 10.23943/princeton/9780691183503.003.0001
John P. McCormick
This introductory chapter presents an overview of the crucial themes within Machiavelli's three major political writings: The Prince, the Discourses and the Florentine Histories. It challenges what is considered to be misguided interpretive efforts offered by three illustrious, widely influential appraisals of the Florentine's work. Furthermore, the chapter substantiates Machiavelli's consistent advocacy for a new form of muscular, populist politics conveyed across his three greatest works. It also details how and why major interpretive schools of Machiavelli's political thought have either missed or deliberately obscured the radical extent of the Florentine's decidedly democratic form of republicanism. The chapter tackles suspect engagements with Machiavelli's political thought undertaken by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Leo Strauss, and scholars affiliated with the Cambridge School.
这一引言章节概述了马基雅维利的三个主要政治著作:《君主论》、《话语论》和《佛罗伦萨史》中的关键主题。它挑战了被认为是被误导的解释努力提供了三个杰出的,广泛影响的评价佛罗伦萨的工作。此外,这一章还证实了马基雅维利在他的三部最伟大的作品中始终如一地倡导一种新形式的有力的民粹主义政治。它还详细说明了马基雅维利政治思想的主要解释学派是如何以及为什么忽视或故意模糊了佛罗伦萨共和主义的决定性民主形式的激进程度。这一章讨论了让-雅克·卢梭、利奥·施特劳斯和剑桥学派的学者们对马基雅维利政治思想的怀疑。
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引用次数: 0
The Passion of Duke Valentino 《瓦伦蒂诺公爵的激情
Pub Date : 2018-10-09 DOI: 10.23943/princeton/9780691183503.003.0002
John P. McCormick
This chapter demonstrates how Machiavelli's narrative of Cesare Borgia's career—to which he devotes more space than any other in The Prince—is presented as a story in which a holy father sends his son to redeem, and to bring peace to, his people. All of a sudden, religious tropes or images jump out and impose themselves on the reader in potentially subversive ways: one begins to discern the presence of the crucifixion, the transfiguration, a circumcision, a bloody sacrifice that atones for political sins, an empty tomb, even St. Paul—all of which signify Machiavelli's beliefs concerning the appropriate covenants that should characterize prince-people relationships.
这一章展示了马基雅维利对切萨雷·波吉亚职业生涯的叙述——他在《君主论》中比其他任何一章都花了更多的篇幅——是如何作为一个神圣的父亲派他的儿子去救赎,并给他的人民带来和平的故事来呈现的。突然间,宗教的比喻或形象跳出来,以潜在的颠覆性方式强加给读者:人们开始分辨出十字架的存在,变形,割礼,为政治罪恶赎罪的血腥牺牲,一个空的坟墓,甚至圣保罗——所有这些都表明了马基雅维利关于适当的契约的信仰,这些契约应该是君主与人民关系的特征。
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引用次数: 0
Rousseau’s Repudiation of Machiavelli’s Democratic Roman Republic 卢梭对马基雅维利的罗马民主共和国的否定
Pub Date : 2018-10-09 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691183503.003.0005
John P. McCormick
This chapter contends that Jean-Jacques Rousseau's analysis and appropriation of the Roman Republic deliberately undermines Machiavelli's efforts to reconstruct and promote institutions that both maximize the participation of poor citizens in popular governments and facilitate their efforts to control or contain economic and political elites. Rousseau's radical revision of Machiavelli's appropriation of the ancient Roman Republic historically served to foreclose the possibility of an alternative, popularly participatory, and anti-elitist strand of modern republicanism that in subsequent centuries would have better served democratic theory and practice. Through the promulgation of sociologically anonymous principles like generality and popular sovereignty, and by confining elite accountability to elections alone, Rousseau's institutional analyses and proposals allow wealthier citizens and magistrates to dominate the politics of popular governments in surreptitious and unassailable ways.
本章认为,让-雅克·卢梭对罗马共和国的分析和运用故意破坏了马基雅维利重建和促进制度的努力,这些制度既能最大限度地使贫穷公民参与大众政府,又能促进他们控制或遏制经济和政治精英的努力。卢梭对马基雅维利(Machiavelli)对古罗马共和国的挪用的激进修正,在历史上阻止了另一种可能性,即普遍参与的、反精英的现代共和主义,而这种共和主义在随后的几个世纪里本可以更好地为民主理论和实践服务。通过对普遍性和人民主权等社会学匿名原则的宣扬,以及将精英问责仅限于选举,卢梭的制度分析和建议允许较富裕的公民和地方官员以秘密和无懈可击的方式主导人民政府的政治。
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Reading Machiavelli
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