Pub Date : 2023-06-25DOI: 10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-62
Zaidullah Nail
The existence of fundamental differences between Iran and Israel has made Iran, as a regional power, maintain its geopolitical weight, monitor the power relations in the region, and consider the consequences of the relations between the Israeli regime and its neighboring states. According to the disclosure of the relations between the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain with Israel, it seems that the establishment of a close relationship between the Arabs and Israel will change the regional security equations. Based on this article, it seeks to investigate the consequences of the normalization of Arab-Israeli relations on Iran's regional security. The method of this article is a descriptive-analytical one that uses the regional security complex theory to find an answer to the question of what effect the process of normalizing relations between Arabs and Israel will have on Iran's security. In response to this question, the hypothesis is proposed that the relative and secret reconciliation between the Arabs and Israel will create tangible changes in the regional security equations in a structural way. Keywords: Iran, Arabs, Israel, regional security complex, Iran's security environment.
{"title":"Normalization of Arab-Israeli Relations: Implications for Iranis National and Security","authors":"Zaidullah Nail","doi":"10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-62","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-62","url":null,"abstract":"The existence of fundamental differences between Iran and Israel has made Iran, as a regional power, maintain its geopolitical weight, monitor the power relations in the region, and consider the consequences of the relations between the Israeli regime and its neighboring states. According to the disclosure of the relations between the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain with Israel, it seems that the establishment of a close relationship between the Arabs and Israel will change the regional security equations. Based on this article, it seeks to investigate the consequences of the normalization of Arab-Israeli relations on Iran's regional security. The method of this article is a descriptive-analytical one that uses the regional security complex theory to find an answer to the question of what effect the process of normalizing relations between Arabs and Israel will have on Iran's security. In response to this question, the hypothesis is proposed that the relative and secret reconciliation between the Arabs and Israel will create tangible changes in the regional security equations in a structural way. Keywords: Iran, Arabs, Israel, regional security complex, Iran's security environment.","PeriodicalId":117682,"journal":{"name":"Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities","volume":"249 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139368607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-25DOI: 10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-59
S. Humayun, Sarsi Ganguly
When viewed from an international standpoint, a country’s fight for survival is often mistaken as aggression or extremism. If we look back at the history of South Asia, this is a common trend that can be noticed. But standing in 2023, this trend has become a continuing nightmare for the people of Afghanistan trying to survive in a land of insurgency, conflict, poverty, and an overall lack of human rights. Afghanistan has a long and complicated history with the rest of the world, from the rough terrain cutting it off from the mainland’s or tribal clashes that have not been resolved in a century: there is nothing simple about the crisis of this place. In a post-Cold War world, where the bipolar world of the US and the Soviet Union clashed for control of this area, tensions mounted on the country and its people like never before. Everything that followed, has brought Afghanistan to the brink of its worst humanitarian and political crisis in history. As the long-drawn-out conflict with the US concluded in 2021, the Taliban took over the governance of the country, and reestablished “Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan”. Today, the place has been left marked by decades of internal conflict, and a constant threat of terrorist activities, and lost its status as a free nation. What remains more concerning is how the people of the nation are dealing with this change and what they look forward to in the future. Is it time for Afghanistan to stand up against the extremist government of the Taliban? Or is it finally time to accept defeat and find ways to survive in a nation ruled by guns and bombs? Keywords: Afghanistan, Governance, Taliban Takeover, South Asia, Humanitarian Crisis
{"title":"Understanding the Peoples Crisis and Governance in Afghanistan: Before and After the Taliban Takeover","authors":"S. Humayun, Sarsi Ganguly","doi":"10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-59","url":null,"abstract":"When viewed from an international standpoint, a country’s fight for survival is often mistaken as aggression or extremism. If we look back at the history of South Asia, this is a common trend that can be noticed. But standing in 2023, this trend has become a continuing nightmare for the people of Afghanistan trying to survive in a land of insurgency, conflict, poverty, and an overall lack of human rights. Afghanistan has a long and complicated history with the rest of the world, from the rough terrain cutting it off from the mainland’s or tribal clashes that have not been resolved in a century: there is nothing simple about the crisis of this place. In a post-Cold War world, where the bipolar world of the US and the Soviet Union clashed for control of this area, tensions mounted on the country and its people like never before. Everything that followed, has brought Afghanistan to the brink of its worst humanitarian and political crisis in history. As the long-drawn-out conflict with the US concluded in 2021, the Taliban took over the governance of the country, and reestablished “Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan”. Today, the place has been left marked by decades of internal conflict, and a constant threat of terrorist activities, and lost its status as a free nation. What remains more concerning is how the people of the nation are dealing with this change and what they look forward to in the future. Is it time for Afghanistan to stand up against the extremist government of the Taliban? Or is it finally time to accept defeat and find ways to survive in a nation ruled by guns and bombs? Keywords: Afghanistan, Governance, Taliban Takeover, South Asia, Humanitarian Crisis","PeriodicalId":117682,"journal":{"name":"Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139368639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-25DOI: 10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-58
Mohammad Essa Sakhawati, Sekandar Maihanyar
The news of war and peace in Afghanistan has been in the headlines of national and international media for many years now. In this research, the representation of this news in two news netwroks: one national and one international news networks (TOLO News and Voice of America-Persian) has been anlaysed from the perspective of the Afghan society. The statistical data of this research has been collected by a survey method with a questionnaire tool. The statistical population of this research is the audience of news channels randomly surveyed in different cities of Afghanistan with various personal characteristics. The sample size in this research was 385 people and the results of distributed and collected data were analyzed using "SPSS" software. The theories used in the theoretical foundations of this research are two practical and essential theories of communication: "gatekeeping theory and representation theory." The research findings are presented in two levels of data description (one-dimensional tables) and data analysis (two-dimensional tables). The findings of the research show that in the representation of the events related to war and peace in Afghanistan, the Voice of America-Persian television channel has the most censorship of the facts of these events in their news coverage compared to TOLOnews TV, and TOLOnews has more pacifist policy in covering these news events. On the other hand, the Voice of America TV has used less pacifist policy in covering these events. Keywords: News coverage, Representation, Gatekeeping, Audience, Television, War, Peace, TOLOnews, Voice of America-Persian.
{"title":"Representation of Afghan Peace and War News on National and International Television from the Audience s Perspective: TOLO News and Voice of America – Persian Televisions","authors":"Mohammad Essa Sakhawati, Sekandar Maihanyar","doi":"10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-58","url":null,"abstract":"The news of war and peace in Afghanistan has been in the headlines of national and international media for many years now. In this research, the representation of this news in two news netwroks: one national and one international news networks (TOLO News and Voice of America-Persian) has been anlaysed from the perspective of the Afghan society. The statistical data of this research has been collected by a survey method with a questionnaire tool. The statistical population of this research is the audience of news channels randomly surveyed in different cities of Afghanistan with various personal characteristics. The sample size in this research was 385 people and the results of distributed and collected data were analyzed using \"SPSS\" software. The theories used in the theoretical foundations of this research are two practical and essential theories of communication: \"gatekeeping theory and representation theory.\" The research findings are presented in two levels of data description (one-dimensional tables) and data analysis (two-dimensional tables). The findings of the research show that in the representation of the events related to war and peace in Afghanistan, the Voice of America-Persian television channel has the most censorship of the facts of these events in their news coverage compared to TOLOnews TV, and TOLOnews has more pacifist policy in covering these news events. On the other hand, the Voice of America TV has used less pacifist policy in covering these events. Keywords: News coverage, Representation, Gatekeeping, Audience, Television, War, Peace, TOLOnews, Voice of America-Persian.","PeriodicalId":117682,"journal":{"name":"Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139368589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-25DOI: 10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-61
Mullajan Rahmani, Mir Ahmad Faizmand
Afghanistan is a multi-ethnic, linguistic and religious country and more than 30 ethnic and linguistic groups live in it, however, the official languages of this country are Pashto and Dari. Hence the unofficial languages of different ethnic groups during time has led to the forgetting of some of them and the predominance of official and dominant languages. Some language changes include administrative, educational and academic formalities, environmental factors, people's lack of awareness of preventing the destruction of the language and its ethnic identity, the existence of civil wars and even foreign political and cultural factors. The languages of a number of ethnic groups like the language of an ethnic group Hazaras, Imaq, Qazalbash, Qirqiz, Arab, Sadat, and Parachi has been reduced and forgotten due to various environmental, political, administrative, natural conditions, forced decisions and motives have caused their language to be forgotten and destroyed. Even the Pashto language, which is the official and national language of Afghanistan, in a large number of localities, regions and provinces where Pashtuns lived, their ethnic language has forgotten. The general factors of this forgetting and changing the language are the marginal status of these ethnic groups among the large ethnic groups, administrative, educational and academic formalities, political and compulsory pressures, civil wars, and the lack of awareness of the people to prevent the destruction of the language and thereby their linguistic and ethnic identity. The purpose of the current research is to investigate and analyze the linguistic changes of different ethnic groups in Afghanistan. Furthermore, the purpose of this research is to introduce the forgotten languages of Afghanistan's ethnic minorities, why and how the languages of small ethnic groups are disappearing, and what should be done? The research method of this article is descriptive and analytical, and the means of collecting library information is the use of articles, books, internet resources and observation. Keywords: Language, changes, Afghanistan, Social factors
{"title":"Investigating Social Factors in Linguistic Changes in Afghanistan","authors":"Mullajan Rahmani, Mir Ahmad Faizmand","doi":"10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-61","url":null,"abstract":"Afghanistan is a multi-ethnic, linguistic and religious country and more than 30 ethnic and linguistic groups live in it, however, the official languages of this country are Pashto and Dari. Hence the unofficial languages of different ethnic groups during time has led to the forgetting of some of them and the predominance of official and dominant languages. Some language changes include administrative, educational and academic formalities, environmental factors, people's lack of awareness of preventing the destruction of the language and its ethnic identity, the existence of civil wars and even foreign political and cultural factors. The languages of a number of ethnic groups like the language of an ethnic group Hazaras, Imaq, Qazalbash, Qirqiz, Arab, Sadat, and Parachi has been reduced and forgotten due to various environmental, political, administrative, natural conditions, forced decisions and motives have caused their language to be forgotten and destroyed. Even the Pashto language, which is the official and national language of Afghanistan, in a large number of localities, regions and provinces where Pashtuns lived, their ethnic language has forgotten. The general factors of this forgetting and changing the language are the marginal status of these ethnic groups among the large ethnic groups, administrative, educational and academic formalities, political and compulsory pressures, civil wars, and the lack of awareness of the people to prevent the destruction of the language and thereby their linguistic and ethnic identity. The purpose of the current research is to investigate and analyze the linguistic changes of different ethnic groups in Afghanistan. Furthermore, the purpose of this research is to introduce the forgotten languages of Afghanistan's ethnic minorities, why and how the languages of small ethnic groups are disappearing, and what should be done? The research method of this article is descriptive and analytical, and the means of collecting library information is the use of articles, books, internet resources and observation. Keywords: Language, changes, Afghanistan, Social factors","PeriodicalId":117682,"journal":{"name":"Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities","volume":"170 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139368640","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-25DOI: 10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-60
Ziaulhaq Amiri, Sharifullah Habibyar
‘Geopolitical location’ has been understood to be an important and influential element in the politics and national security. With a focus on geography, geopolitical attitudes have been formed. This article examines the geopolitical location of the Badakhshan province and its role in national security as a political unit. The fixed and changing geopolitical locations are emphasized with the subsets of each of the variables that affect the internal security of the region. The geopolitical location, which includes fixed and relative location, has had a great impact on Afghanistan's national power and, subsequently, on the national security of the Badakhshan Province, effecting significant change. This research is applied in terms of a survey. It was implemented is in the form of a library-field study. The field of research is Badakhshan Province, which has 28 administrative units (districts). The methodology governing the research has a descriptive-analytical nature. The information has been collected through library studies. The geopolitical location of Badakhshan is one of the key influencing factors on national power, and this characteristic has made the political stability of this province an issue since the 20th century. However, turning this ‘threat’ into an opportunity provides the possibility of economic growth and prosperity and political stability of Badakhshan in the future. Keywords: geopolitics, Badakhshan, geographical location, and national security.
{"title":"Investigating the Geopolitical Location of Badakhshan and its Role in National Security","authors":"Ziaulhaq Amiri, Sharifullah Habibyar","doi":"10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-60","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31841/kjssh-6.1-2023-60","url":null,"abstract":"‘Geopolitical location’ has been understood to be an important and influential element in the politics and national security. With a focus on geography, geopolitical attitudes have been formed. This article examines the geopolitical location of the Badakhshan province and its role in national security as a political unit. The fixed and changing geopolitical locations are emphasized with the subsets of each of the variables that affect the internal security of the region. The geopolitical location, which includes fixed and relative location, has had a great impact on Afghanistan's national power and, subsequently, on the national security of the Badakhshan Province, effecting significant change. This research is applied in terms of a survey. It was implemented is in the form of a library-field study. The field of research is Badakhshan Province, which has 28 administrative units (districts). The methodology governing the research has a descriptive-analytical nature. The information has been collected through library studies. The geopolitical location of Badakhshan is one of the key influencing factors on national power, and this characteristic has made the political stability of this province an issue since the 20th century. However, turning this ‘threat’ into an opportunity provides the possibility of economic growth and prosperity and political stability of Badakhshan in the future. Keywords: geopolitics, Badakhshan, geographical location, and national security.","PeriodicalId":117682,"journal":{"name":"Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities","volume":"68 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139368581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The history of the Sino-Afghan relationship can be traced back to the 7th Century when Chinese monks traveled to Afghanistan through the Silk Road, to visit the Buddha statues in Bamyian, a province in Afghanistan. The continued China-Afghanistan relationship was disrupted following 9/11 and the subsequent US-NATO military presence in Afghanistan. The former played a leading role in the reconstruction of a new Afghan government and training of the Afghan forces. There was no Chinese involvement in Afghanistan during the US-NATO years. Instead, a mutual relationship was formed after the US-NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan. In a post- 2014 combat forces withdrawal of the US-NATO forces, China started playing an active role in resolving the Afghan conflict. China has security interests in Afghanistan, and as long as the security threats in Afghanistan remain unsolved, China may hesitate to strengthen its economic and investment relationship with Afghanistan. When talking about the Chinese security interests in Afghanistan, East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) is one of the grave concerns for China. In order to secure the China-Afghan relationship, the Chinese would require that the Afghan government contain ETIM and prevent their operation from Afghanistan. This is necessary so that ETIM is unable to function from Afghanistan and use the country as a safe haven for cross-bordered operations. Further, any subsequent strengthening of Afghan-China relations would require mutual interlards investment, and the success of investments is pegged on eliminating security threats. This paper discusses the Afghan-China mutual security interests and how an insecure Afghanistan is not only a threat to Chinese national security, but it will also have a grave impact on Chinese investment and the connectivity program of the region.
{"title":"Afghan-China Mutual Security Interests","authors":"Jalal Bazwan","doi":"10.31841/kjssh.2023.55","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31841/kjssh.2023.55","url":null,"abstract":"The history of the Sino-Afghan relationship can be traced back to the 7th Century when Chinese monks traveled to Afghanistan through the Silk Road, to visit the Buddha statues in Bamyian, a province in Afghanistan. The continued China-Afghanistan relationship was disrupted following 9/11 and the subsequent US-NATO military presence in Afghanistan. The former played a leading role in the reconstruction of a new Afghan government and training of the Afghan forces. There was no Chinese involvement in Afghanistan during the US-NATO years. Instead, a mutual relationship was formed after the US-NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan. In a post- 2014 combat forces withdrawal of the US-NATO forces, China started playing an active role in resolving the Afghan conflict. China has security interests in Afghanistan, and as long as the security threats in Afghanistan remain unsolved, China may hesitate to strengthen its economic and investment relationship with Afghanistan. When talking about the Chinese security interests in Afghanistan, East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) is one of the grave concerns for China. In order to secure the China-Afghan relationship, the Chinese would require that the Afghan government contain ETIM and prevent their operation from Afghanistan. This is necessary so that ETIM is unable to function from Afghanistan and use the country as a safe haven for cross-bordered operations. Further, any subsequent strengthening of Afghan-China relations would require mutual interlards investment, and the success of investments is pegged on eliminating security threats. This paper discusses the Afghan-China mutual security interests and how an insecure Afghanistan is not only a threat to Chinese national security, but it will also have a grave impact on Chinese investment and the connectivity program of the region.","PeriodicalId":117682,"journal":{"name":"Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116219632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By examining India’s role within South Asia’s security environment, this paper suggests how India’s relationship with Afghanistan’s new political regime under a ‘reformed’ Taliban will lead to security cooperation and gateways to economic opportunities. The discussion is underpinned by an analysis of non-state actors from neighboring jurisdictions, such as Pakistan, and China who pose a direct threat to the security of Indian interests. India being a key power player in the region relies on a stable Afghanistan and is therefore heavily vested in steering and overseeing political decisions by neighbouring states around peacebuilding, conflict management, and human security in the region. A discursive methodological approach based on country case study analysis provides the paper with the data needed to establish and explain what the security environment in the South Asian region looks like, the stakeholders, and political nuances that leave gaps for insecurity to thrive and upset vested interests. The contribution that the paper makes is to support policy direction towards entrenching stronger Indian and Afghan relations based on mutual strategic security and economic interests.
{"title":"India s Security Strategy in South Asia: Visualising Afghanistan s Past, Present, and Future","authors":"Nassir Ul Haq Wani","doi":"10.31841/kjssh.2023.53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31841/kjssh.2023.53","url":null,"abstract":"By examining India’s role within South Asia’s security environment, this paper suggests how India’s relationship with Afghanistan’s new political regime under a ‘reformed’ Taliban will lead to security cooperation and gateways to economic opportunities. The discussion is underpinned by an analysis of non-state actors from neighboring jurisdictions, such as Pakistan, and China who pose a direct threat to the security of Indian interests. India being a key power player in the region relies on a stable Afghanistan and is therefore heavily vested in steering and overseeing political decisions by neighbouring states around peacebuilding, conflict management, and human security in the region. A discursive methodological approach based on country case study analysis provides the paper with the data needed to establish and explain what the security environment in the South Asian region looks like, the stakeholders, and political nuances that leave gaps for insecurity to thrive and upset vested interests. The contribution that the paper makes is to support policy direction towards entrenching stronger Indian and Afghan relations based on mutual strategic security and economic interests.","PeriodicalId":117682,"journal":{"name":"Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132521926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Post-9/11 incident the Taliban rule ended in Afghanistan and a democratic government was established through the Bonn conference in December 2001. The conference was held with the active intervention of the US and the UN, which distributed the power amongst different ethnic groups of the country, followed by the promulgation of a democratic constitution in 2004 by the “Loya Jirga” in Kabul. The new constitution proclaimed Afghanistan as a sovereign, Islamic Republic-where the state’s legitimacy would be achieved through a universal adult franchise, and the state would ensure the fundamental rights of the citizens. But, despite all these efforts, democracy could not consolidate in the country, consequently, the Taliban returned to power after 20 years of war. Does the paper explain what led to the failure of democracy in Afghanistan? And what type of government can best suit Afghan society? The paper finds out that establishing western style strong centralized democracy and power sharing on an ethnic basis at the Bonn conference led to the marginalization of religious and tribal authenticity, which used to enjoy leverage in provinces. Also, the centralization of power resulted in corrupting government officials, which led to a widening gap between the state and society and weakened the government institutions. As a result, the Taliban after a peace agreement with the US on 29th February 2020, captured power in Kabul on 15th August 2021. The paper finds out that formulating a decentralized authority, with a mixed type of sovereignty, and aligning democratic principles with religious and tribal authority is the most feasible form of government for Afghanistan. According to Islamic scholars, there is compatibility between Islam and democracy, because Islam believes in consultation and Bay’a in state formation, and these tenets of Islam are similar to the core values of democracy namely representation, freedom of expression, and election.
{"title":"Failure of Democracy in Afghanistan: An Introspection of its Internal Reasons and Lessons for future prospects","authors":"S. Sahel","doi":"10.31841/kjssh.2023.54","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31841/kjssh.2023.54","url":null,"abstract":"Post-9/11 incident the Taliban rule ended in Afghanistan and a democratic government was established through the Bonn conference in December 2001. The conference was held with the active intervention of the US and the UN, which distributed the power amongst different ethnic groups of the country, followed by the promulgation of a democratic constitution in 2004 by the “Loya Jirga” in Kabul. The new constitution proclaimed Afghanistan as a sovereign, Islamic Republic-where the state’s legitimacy would be achieved through a universal adult franchise, and the state would ensure the fundamental rights of the citizens. But, despite all these efforts, democracy could not consolidate in the country, consequently, the Taliban returned to power after 20 years of war. Does the paper explain what led to the failure of democracy in Afghanistan? And what type of government can best suit Afghan society? The paper finds out that establishing western style strong centralized democracy and power sharing on an ethnic basis at the Bonn conference led to the marginalization of religious and tribal authenticity, which used to enjoy leverage in provinces. Also, the centralization of power resulted in corrupting government officials, which led to a widening gap between the state and society and weakened the government institutions. As a result, the Taliban after a peace agreement with the US on 29th February 2020, captured power in Kabul on 15th August 2021. The paper finds out that formulating a decentralized authority, with a mixed type of sovereignty, and aligning democratic principles with religious and tribal authority is the most feasible form of government for Afghanistan. According to Islamic scholars, there is compatibility between Islam and democracy, because Islam believes in consultation and Bay’a in state formation, and these tenets of Islam are similar to the core values of democracy namely representation, freedom of expression, and election.","PeriodicalId":117682,"journal":{"name":"Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121283125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Forty years of civil war have made the Afghan nation not just tired of such internecine conflict but also demand an early end to human suffering in every form. The issue of armed conflict management was first mentioned in the inaugural issue of the Journal of Conflict Resolution in 1957 when Quincy Wright wrote that the resolution of international conflict can be facilitated by national government efforts “to prevent tensions from arising and aggravating disputes among nations. Such resolution can proceed through the application of appropriate methods of negotiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, and the coordination of measures to prevent aggression.” The lesson of reconciliation from the previous Apartheid regime in South Africa which had brought former adversaries to the negotiating table and work for a multi-cultural, democratic, and peaceful South Africa can be taken as a case in point for Afghanistan, along with the conflict resolution mechanisms used in divided societies like in Northern Ireland, the Balkans, Eastern Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East. In particular, the role of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa and the presence of local communities in various parts of the world as well as in Afghanistan shall be looked at. Although it remains an uphill task for the Afghan people to forget the sufferings that they were made to undergo. Peace and reconciliation have to be given a chance. The role of the United Nations and other regional actors become very crucial over here in bringing about a lasting conciliation to this war-ravaged part of Asia also depicted as the heart of Asia.
{"title":"A Mechanism to Resolve Conflict in Afghanistan","authors":"Sarbaejeet Mukherjee","doi":"10.31841/kjssh.2023.56","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31841/kjssh.2023.56","url":null,"abstract":"Forty years of civil war have made the Afghan nation not just tired of such internecine conflict but also demand an early end to human suffering in every form. The issue of armed conflict management was first mentioned in the inaugural issue of the Journal of Conflict Resolution in 1957 when Quincy Wright wrote that the resolution of international conflict can be facilitated by national government efforts “to prevent tensions from arising and aggravating disputes among nations. Such resolution can proceed through the application of appropriate methods of negotiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, and the coordination of measures to prevent aggression.” The lesson of reconciliation from the previous Apartheid regime in South Africa which had brought former adversaries to the negotiating table and work for a multi-cultural, democratic, and peaceful South Africa can be taken as a case in point for Afghanistan, along with the conflict resolution mechanisms used in divided societies like in Northern Ireland, the Balkans, Eastern Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East. In particular, the role of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa and the presence of local communities in various parts of the world as well as in Afghanistan shall be looked at. Although it remains an uphill task for the Afghan people to forget the sufferings that they were made to undergo. Peace and reconciliation have to be given a chance. The role of the United Nations and other regional actors become very crucial over here in bringing about a lasting conciliation to this war-ravaged part of Asia also depicted as the heart of Asia.","PeriodicalId":117682,"journal":{"name":"Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133733412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explains the history of relations between India- Afghanistan and the prospects for any future engagement with the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, considering the recent developments in Afghanistan. It investigates how the two countries can find common grounds for economic, political, and social cooperation and what role India could take in helping stabilize Afghanistan and ultimately the region. The paper also elaborates on potential security threats to India in Afghanistan after the U.S withdrawal; Afghanistan-India entanglements post 15th August 2021 and concludes with recommendations for future engagement between both countries underpinned by secondary sources which include books, research papers, policy briefs, and articles from renowned newspapers.
{"title":"Relations between Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and India: Revisiting the Future","authors":"Farid Hassanzada","doi":"10.31841/kjssh.2023.52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31841/kjssh.2023.52","url":null,"abstract":"This article explains the history of relations between India- Afghanistan and the prospects for any future engagement with the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, considering the recent developments in Afghanistan. It investigates how the two countries can find common grounds for economic, political, and social cooperation and what role India could take in helping stabilize Afghanistan and ultimately the region. The paper also elaborates on potential security threats to India in Afghanistan after the U.S withdrawal; Afghanistan-India entanglements post 15th August 2021 and concludes with recommendations for future engagement between both countries underpinned by secondary sources which include books, research papers, policy briefs, and articles from renowned newspapers.","PeriodicalId":117682,"journal":{"name":"Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125503494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：