Celem niniejszego artykułu była próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, kto i kiedy zainicjował fundację żeńskiego klasztoru cysterskiego w estońskiej diecezji dorpackiej. Nie ulega wątpliwości, że zakładanie klasztorów żeńskich nie było sprawą priorytetową w świeżo chrystianizowanych, słabo zaludnionych i peryferyjnych Inflantach. Pierwsze klasztory męskie na tych ziemiach powstały w pierwszej dekadzie XIII w., klasztory żeńskie – dopiero na początku drugiej połowy XIII w. Fundatorami wszystkich byli lokalni władcy terytorialni – król duński i inflanccy biskupi (ryski, dorpacki i ozylski). Należy więc uznać, że podobnie było w wypadku klasztoru cysterek dorpackich, i szukać jego fundatora wśród dorpackich hierarchów. Wydaje się, że inicjatorem tej fundacji, która po raz pierwszy była wzmiankowana źródłowo dopiero w 1345 r., mógł być biskup dorpacki Frederick von Haseldorf, sprawujący tę godność w latach 1268 – ok. 1289. Sprzyjały temu stosunkowo długi czas jego pontyfikatu, potwierdzone źródłowo wcześniejsze zainteresowanie biskupa monastycyzmem kobiecym (jego rodzinny Holsztyn, Meklemburgia, Pomorze Zachodnie) oraz wysoka pozycja społeczna i majątkowa. Wydaje się, że zamiar fundacji powstał dopiero w ostatnich latach życia biskupa Fredericka von Haseldorfa i po jego śmierci przeznaczono na ten cel pieniądze sprowadzone przez dorpacką kapitułę katedralną ze Stralsundu, a stanowiące spuściznę po zmarłym biskupie. Samo powstanie klasztoru zapewne było rozciągnięte w czasie, podobnie jak w wypadku nieco lepiej oświetlonych źródłowo i wcześniejszych fundacji żeńskich klasztorów cysterek w Rydze i Rewalu, ale być może zaczął on funkcjonować jeszcze w XIII w. – zamykając okres chrystianizacji Inflant – do którego przynależały wszystkie fundacje cysterskie na terenie Dawnych Inflant.
{"title":"By whom and when was the foundation of the Cistercian nunnery in Dorpat initiated?","authors":"M. Gąssowska","doi":"10.26881/sds.2022.25.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2022.25.04","url":null,"abstract":"Celem niniejszego artykułu była próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, kto i kiedy zainicjował fundację żeńskiego klasztoru cysterskiego w estońskiej diecezji dorpackiej. Nie ulega wątpliwości, że zakładanie klasztorów żeńskich nie było sprawą priorytetową w świeżo chrystianizowanych, słabo zaludnionych i peryferyjnych Inflantach. Pierwsze klasztory męskie na tych ziemiach powstały w pierwszej dekadzie XIII w., klasztory żeńskie – dopiero na początku drugiej połowy XIII w. Fundatorami wszystkich byli lokalni władcy terytorialni – król duński i inflanccy biskupi (ryski, dorpacki i ozylski). Należy więc uznać, że podobnie było w wypadku klasztoru cysterek dorpackich, i szukać jego fundatora wśród dorpackich hierarchów. Wydaje się, że inicjatorem tej fundacji, która po raz pierwszy była wzmiankowana źródłowo dopiero w 1345 r., mógł być biskup dorpacki Frederick von Haseldorf, sprawujący tę godność w latach 1268 – ok. 1289. Sprzyjały temu stosunkowo długi czas jego pontyfikatu, potwierdzone źródłowo wcześniejsze zainteresowanie biskupa monastycyzmem kobiecym (jego rodzinny Holsztyn, Meklemburgia, Pomorze Zachodnie) oraz wysoka pozycja społeczna i majątkowa. Wydaje się, że zamiar fundacji powstał dopiero w ostatnich latach życia biskupa Fredericka von Haseldorfa i po jego śmierci przeznaczono na ten cel pieniądze sprowadzone przez dorpacką kapitułę katedralną ze Stralsundu, a stanowiące spuściznę po zmarłym biskupie. Samo powstanie klasztoru zapewne było rozciągnięte w czasie, podobnie jak w wypadku nieco lepiej oświetlonych źródłowo i wcześniejszych fundacji żeńskich klasztorów cysterek w Rydze i Rewalu, ale być może zaczął on funkcjonować jeszcze w XIII w. – zamykając okres chrystianizacji Inflant – do którego przynależały wszystkie fundacje cysterskie na terenie Dawnych Inflant.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116492166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1454, King Kazimierz IV Jagiellończyk incorporated Prussia intothe Kingdom of Poland. This act became the direct cause of the Thirteen Years’ War with the Teutonic Order. The privilege of incorporation (Privilegium incorporationis) of March 6, 1454, granted to representatives of the Prussian states at that time, became the most important source of rights that created the legal basis for the autonomy of Royal Prussia within the Polish‑Lithuanian Commonwealth. The original of the document was kept in the Toruń archives. Numerous copies from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries testify to a considerable interest in issues relating to the autonomy of Royal Prussia. This resulted from the actions of the Commonwealth of Poland aimed at limiting the political separateness of Prussia. The subject of the article is the question of knowledge of the content of the incorporation privilege in Gdańsk in the period immediately after the end of the Thirteen Years’ War (after 1466). In 1470, Gdańsk obtained a copy of the privilege (which has not survived to this day), sent from Toruń. A second copy is in a manuscript drawn up in 1485 in connection with the participation of envoys from Gdańsk in the congress of Prussian states in Toruń. During this congress, King Kazimierz Jagiellończyk demanded the levying of new taxes in Prussia to meet the needs of royal policy. This met with opposition from the Prussian states and led to a dispute with the King. Central to the matter were the rights of the Prussian states set out in the Privilegium incorporationis of 1454. It is to be assumed that the Gdańsk sources presented in the article are among the oldest identified copies of the incorporation privilege.
{"title":"Recepcja pruskiego przywileju inkorporacyjnego Kazimierza Jagiellończyka w Gdańsku w XV–XVI w.","authors":"Marcin Grulkowski","doi":"10.26881/sds.2022.25.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2022.25.16","url":null,"abstract":"In 1454, King Kazimierz IV Jagiellończyk incorporated Prussia intothe Kingdom of Poland. This act became the direct cause of the Thirteen Years’ War with the Teutonic Order. The privilege of incorporation (Privilegium incorporationis) of March 6, 1454, granted to representatives of the Prussian states at that time, became the most important source of rights that created the legal basis for the autonomy of Royal Prussia within the Polish‑Lithuanian Commonwealth. The original of the document was kept in the Toruń archives. Numerous copies from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries testify to a considerable interest in issues relating to the autonomy of Royal Prussia. This resulted from the actions of the Commonwealth of Poland aimed at limiting the political separateness of Prussia. The subject of the article is the question of knowledge of the content of the incorporation privilege in Gdańsk in the period immediately after the end of the Thirteen Years’ War (after 1466). In 1470, Gdańsk obtained a copy of the privilege (which has not survived to this day), sent from Toruń. A second copy is in a manuscript drawn up in 1485 in connection with the participation of envoys from Gdańsk in the congress of Prussian states in Toruń. During this congress, King Kazimierz Jagiellończyk demanded the levying of new taxes in Prussia to meet the needs of royal policy. This met with opposition from the Prussian states and led to a dispute with the King. Central to the matter were the rights of the Prussian states set out in the Privilegium incorporationis of 1454. It is to be assumed that the Gdańsk sources presented in the article are among the oldest identified copies of the incorporation privilege.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125340492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bardzo często sugerowano, że wyjątkowa twórczości Johannesa Ockeghema była być może odbiciem mistycyzmu łączonego w XV w. z ruchem religijnym znanym jako devotio moderna. Ponieważ jednak trudno to twierdzenie udowodnić, bardzo często zgłaszano do tej teorii zastrzeżenia. Artykuł jest próbą ukazania, że muzyka Ockeghema – mimo swojej oryginalności – ma również wiele cech występujących w utworach innych kompozytorów działających w XV w. Podobnie jak jego rówieśnicy Ockeghem hołdował idei różnorodności jako wiodącej w tamtym czasie zasadzie estetycznej. Stosował także tzw. ukrytą imitację i eksperymentował z niskim rejestrem głosu basowego. Patrząc zatem na twórczość Ockeghema przez pryzmat dzieł innych kompozytorów działających w XV w., jego twórczość wydaje się być dobrym przykładem wszystkich ważnych tendencji i zmian, które były tak charakterystyczne dla kultury muzycznej tamtych czasów.
{"title":"Johannes Ockeghem (c. 1420–1497) – a Mystic?","authors":"Wojciech Odoj","doi":"10.26881/sds.2020.24.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2020.24.07","url":null,"abstract":"Bardzo często sugerowano, że wyjątkowa twórczości Johannesa Ockeghema była być może odbiciem mistycyzmu łączonego w XV w. z ruchem religijnym znanym jako devotio moderna. Ponieważ jednak trudno to twierdzenie udowodnić, bardzo często zgłaszano do tej teorii zastrzeżenia. Artykuł jest próbą ukazania, że muzyka Ockeghema – mimo swojej oryginalności – ma również wiele cech występujących w utworach innych kompozytorów działających w XV w. Podobnie jak jego rówieśnicy Ockeghem hołdował idei różnorodności jako wiodącej w tamtym czasie zasadzie estetycznej. Stosował także tzw. ukrytą imitację i eksperymentował z niskim rejestrem głosu basowego. Patrząc zatem na twórczość Ockeghema przez pryzmat dzieł innych kompozytorów działających w XV w., jego twórczość wydaje się być dobrym przykładem wszystkich ważnych tendencji i zmian, które były tak charakterystyczne dla kultury muzycznej tamtych czasów.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129839396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The above paper deals with the clergy in the state of Warcisław II, Duke of Gdańsk and East‑Pomerania between 1266 and 1269/70. The careers of representatives of this class are reconstructed by collecting and verifying source information and the extensive discussions of earlier historians. Four clergymen from Gdańsk, 2 from Słupsk, and Michael priest of “Saulyn” have been authenticated, but it is not certain that the last two places actually belonged to Warcisław’s state. The main conclusion of this research is that during the reign of Warcisław II, clergy were of political significance. They served in administration and in an early chancellery service, as in the case of a group of clergy in the fortified church in Gdańsk. It is likely that one of local priests‑ Wacław/Unisław – was also probably related to an influential gentry family This was also probably the case with Luder, priest of St. Catharine’s Church in the city of Gdańsk. He was probably an agent mediating between the Duke and the middle class. Warcisław II had good relations with the middle class and its political influence was growing during his reign. In Słupsk, too, the clergy participated in changing political affiliations, but that is visible only later. Clergymen also supported other dukes; this was visible and of importance during the East‑Pomeranian civil war (1269–1271) between Warcisław II and Msciwoj II, which ended in the former’s exile. One historian believes that the priest Michael served in Salino in East‑Pomerania. Perhaps his presence in a privilege from 1268 had a political context – by that act Warcisław II could show his claims to Białogarda’s land. This had been mortgaged to the Teutonic Order by Duke Racibor. Otherwise, according to the opinion of Klemens Bruski, Michael could have served in another place – Słona near Kościerzyna.
{"title":"Osoby duchowne w otoczeniu i czynnościach prawnych księcia gdańskiego Warcisława II","authors":"M. Szuba","doi":"10.26881/sds.2020.24.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2020.24.10","url":null,"abstract":"The above paper deals with the clergy in the state of Warcisław II, Duke of Gdańsk and East‑Pomerania between 1266 and 1269/70. The careers of representatives of this class are reconstructed by collecting and verifying source information and the extensive discussions of earlier historians. Four clergymen from Gdańsk, 2 from Słupsk, and Michael priest of “Saulyn” have been authenticated, but it is not certain that the last two places actually belonged to Warcisław’s state. \u0000The main conclusion of this research is that during the reign of Warcisław II, clergy were of political significance. They served in administration and in an early chancellery service, as in the case of a group of clergy in the fortified church in Gdańsk. It is likely that one of local priests‑ Wacław/Unisław – was also probably related to an influential gentry family This was also probably the case with Luder, priest of St. Catharine’s Church in the city of Gdańsk. He was probably an agent mediating between the Duke and the middle class. Warcisław II had good relations with the middle class and its political influence was growing during his reign. In Słupsk, too, the clergy participated in changing political affiliations, but that is visible only later. Clergymen also supported other dukes; this was visible and of importance during the East‑Pomeranian civil war (1269–1271) between Warcisław II and Msciwoj II, which ended in the former’s exile. \u0000One historian believes that the priest Michael served in Salino in East‑Pomerania. Perhaps his presence in a privilege from 1268 had a political context – by that act Warcisław II could show his claims to Białogarda’s land. This had been mortgaged to the Teutonic Order by Duke Racibor. Otherwise, according to the opinion of Klemens Bruski, Michael could have served in another place – Słona near Kościerzyna.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130409659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Młyny wodne i wiatraki stanowiły ważny element infrastruktury miast i wsi w późnym średniowieczu – zapewniały bowiem możliwość przemiału odpowiedniej ilości zbóż i słodu potrzebnych do produkcji dwóch najważniejszych produktów spożywczych: chleba i piwa. W związku z tym były narażone na zniszczenia w czasie toczonych wówczas konfliktów zbrojnych. Oczywiście uszkodzenie i niszczenie młynów i wiatraków następowało też z przyczyn naturalnych: czynników atmosferycznych (wezbrania wody, przerwania grobli w wypadku młyna wodnego czy też silnego wiatru w wypadku wiatraka). Problem uszkodzenia, niszczenia, ale i odbudowy młynów wodnych i wiatraków został tu przedstawiony na przykładzie władztwa zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach w późnym średniowieczu (w XIV i pierwszej połowie XV w.). Obok kwestii prawnych i gospodarczych związanych z tym zjawiskiem podjęto próbę określenia skali i rejonizacji występowania młynów pustych, zniszczonych lub tylko opuszczonych, uszkodzonych i później nieodbudowanych. W pierwszej połowie XV w. nastąpił dość wyraźny spadek wysokości ogólnego czynszu z młynów, jaki pobierał zakon krzyżacki. Wynosił on w wypadku komturstwa ostródzkiego 12%, bałgijskiego 7–8%, a elbląskiego 4%. Znacznie gorzej było natomiast na terenie ziemi chełmińskiej i na Pomorzu Gdańskim, które znajdowały się w zasięgu intensywnych działań wojennych, toczonych w ramach kolejnych konfliktów z Polską. W komturstwie kowalewskim spadek czynszu wyniósł 40%, brodnickim 25%, a w tucholskim aż 64%. Wprawdzie nie dysponujemy wykazami obejmującymi w tym czasie całe władztwo zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach, jednak nawet na podstawie zachowanych przekazów można stwierdzić, że działania powodowane wojnami prowadzonymi przez zakon z Polską w pierwszej połowie XV w. przyniosły ogromne zniszczenia struktur gospodarczych na wsi, w tym i znajdujących się tam młynów wodnych i wiatraków. Nie wszystkie z tych urządzeń zostały później odbudowane, po części z nich zostały jedynie wzmianki w starszych wykazach czynszowych sporządzanych przez urzędników zakonu krzyżackiego.
{"title":"Damaging, Destroying and Rebuilding of Watermills and Windmills in the Late-Medieval State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia","authors":"R. Kubicki","doi":"10.26881/sds.2020.24.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2020.24.03","url":null,"abstract":"Młyny wodne i wiatraki stanowiły ważny element infrastruktury miast i wsi w późnym średniowieczu – zapewniały bowiem możliwość przemiału odpowiedniej ilości zbóż i słodu potrzebnych do produkcji dwóch najważniejszych produktów spożywczych: chleba i piwa. W związku z tym były narażone na zniszczenia w czasie toczonych wówczas konfliktów zbrojnych. Oczywiście uszkodzenie i niszczenie młynów i wiatraków następowało też z przyczyn naturalnych: czynników atmosferycznych (wezbrania wody, przerwania grobli w wypadku młyna wodnego czy też silnego wiatru w wypadku wiatraka). Problem uszkodzenia, niszczenia, ale i odbudowy młynów wodnych i wiatraków został tu przedstawiony na przykładzie władztwa zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach w późnym średniowieczu (w XIV i pierwszej połowie XV w.). Obok kwestii prawnych i gospodarczych związanych z tym zjawiskiem podjęto próbę określenia skali i rejonizacji występowania młynów pustych, zniszczonych lub tylko opuszczonych, uszkodzonych i później nieodbudowanych. W pierwszej połowie XV w. nastąpił dość wyraźny spadek wysokości ogólnego czynszu z młynów, jaki pobierał zakon krzyżacki. Wynosił on w wypadku komturstwa ostródzkiego 12%, bałgijskiego 7–8%, a elbląskiego 4%. Znacznie gorzej było natomiast na terenie ziemi chełmińskiej i na Pomorzu Gdańskim, które znajdowały się w zasięgu intensywnych działań wojennych, toczonych w ramach kolejnych konfliktów z Polską. W komturstwie kowalewskim spadek czynszu wyniósł 40%, brodnickim 25%, a w tucholskim aż 64%. Wprawdzie nie dysponujemy wykazami obejmującymi w tym czasie całe władztwo zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach, jednak nawet na podstawie zachowanych przekazów można stwierdzić, że działania powodowane wojnami prowadzonymi przez zakon z Polską w pierwszej połowie XV w. przyniosły ogromne zniszczenia struktur gospodarczych na wsi, w tym i znajdujących się tam młynów wodnych i wiatraków. Nie wszystkie z tych urządzeń zostały później odbudowane, po części z nich zostały jedynie wzmianki w starszych wykazach czynszowych sporządzanych przez urzędników zakonu krzyżackiego.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"27 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120887628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On 10 February 1454, the Polish King, Kazimierz Jagiellończyk (born 1427) married Elżbieta Rakuska (born around 1436/1437), daughter of the German, Czech, and Hungarian king, Albrecht II Habsburg and Elizabeth of Luxemburg. Kazimierz Jagiellończyk and Elżbieta had 13 children, 7 daughters (two of them – also called Elżbieta – died in early childhood and 6 sons. So, in total, 11 children survived into adulthood. The royal couple gave birth to children with a certain regularity, more or less every several months, especially in the first years of their marriage. It is well‑known that Elżbieta accompanied Kazimierz Jagiellończyk on his journeys for many years. Research has revealed the itineraries of the King and his wife. This article analyzes these itineraries with regard to the details of the journey and the place of conception of individual royal children. The analysis reveals that, especially in the first years of the marriage, King Kazimierz Jagiellończyk spent a lot of time journeying between different places. This was not just a consequence of the custom (common then) of royal progresses, but also of the military situation. Queen Elżbieta did not give up the company of her husband on his journeys, although she did not venture into areas directly affected by warfare. So it is not surprising that the first royal offspring – the future Czech and Hungarian King Władysław – saw the light of day in Wawel Castle, but he was conceived outside Kraków. Possibilities include Łuków, Kazimierz Dolny, Radom, Opoczno, or, finally, Piotrków. Nor is it difficult to see that from the moment of the birth of their first‑born son to Elżbieta’s next pregnancy, the royal pair were practically never parted, leaving Kraków together, travelling and spending time in Lithuania. Their daughter Jadwiga was conceived during a winter stay in Lithuania, most likely in Wilno. The next children were also conceived during the couple’s long visits to Lithuania: Kazimierz in winter, and Jan Olbracht in spring. Most likely, their son Aleksander was conceived in Łęczyca. In turn Zofia was conceived in Breść Kujawski. It is difficult to fix the place where Elżbieta (1) was conceived; it happened while travelling, at the time of one of the couple’s brief stops in Kłodawa, Łęczyca, Piotrków, or Parczew. Zygmunt was conceived in Łęczyca, and Fryderyk in Kraków. He was the first but not the only one of the royal children to be conceived in Wawel Castle; his sisters Elżbieta (2) and Barbara were conceived there too. Anna, older than Barbara, was conceived somewhere en route between Lublin and Nowe Miasto Korczyn. Like their eldest brother, the majority of the royal children were born in Wawel Castle. Exceptions were: Zygmunt, born in Kozienice (in this case, we know that this was a result of a search for a place safe from plague), Anna, born in Nieszawa (almost to the birth, the Queen accompanied her husband on his current journey), and Barbara, born in Sandomierz. The Kin
{"title":"O okolicznościach narodzin królewskich dzieci w świetle itinerarium Kazimierza Jagiellończyka i Elżbiety Rakuskiej","authors":"B. Możejko","doi":"10.26881/sds.2020.24.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2020.24.06","url":null,"abstract":"On 10 February 1454, the Polish King, Kazimierz Jagiellończyk (born 1427) married Elżbieta Rakuska (born around 1436/1437), daughter of the German, Czech, and Hungarian king, Albrecht II Habsburg and Elizabeth of Luxemburg. \u0000Kazimierz Jagiellończyk and Elżbieta had 13 children, 7 daughters (two of them – also called Elżbieta – died in early childhood and 6 sons. So, in total, 11 children survived into adulthood. The royal couple gave birth to children with a certain regularity, more or less every several months, especially in the first years of their marriage. It is well‑known that Elżbieta accompanied Kazimierz Jagiellończyk on his journeys for many years. Research has revealed the itineraries of the King and his wife. This article analyzes these itineraries with regard to the details of the journey and the place of conception of individual royal children. The analysis reveals that, especially in the first years of the marriage, King Kazimierz Jagiellończyk spent a lot of time journeying between different places. This was not just a consequence of the custom (common then) of royal progresses, but also of the military situation. Queen Elżbieta did not give up the company of her husband on his journeys, although she did not venture into areas directly affected by warfare. So it is not surprising that the first royal offspring – the future Czech and Hungarian King Władysław – saw the light of day in Wawel Castle, but he was conceived outside Kraków. Possibilities include Łuków, Kazimierz Dolny, Radom, Opoczno, or, finally, Piotrków. \u0000Nor is it difficult to see that from the moment of the birth of their first‑born son to Elżbieta’s next pregnancy, the royal pair were practically never parted, leaving Kraków together, travelling and spending time in Lithuania. Their daughter Jadwiga was conceived during a winter stay in Lithuania, most likely in Wilno. The next children were also conceived during the couple’s long visits to Lithuania: Kazimierz in winter, and Jan Olbracht in spring. Most likely, their son Aleksander was conceived in Łęczyca. In turn Zofia was conceived in Breść Kujawski. It is difficult to fix the place where Elżbieta (1) was conceived; it happened while travelling, at the time of one of the couple’s brief stops in Kłodawa, Łęczyca, Piotrków, or Parczew. Zygmunt was conceived in Łęczyca, and Fryderyk in Kraków. He was the first but not the only one of the royal children to be conceived in Wawel Castle; his sisters Elżbieta (2) and Barbara were conceived there too. Anna, older than Barbara, was conceived somewhere en route between Lublin and Nowe Miasto Korczyn. \u0000Like their eldest brother, the majority of the royal children were born in Wawel Castle. Exceptions were: Zygmunt, born in Kozienice (in this case, we know that this was a result of a search for a place safe from plague), Anna, born in Nieszawa (almost to the birth, the Queen accompanied her husband on his current journey), and Barbara, born in Sandomierz. The Kin","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126122690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The author analyses canon laws about abortion and unwanted children, which were issued by western Roman assemblies of bishops in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages (between the fourth and sixth centuries). Such problems were not mentioned often, but the Church instituted severe penalties for abortion and abandoning unwanted children. Bishops did not discuss reasons for abortion and abandoning children. They only penalized the results, but we can comment on the causes of such behaviours, analysing the contents of canon laws and using other sources from the epoch, like the writings of the Church Fathers and the Codes of Theodosius and Justinian. We can say that problems like abortion or abandoning unwanted children existed in various places and they were a subject of the local bishops’ concern. The church hierarchy did not devote much attention to the issue of unwanted children, considering that imperial and synodal regulations were adequate to deal with those problems. The issues analyzed here constitute a small contribution to our knowledge of the everyday life of the societies of the western part of the Roman Empire in late antiquity and in the early Middle Ages.
{"title":"Kościół późnoantyczny i wczesnośredniowieczny wobec problemu niechcianych dzieci w świetle postanowień zachodniorzymskich zgromadzeń biskupich","authors":"Maciej Wojcieszak","doi":"10.26881/sds.2020.24.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2020.24.12","url":null,"abstract":"The author analyses canon laws about abortion and unwanted children, which were issued by western Roman assemblies of bishops in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages (between the fourth and sixth centuries). Such problems were not mentioned often, but the Church instituted severe penalties for abortion and abandoning unwanted children. Bishops did not discuss reasons for abortion and abandoning children. They only penalized the results, but we can comment on the causes of such behaviours, analysing the contents of canon laws and using other sources from the epoch, like the writings of the Church Fathers and the Codes of Theodosius and Justinian. We can say that problems like abortion or abandoning unwanted children existed in various places and they were a subject of the local bishops’ concern. The church hierarchy did not devote much attention to the issue of unwanted children, considering that imperial and synodal regulations were adequate to deal with those problems. The issues analyzed here constitute a small contribution to our knowledge of the everyday life of the societies of the western part of the Roman Empire in late antiquity and in the early Middle Ages.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128905660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Taking advantage of the war between the Margraves of Brandenburg and representatives of the federation of Rostock (1283–1284), in the spring‑summer of 1283, Mściwój II, in collusion with Duke Przemysł II of Greater Poland, took the lands around Sławno from the Margraves of Brandenburg. Before the end of 1283, the Brandenburg House of Ascania/Anhalt, being embroiled in in a war in north Germany and in Pomerania, could not respond militarily. In December 1283, Ludgarda of Mecklenburg, the wife of Przemysł II, died in mysterious circumstances. Since just before her death the Duke turned from his policy up to then and entered into an alliance with his previous enemies the Margraves of Brandenburg (fighting in 1283–1284 with, among others, the mother, brothers, and other relatives of his dead wife), it appears that the matter of Ludgarda’s death and Przemysł political turn‑about are linked. In initial peace negotiations in Vierraden (13 August 1284), Przemysł II was counted among the supporters of the Margraves of Brandenburg. Despite an agreement that was supposed to bring an end to the war with Pomerania and Rugia/Rügen and with the other members of the federation of Rostock (including the lords of Sławno and relatives of Ludgarda), the Duke was in need of a marriage‑alliance that would strengthen his position in relation to the abandoned Pomeranian‑Mecklenburg affiliation. It was to the Brandenburg Margraves’ Scandinavian contacts (important in the context of further relations of the House of Ascania/Anhalt with the trading cities of Połabie and Pomerania) that Przemysł II thanked the opportunity to balance the political influence of Ludgarda’s relatives and to enter into a marriage with Ryska, the daughter of Waldemar Birgersson and the ward of Magnus Birgersson Ladulås. This union also strengthened the Scandinavian influence of the Margraves. The Greater Poland-Brandenburg alliance determined the fact that for at least some time the House of Ascania/Anhalt gave up any attempt to recover the lands around Sławno.
{"title":"Międzynarodowy kontekst odzyskania ziemi sławieńskiej przez Mściwoja II w 1283 r. i zawarcia sojuszu brandenbursko‑wielkopolskiego","authors":"Marek Smoliński","doi":"10.26881/sds.2020.24.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2020.24.08","url":null,"abstract":"Taking advantage of the war between the Margraves of Brandenburg and representatives of the federation of Rostock (1283–1284), in the spring‑summer of 1283, Mściwój II, in collusion with Duke Przemysł II of Greater Poland, took the lands around Sławno from the Margraves of Brandenburg. Before the end of 1283, the Brandenburg House of Ascania/Anhalt, being embroiled in in a war in north Germany and in Pomerania, could not respond militarily. In December 1283, Ludgarda of Mecklenburg, the wife of Przemysł II, died in mysterious circumstances. Since just before her death the Duke turned from his policy up to then and entered into an alliance with his previous enemies the Margraves of Brandenburg (fighting in 1283–1284 with, among others, the mother, brothers, and other relatives of his dead wife), it appears that the matter of Ludgarda’s death and Przemysł political turn‑about are linked. In initial peace negotiations in Vierraden (13 August 1284), Przemysł II was counted among the supporters of the Margraves of Brandenburg. Despite an agreement that was supposed to bring an end to the war with Pomerania and Rugia/Rügen and with the other members of the federation of Rostock (including the lords of Sławno and relatives of Ludgarda), the Duke was in need of a marriage‑alliance that would strengthen his position in relation to the abandoned Pomeranian‑Mecklenburg affiliation. It was to the Brandenburg Margraves’ Scandinavian contacts (important in the context of further relations of the House of Ascania/Anhalt with the trading cities of Połabie and Pomerania) that Przemysł II thanked the opportunity to balance the political influence of Ludgarda’s relatives and to enter into a marriage with Ryska, the daughter of Waldemar Birgersson and the ward of Magnus Birgersson Ladulås. This union also strengthened the Scandinavian influence of the Margraves. The Greater Poland-Brandenburg alliance determined the fact that for at least some time the House of Ascania/Anhalt gave up any attempt to recover the lands around Sławno.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125156045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article focusses on the interpretation of the history of the times of the Přemyslid dynasty, an interpretation that is present in Czech historical painting in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It takes a close look at the reign of the Czech king Vladislaus II (1140–1172). He was the second crowned Czech ruler at a time when there was no tradition of royal power and authority. This ruler was negatively assessed in medieval history writing that was somewhat later than his reign. However, in painting, which, after all, must succinctly transmit its message through symbol or allegory, King Vladislaus became a Czech hero. Linking his person to the Milan expedition, artists, who depicted this as an unambiguously praiseworthy episode in Czech history, showed the King as a key figure in those events. Vladislaus symbolized all the triumphs of the Czechs.
{"title":"Mediewalizm w malarstwie czeskim XIX wieku. Zwycięstwo pod Mediolanem 1158 roku i inne kluczowe wydarzenia epoki średniowiecza budujące tożsamość wspólnoty Czechów","authors":"Joanna Sobiesiak","doi":"10.26881/sds.2020.24.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2020.24.09","url":null,"abstract":"This article focusses on the interpretation of the history of the times of the Přemyslid dynasty, an interpretation that is present in Czech historical painting in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It takes a close look at the reign of the Czech king Vladislaus II (1140–1172). He was the second crowned Czech ruler at a time when there was no tradition of royal power and authority. This ruler was negatively assessed in medieval history writing that was somewhat later than his reign. However, in painting, which, after all, must succinctly transmit its message through symbol or allegory, King Vladislaus became a Czech hero. Linking his person to the Milan expedition, artists, who depicted this as an unambiguously praiseworthy episode in Czech history, showed the King as a key figure in those events. Vladislaus symbolized all the triumphs of the Czechs.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131786473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article discusses the issue of the attitudes of the magnates and knights of Greater Poland at the time of the accession of Władysław Łokietek to power in February 1296, immediately after the murder of King Przemysł II. On the basis of an analysis of the positions of witnesses to the peace treaty concluded in Krzywiń by Duke Władysław with Henryk of Głogów, who at that time was attacking Greater Poland, an attempt is made to show that there was a reluctance to continue warfare on the part of the leading magnates of Greater Poland. They were accustomed under the reign of Przemysł II to solving disputes above all by diplomatic means, and had exploited the extended period of peace on their territories to build up their economic might. The halting of the forces of Henryk of Głogów marching on Poznań took place on the approaches to the land of one of the most important officials of Greater Poland, the voivode of Kalisz, Mikołaj of the Łodzia family, who was acting in collaboration with the Bishop of Poznań, Jan Gerwardowic of the Leszczyc family, whose nearby estates had already suffered initial destruction. The article argues that it was the attitude of the leading magnates that forced Władysław Łokietek to conclude a peace with Henryk of Głogów and to cede him territory beyond the River Obra. It rejects the hitherto dominant view in Polish history writing that Władysław Łokietek gave way before his opponent’s military might, and that the concessions made towards Henryk lost Łokietek the trust of the local magnates right at the beginning of his reign in Greater Poland. The author of the essay also does not share the opinion that those leading magnates, who earlier had supported Przemysł II’s plans to unite the Polish lands around this area, were faced with a vital and urgent question about the future of this very policy once the treaty of Krzywiń was concluded. He believes that the leading magnates of Greater Poland acted at that moment out of typically personal motives and were not concerned with broader issues.
{"title":"Władysław Łokietek wiosną 1296 roku w Wielkopolsce po zabójstwie króla Przemysła II","authors":"B. Śliwiński","doi":"10.26881/sds.2020.24.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2020.24.11","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the issue of the attitudes of the magnates and knights of Greater Poland at the time of the accession of Władysław Łokietek to power in February 1296, immediately after the murder of King Przemysł II. On the basis of an analysis of the positions of witnesses to the peace treaty concluded in Krzywiń by Duke Władysław with Henryk of Głogów, who at that time was attacking Greater Poland, an attempt is made to show that there was a reluctance to continue warfare on the part of the leading magnates of Greater Poland. They were accustomed under the reign of Przemysł II to solving disputes above all by diplomatic means, and had exploited the extended period of peace on their territories to build up their economic might. The halting of the forces of Henryk of Głogów marching on Poznań took place on the approaches to the land of one of the most important officials of Greater Poland, the voivode of Kalisz, Mikołaj of the Łodzia family, who was acting in collaboration with the Bishop of Poznań, Jan Gerwardowic of the Leszczyc family, whose nearby estates had already suffered initial destruction. The article argues that it was the attitude of the leading magnates that forced Władysław Łokietek to conclude a peace with Henryk of Głogów and to cede him territory beyond the River Obra. It rejects the hitherto dominant view in Polish history writing that Władysław Łokietek gave way before his opponent’s military might, and that the concessions made towards Henryk lost Łokietek the trust of the local magnates right at the beginning of his reign in Greater Poland. The author of the essay also does not share the opinion that those leading magnates, who earlier had supported Przemysł II’s plans to unite the Polish lands around this area, were faced with a vital and urgent question about the future of this very policy once the treaty of Krzywiń was concluded. He believes that the leading magnates of Greater Poland acted at that moment out of typically personal motives and were not concerned with broader issues.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127025322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：