The Prussian knights, who were the guarantors of the Brest peace concluded on December 31, 1435, so far were sought in the list of persons who were proposed as guarantors from January 1436. It included 195 knights. However, the final list of guarantors is contained in the treaty document of the Teutonic side, which was submitted to the Polish side on August 1, 1436. The text of the peace document includes 131 knightly guarantors, but only 109 of them were Prussian knights (44 of them were accolade). However, 5 more knights possible to be identified should be added to the Prussian guarantors mentioned in the document, who have put their seals in, but are not mentioned in the text of the treaty. This comes to a total of 114 knightly guarantors from Prussia, who can be identified on the basis of information from the treaty document. In addition to the Prussians, 18 knights from Livonia (including three accolade knights) and four from New March (including no accolade knight) were included as guarantors. A prosopographic analysis of Prussian guarantors shows that the greatest number of them were knights from Upper Prussia and the Chełmno land. Out of the 114 knights there were 61 of them, and as many as 28 of them were from the small Chełmno land. It also seems that the vast majority of knightly guarantors came from families having long standing affiliations with Prussia, even though the knightly elite could still be joined by newcomers, such as Botho von Eulenburg, a member of the great master secret council. Among the knightly guarantors, we were able to identify only one person from the city patriciate. This, together with the above mentioned conclusion concerning the origin of the vast majority of guarantors from families formerly settled in Prussia, allows for a cautious suggestion that the Prussian knighthood was already at the stage of gradually closing as a social group, which also occurred against the policy of its feudal superior. The participation of the knighthood as an active factor of political events in the 30s of the 15th century, the culmination of which was establishing the Prussian Union in 1440, probably allows to state that the “warrior” layer of Prussian knighthood, initially treated by the Teutonic Order “professionally”, has evolved into a social state – typical for the late medieval feudal states – and demanded its due participation in ruling over the state.
{"title":"Elita rycerska krzyżackich Prus w świetle listy gwarantów pokoju brzeskiego z 1436 r. Próba charakterystyki","authors":"Sobiesław Szybkowski","doi":"10.26881/sds.2023.26.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2023.26.10","url":null,"abstract":"The Prussian knights, who were the guarantors of the Brest peace concluded on December 31, 1435, so far were sought in the list of persons who were proposed as guarantors from January 1436. It included 195 knights. However, the final list of guarantors is contained in the treaty document of the Teutonic side, which was submitted to the Polish side on August 1, 1436. The text of the peace document includes 131 knightly guarantors, but only 109 of them were Prussian knights (44 of them were accolade). However, 5 more knights possible to be identified should be added to the Prussian guarantors mentioned in the document, who have put their seals in, but are not mentioned in the text of the treaty. This comes to a total of 114 knightly guarantors from Prussia, who can be identified on the basis of information from the treaty document. In addition to the Prussians, 18 knights from Livonia (including three accolade knights) and four from New March (including no accolade knight) were included as guarantors. A prosopographic analysis of Prussian guarantors shows that the greatest number of them were knights from Upper Prussia and the Chełmno land. Out of the 114 knights there were 61 of them, and as many as 28 of them were from the small Chełmno land. It also seems that the vast majority of knightly guarantors came from families having long standing affiliations with Prussia, even though the knightly elite could still be joined by newcomers, such as Botho von Eulenburg, a member of the great master secret council. Among the knightly guarantors, we were able to identify only one person from the city patriciate. This, together with the above mentioned conclusion concerning the origin of the vast majority of guarantors from families formerly settled in Prussia, allows for a cautious suggestion that the Prussian knighthood was already at the stage of gradually closing as a social group, which also occurred against the policy of its feudal superior. The participation of the knighthood as an active factor of political events in the 30s of the 15th century, the culmination of which was establishing the Prussian Union in 1440, probably allows to state that the “warrior” layer of Prussian knighthood, initially treated by the Teutonic Order “professionally”, has evolved into a social state – typical for the late medieval feudal states – and demanded its due participation in ruling over the state.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"11 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139243712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article concerns the participation of Opole knights in the Polish-Teutonic War of 1414. The basis for the analysis is the register of letters of declaration which arrived on 19 July in Malbork. This source makes it possible to compare the degree of involvement of individual Silesian dukes (in this case, Prince Bernard) in this conflict and can be the basis for estimating the size of contingents brought by each of them. The letters mention slightly more than 200 knights, which indicates that Bernard was one of the most important Silesian allies of Władysław Jagiełło at that time. Moreover, the prince’s itinerary shows that the prince of Opole and his knights returned to Upper Silesia before the end of the war.
{"title":"Rejestr listów wypowiednich rycerzy księcia opolskiego Bernarda do wielkiego mistrza zakonu krzyżackiego Michała Küchmeistera z 1414 r.","authors":"Maciej Woźny","doi":"10.26881/sds.2023.26.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2023.26.14","url":null,"abstract":"The article concerns the participation of Opole knights in the Polish-Teutonic War of 1414. The basis for the analysis is the register of letters of declaration which arrived on 19 July in Malbork. This source makes it possible to compare the degree of involvement of individual Silesian dukes (in this case, Prince Bernard) in this conflict and can be the basis for estimating the size of contingents brought by each of them. The letters mention slightly more than 200 knights, which indicates that Bernard was one of the most important Silesian allies of Władysław Jagiełło at that time. Moreover, the prince’s itinerary shows that the prince of Opole and his knights returned to Upper Silesia before the end of the war.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"86 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139243070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On the basis of historical sources and stylistic construction comparative studies, the following hypothetical statements can be formulated about the biography of Master John. He was born around or before 1350 and probably trained as a stonemason in Bohemia. About 1374 he was probably appointed by bishop Henry (of the diocese of Ösel Wiek in Livonia) to build the residence in Arensburg, where there can be found numerous stylistic and conceptual parallels to the Grand Master’s Palace. After the capture and later murder of the bishop in 1380, in which the Teutonic Order was involved, Master John moved to Malbork Castle, where he was commissioned by Winrich von Kniprode to build the new Grand Master’s Palace. He supervised this building process until its completion (the painting of the interiors in 1397) and, at the same time, designed the town hall of Malbork. Also the secondary residence of the Grand Master in Sztum could have been a creation of Master John. From 1398 to 1406 Master John was the architect of the Teutonic Order’s castle in Bytów. With his unconventional architectural creations in the field of castle building, Master John occupied an outstanding position within the Central European “Reduction Gothic”. His was an independent and highly creative artistic personality, able to go beyond existing traditions and find new individual ways of doing things. Master John can thus be put on a par with other exceptional architects of his time (Peter Parler, Ulrich von Ensingen, Hans von Burghausen, and Madern Gerthener).
{"title":"Mistrz Jan – architekt Pałacu Wielkich Mistrzów na zamku malborskim. \"Oeuvre\" i oryginalny styl wybitnego mistrza budowlanego działającego między 1375 a 1406 r.","authors":"Christofer Herrmann","doi":"10.26881/sds.2023.26.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2023.26.03","url":null,"abstract":"On the basis of historical sources and stylistic construction comparative studies, the following hypothetical statements can be formulated about the biography of Master John. He was born around or before 1350 and probably trained as a stonemason in Bohemia. About 1374 he was probably appointed by bishop Henry (of the diocese of Ösel Wiek in Livonia) to build the residence in Arensburg, where there can be found numerous stylistic and conceptual parallels to the Grand Master’s Palace. After the capture and later murder of the bishop in 1380, in which the Teutonic Order was involved, Master John moved to Malbork Castle, where he was commissioned by Winrich von Kniprode to build the new Grand Master’s Palace. He supervised this building process until its completion (the painting of the interiors in 1397) and, at the same time, designed the town hall of Malbork. Also the secondary residence of the Grand Master in Sztum could have been a creation of Master John. From 1398 to 1406 Master John was the architect of the Teutonic Order’s castle in Bytów. With his unconventional architectural creations in the field of castle building, Master John occupied an outstanding position within the Central European “Reduction Gothic”. His was an independent and highly creative artistic personality, able to go beyond existing traditions and find new individual ways of doing things. Master John can thus be put on a par with other exceptional architects of his time (Peter Parler, Ulrich von Ensingen, Hans von Burghausen, and Madern Gerthener).","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139243093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this text was to verify the current state of research and broaden the knowledge concerning late medieval tombstones from the area of contemporary Poland. Relatively verified readings of epigraphic inscriptions from three tombstones: one from Siedlnica and two from Żagań, have been read and published in it for the very first time. The tombstone from Siedlnica from 1448 is so far the oldest registered tombstone with a German inscription from the area of the Kingdom of Poland in the period before 1454–1466 (until the incorporation of Prussia). It was already known, but the reading of the inscription’s content was unsatisfactory. A similar verification was carried out in the case of Katharina von Miltitz’s tombstone plate from Żagań dating back to 1479. It was also known to previous researchers of the issue. Whereas, the Jakob Lichtenberg’s tombstone from 1419, developed by us, was introduced into the scientific circulation for the first time. In addition to strictly epigraphic knowledge, a better elaboration of these sources also enriches the knowledge in the field of prosopography and genealogy of people who have been commemorated by them.
{"title":"Ze studiów nad późnośredniowieczną epigrafiką. O trzech XV-wiecznych płytach nagrobnych z obszaru współczesnej Polski","authors":"J. Zdrenka","doi":"10.26881/sds.2023.26.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2023.26.15","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this text was to verify the current state of research and broaden the knowledge concerning late medieval tombstones from the area of contemporary Poland. Relatively verified readings of epigraphic inscriptions from three tombstones: one from Siedlnica and two from Żagań, have been read and published in it for the very first time. The tombstone from Siedlnica from 1448 is so far the oldest registered tombstone with a German inscription from the area of the Kingdom of Poland in the period before 1454–1466 (until the incorporation of Prussia). It was already known, but the reading of the inscription’s content was unsatisfactory. A similar verification was carried out in the case of Katharina von Miltitz’s tombstone plate from Żagań dating back to 1479. It was also known to previous researchers of the issue. Whereas, the Jakob Lichtenberg’s tombstone from 1419, developed by us, was introduced into the scientific circulation for the first time. In addition to strictly epigraphic knowledge, a better elaboration of these sources also enriches the knowledge in the field of prosopography and genealogy of people who have been commemorated by them.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"84 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139245149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
W tekście omówiono krótki passus z Vita Joannis Eleemosynarii autorstwa Leoncjusza z cypryjskiego Neapolis, dotyczący okoliczności wprowadzenia przez patriarchę Jana Jałmużnika znormalizowanych miar i wag na terenie Aleksandrii. Wedle autora relacji było to jedno z pierwszych zarządzeń, które patriarcha ogłosił po objęciu tronu. Niestety, tego faktu nie potwierdzają inne źródła. Nie można jednak wykluczyć, iż takowe rozporządzenie rzeczywiście zostało ogłoszone w Aleksandrii krótko po 610 r. Analogiczne rozporządzenia są nam znane z okresu wcześniejszego (schyłek IV–poł. VI w.), za każdym razem jednak były one ogłaszane przez władze świeckie. Autor artykułu, poza analizą interesującego go przekazu, wyjaśnił, dlaczego w tym przypadku edykt normujący stosowane w Aleksandrii miary i wagi mógł być wprowadzony przez lokalnego biskupa, patriarchę Jana. Wypływało to co najmniej z dwóch powodów. Po pierwsze, z roli, jaką biskupi odgrywali w miastach w okresie wczesnobizantyńskim, kiedy kolejni cesarze w obliczu nieudolnej, a przede wszystkim skorumpowanej władzy świeckiej upatrywali w nich gwaranta funkcjonowania państwa. Z tego też względu otrzymali spore przywileje dające im w praktyce władzę lokalnych zarządców, o tyle istotną, gdyż z ich zdaniem, w odróżnieniu od stanowiska władzy świeckiej, z reguły liczyli się mieszkańcy. Drugą kwestią, którą w tym przypadku należy zaakcentować, jest silna pozycja patriarchów aleksandryjskich nie tylko w mieście, gdzie Jan był biskupem, ale również w całym regionie. Ich polityczne i gospodarcze znaczenie w połączeniu z popularnością charyzmatycznych jednostek, jak to było w wypadku Jana Jałmużnika, dawały olbrzymie możliwości działania, w tym również wyręczania czy wręcz zastępowania lokalnej władzy świeckiej w sprawnym administrowaniu miastami.
{"title":"Supervision of weights and measures in early 7th‑century Egyptian Alexandria in the light of the \"Vita Joannis Eleemosynarii\"","authors":"Ireneusz Milewski","doi":"10.26881/sds.2023.26.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2023.26.05","url":null,"abstract":"W tekście omówiono krótki passus z Vita Joannis Eleemosynarii autorstwa Leoncjusza z cypryjskiego Neapolis, dotyczący okoliczności wprowadzenia przez patriarchę Jana Jałmużnika znormalizowanych miar i wag na terenie Aleksandrii. Wedle autora relacji było to jedno z pierwszych zarządzeń, które patriarcha ogłosił po objęciu tronu. Niestety, tego faktu nie potwierdzają inne źródła. Nie można jednak wykluczyć, iż takowe rozporządzenie rzeczywiście zostało ogłoszone w Aleksandrii krótko po 610 r. Analogiczne rozporządzenia są nam znane z okresu wcześniejszego (schyłek IV–poł. VI w.), za każdym razem jednak były one ogłaszane przez władze świeckie. Autor artykułu, poza analizą interesującego go przekazu, wyjaśnił, dlaczego w tym przypadku edykt normujący stosowane w Aleksandrii miary i wagi mógł być wprowadzony przez lokalnego biskupa, patriarchę Jana. Wypływało to co najmniej z dwóch powodów. Po pierwsze, z roli, jaką biskupi odgrywali w miastach w okresie wczesnobizantyńskim, kiedy kolejni cesarze w obliczu nieudolnej, a przede wszystkim skorumpowanej władzy świeckiej upatrywali w nich gwaranta funkcjonowania państwa. Z tego też względu otrzymali spore przywileje dające im w praktyce władzę lokalnych zarządców, o tyle istotną, gdyż z ich zdaniem, w odróżnieniu od stanowiska władzy świeckiej, z reguły liczyli się mieszkańcy. Drugą kwestią, którą w tym przypadku należy zaakcentować, jest silna pozycja patriarchów aleksandryjskich nie tylko w mieście, gdzie Jan był biskupem, ale również w całym regionie. Ich polityczne i gospodarcze znaczenie w połączeniu z popularnością charyzmatycznych jednostek, jak to było w wypadku Jana Jałmużnika, dawały olbrzymie możliwości działania, w tym również wyręczania czy wręcz zastępowania lokalnej władzy świeckiej w sprawnym administrowaniu miastami.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139245452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Polish and Hungarian monarchs and their spouses, courts, as well as numerous advisers met on March 15, 1412 in Lubowla in Spiš, where a peace treaty was concluded. The article presents the circumstances of initiating Polish–Hungarian talks in the autumn of 1410 (the mission of Zawisza Czarny) and the process of Poland and Hungary becoming closer in the years 1411–1412, culminating in a congress in Lubowla. Negotiations took place in three rounds and lasted a total of several months. They were characterized by a consistent desire to achieve peace. A significant role was played in particular by the king’s four advisers: the Archbishop of Halice and then Gniezno Mikołaj Trąba, the Bishop of Poznań Wojciech Jastrzębiec, the voivode of Kraków Jan from Tarnów, and the Marshal of the Kingdom Zbigniew from Brzezie. The following part presents the poorly-known Polish list of guarantors of the Treaty of Lubowla, consisting of 50 people. Individual guarantors have been identified and described in a prosopographic manner. Attention was drawn to other examples of their guarantee of peace treaties. By analyzing the group of guarantors the author concludes that the main peace documents were written down and sealed during the meeting in the Spiš region. The guarantors of peace were also chosen there from among the dignitaries and knights of the court accompanying the monarchs. The list of guarantors of the Polish document was dominated by residents of Lesser Poland. A relatively large group of guarantors consisted of untitled knights of the court, mainly famous knights, participants of the war with the Teutonic Order in the years 1409–1411. The author recommends publishing both treaty documents as well as the set seals.
{"title":"Polscy negocjatorzy i gwaranci traktatu lubowelskiego z 15 marca 1412 r.","authors":"D. Wróbel","doi":"10.26881/sds.2023.26.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2023.26.13","url":null,"abstract":"The Polish and Hungarian monarchs and their spouses, courts, as well as numerous advisers met on March 15, 1412 in Lubowla in Spiš, where a peace treaty was concluded. The article presents the circumstances of initiating Polish–Hungarian talks in the autumn of 1410 (the mission of Zawisza Czarny) and the process of Poland and Hungary becoming closer in the years 1411–1412, culminating in a congress in Lubowla. Negotiations took place in three rounds and lasted a total of several months. They were characterized by a consistent desire to achieve peace. A significant role was played in particular by the king’s four advisers: the Archbishop of Halice and then Gniezno Mikołaj Trąba, the Bishop of Poznań Wojciech Jastrzębiec, the voivode of Kraków Jan from Tarnów, and the Marshal of the Kingdom Zbigniew from Brzezie. The following part presents the poorly-known Polish list of guarantors of the Treaty of Lubowla, consisting of 50 people. Individual guarantors have been identified and described in a prosopographic manner. Attention was drawn to other examples of their guarantee of peace treaties. By analyzing the group of guarantors the author concludes that the main peace documents were written down and sealed during the meeting in the Spiš region. The guarantors of peace were also chosen there from among the dignitaries and knights of the court accompanying the monarchs. The list of guarantors of the Polish document was dominated by residents of Lesser Poland. A relatively large group of guarantors consisted of untitled knights of the court, mainly famous knights, participants of the war with the Teutonic Order in the years 1409–1411. The author recommends publishing both treaty documents as well as the set seals.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"187 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139244941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article offers a stylistic analysis of the Marian altar from the church of the Redeemer and All Saints in Dobre Miasto in the voivodship of Warmia and Masuria. The altar was set up in 1426 as an altar for morning mass. It remains incomplete to this day: several Gothic figures were replaced by later pieces of sculpture, and the altar was provenance is also questionable of the centrally located sculpture of Mary and Child. The literature up to now has pointed out stylistic analogies with the altar in Pörschken (Nowo‑Moskowskoje), at present in the collection of the Castle Museum in Malbork, and with the altar from Sokolica (Falkenau), which is at present in the collection Museum of the Archdiocese of Warmia in Olsztyn. Stylistic analysis makes it possible to establish that the closest analogy to the Dobre Miasto altar is the altar from Pörschken, while the somewhat later retable from Sokolica has many features in common with the altar from Rauma (Finland), which was a Prussian export. It is, however, an open question as to the location of the Prussian provincial woodcarving workshop that probably produced the altars in Dobre Miasto and Pörschken, drawing on the at that time rather old‑fashioned tradition of figures of the Madonna on lions. The literaturę suggests Malbork or Gdańsk, but because of stylistic similarities to the Elbląg Apostolic College and the links of the Elbląg Rector Mikołaj Wulsack with Dobre Miasto, Elbląg, too, must be considered.
{"title":"Der gotische Muttergottes‑Altar von Guttstadt (1426)","authors":"Joanna Jakutowicz","doi":"10.26881/sds.2022.25.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2022.25.07","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a stylistic analysis of the Marian altar from the church of the Redeemer and All Saints in Dobre Miasto in the voivodship of Warmia and Masuria. The altar was set up in 1426 as an altar for morning mass. It remains incomplete to this day: several Gothic figures were replaced by later pieces of sculpture, and the altar was provenance is also questionable of the centrally located sculpture of Mary and Child. \u0000The literature up to now has pointed out stylistic analogies with the altar in Pörschken (Nowo‑Moskowskoje), at present in the collection of the Castle Museum in Malbork, and with the altar from Sokolica (Falkenau), which is at present in the collection Museum of the Archdiocese of Warmia in Olsztyn. Stylistic analysis makes it possible to establish that the closest analogy to the Dobre Miasto altar is the altar from Pörschken, while the somewhat later retable from Sokolica has many features in common with the altar from Rauma (Finland), which was a Prussian export. \u0000It is, however, an open question as to the location of the Prussian provincial woodcarving workshop that probably produced the altars in Dobre Miasto and Pörschken, drawing on the at that time rather old‑fashioned tradition of figures of the Madonna on lions. The literaturę suggests Malbork or Gdańsk, but because of stylistic similarities to the Elbląg Apostolic College and the links of the Elbląg Rector Mikołaj Wulsack with Dobre Miasto, Elbląg, too, must be considered.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121858280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After the death of Duke Świętopełk (1266), before civil war broke out between his sons Mściwoj II in Świecie and Warcisław II in Gdańsk–Słupsk, which ended with the banishment of the younger of the two by Mściwoj with Brandenburg help (1269–1271), Mściwoj was imprisoned in a castle called Redzk by some of his powerful subjects(“barons”), at the inspiration or even with the participation of Warcisław. However, later, a more powerful group of knights (milites) freed him and concluded a “covenant” with him (entering into his service?), which led to the expulsion of Warcisław II from Gdańsk. This is recorded in narrative sources from Oliwa and Poznań. A place called Redzk, with a castle, cannot be found in Gdańsk Pomerania. However, without exception, scholars have identified Redzk with castellan Raciąż, a village near Tuchola in the southern part of Gdańsk Pomerania and, thus, within Mściwoj’s domains. In sources from1178 to 1300, this spot appears as: Recinsz, Ratzens, Racins, and Racensze. All these are very different from Redzk. Here it is also worth recalling that the castle in Raciąż was destroyed in 1256 by knights from Great Poland, and, according to documents and archaeological sources, it was not rebuilt before 1270. These and other considerations prompt the author to transfer the site of Mściwoj’s brief incarceration far westward to Recz nad Iną, to a place with a castle that around that time (1268, 1269?) had been taken from the Knights of St John by Barnim I and his knights from Stargard. These knight included five Wedel brothers, who from this time on remained in the service of Mściowoj and took part in the margraves’ expansion into Gdańsk Pomerania (1271–1273). The location of the Duke’s incarceration is further suggested by the homage he made the margraves of Brandenburg in the nearby Choszczno (then Arnswalde) on 1 April 1269. Those who stubbornly identify Redzk with the at that time non‑existent castle in Raciąż have not asked themselves why Mściwoj decided on such a politically far‑reaching step, that is, to pay feudal tribute to the House of Ascania/Anhalt and made to that end the long journey with his immediate entourage some 200 kilometers westward from his duchy. Logic suggests linking this step with his liberation from imprisonment in Recz. The chroniclers evidently were thinking of that group of German knights who in occupied Recz chose the pro‑Brandenburg option, when in 1269 the margraves intervened in the continuing conflict between Barnim I, his knights, and the Cistercians of Kołbacz, on one hand, and the Korytów and Stargard Knights of St John, on the other. They drove off the Cistercians and their lay brothers from their centre in “Sowno” (in Sivin by Lake Sowno), which should, of course, be identified as Arnswalde itself (Choszczno), where on 1 April their very important encounter with Mściwoj II took place. Arnswalde had hitherto lain in the duchy of Barnim I of Szczecin. Because a result of the turmoil was Ludwik
公爵Świętopełk死后(1266年)，在他的两个儿子Mściwoj二世(Świecie)和Warcisław二世(Gdańsk-Słupsk)之间爆发内战之前，在勃兰登堡的帮助下(1269-1271年)，Mściwoj将两个儿子中较年轻的一个驱逐出境，Mściwoj被他的一些强大的国民(“男爵”)囚禁在一个叫Redzk的城堡里，在Warcisław的启发甚至参与下。然而，后来，一群更强大的骑士(军团)释放了他，并与他签订了“契约”(进入他的服务?)，这导致Warcisław II被驱逐出Gdańsk。这在奥利瓦和波兹纳斯的叙述资料中有记载。在Gdańsk波美拉尼亚找不到一个叫Redzk的地方，那里有一座城堡。然而，无一例外，学者们都将Redzk与castellan Raciąż联系起来，castellan是位于Gdańsk波美拉尼亚南部图丘拉附近的一个村庄，因此属于Mściwoj的领地。在1178年至1300年的资料中，这个位置出现为:Recinsz, Ratzens, Racins和Racensze。所有这些都与Redzk非常不同。值得一提的是，Raciąż的城堡在1256年被来自大波兰的骑士摧毁，根据文献和考古资料，它在1270年之前没有重建。这些和其他的考虑促使作者将Mściwoj被短暂监禁的地点转移到遥远的西部的rez nad inje，一个有城堡的地方，大约在那个时候(1268年，1269年?)，是由巴尼姆一世和他的骑士从斯塔加德的圣约翰骑士团手中夺走的。这些骑士包括五名威德尔兄弟，从那时起，他们一直为Mściowoj服务，并参与了margraves向Gdańsk波美拉尼亚(1271-1273)的扩张。1269年4月1日，他在附近的乔什奇诺(当时的阿恩斯瓦尔德)向勃兰登堡侯爵致敬，这进一步表明了公爵被监禁的地点。那些顽固地将Redzk与Raciąż中当时不存在的城堡联系在一起的人没有问过自己，为什么Mściwoj决定采取这样一个政治上影响深远的步骤，即向阿斯卡尼亚/安哈尔特家族(House of Ascania/Anhalt)进贡，并带着他的直接随从从他的公国向西约200公里的地方长途跋涉。从逻辑上讲，这一步与他从雷兹监狱获释有关。显然，编年史家们想到的是在占领雷茨时选择支持勃兰登堡的那群日耳曼骑士。1269年，当侯爵们介入巴尼姆一世及其骑士团和Kołbacz的西多会骑士团，以及Korytów和圣约翰的斯塔加德骑士团之间持续不断的冲突时，他们选择了支持勃兰登堡。他们把西多会教徒和他们的外行兄弟从他们在“索诺”(在索诺湖畔的西温)的中心赶走，当然，这里应该被确定为阿恩斯瓦尔德本身(乔什奇诺)，4月1日，他们在那里与Mściwoj II发生了非常重要的相遇。阿恩斯瓦尔德一直住在什切青的巴尼姆一世的公国。因为混乱的结果是Ludwik·冯·威德尔和他的兄弟将他们的服务转移到margraf(这是明显的来源在最新的1272年以后),在早些时候一直积极参与抓圣约翰骑士团的占有,接管,其他财产,Recz和他们的城堡,作者指出M的可能性ściwoj解放的那些骑士,以便迅速采取后Recz margraf,世俗的公爵可以在1269年4月1日前往乔什奇诺，在那里，巴尔尼姆一世和他的下属对Korytów圣约翰骑士团的暴行仍被深深感受到。进一步确凿的证据表明，来自西波美拉尼亚的骑士参与了Mściwoj的监禁，至少在他的解放中，是由一封未注明日期的Mściwoj II的信提供的——学者们认为时间是1269-1271年，尽管通常是1271年初——在“他真正的骑士，潘·路德威克”的建议下，他寻求高级贵族的帮助，以交换Gdańsk和Gdańsk土地的城镇和堡垒!这封信的带来者和Mściwoj与margraves之间的中间人是他信任的翻译dominus Henryk，可能是Ludwik的兄弟。信中提到的路德维克被认为是路德维克·冯·韦德尔，他参与了夺取圣约翰骑士团财产的行动。的确，这家人的事业发展迅速。早在1271年至1272年，路德维克一世和他的兄弟们就参加了康拉德侯爵对Gdańsk和Gdańsk波美拉尼亚的远征;后来路德维克留在侯爵的随从中，1272年8月17日，他和他的兄弟亨利克一起出现在遥远的<s:1>贝克郡的侯爵骑士中，准备进一步入侵Gdańsk的土地。 公爵Świętopełk死后(1266年)，在他的两个儿子Mściwoj二世(Świecie)和Warcisław二世(Gdańsk-Słupsk)之间爆发内战之前，在勃兰登堡的帮助下(1269-1271年)，Mściwoj将两个儿子中较年轻的一个驱逐出境，Mściwoj被他的一些强大的国民(“男爵”)囚禁在一个叫Redzk的城堡里，在Warcisław的启发甚至参与下。然而，后来，一群更强大的骑士(军团)释放了他，并与他签订了“契约”(进入他的服务?)，这导致Warcisław II被驱逐出Gdańsk。这在奥利瓦和波兹纳斯的叙述资料中有记载。在Gdańsk波美拉尼亚找不到一个叫Redzk的地方，那里有一座城堡。然而，无一例外，学者们都将Redzk与castellan Raciąż联系起来，castellan是位于Gdańsk波美拉尼亚南部图丘拉附近的一个村庄，因此属于Mściwoj的领地。在1178年至1300年的资料中，这个位置出现为:Recinsz, Ratzens, Racins和Racensze。所有这些都与Redzk非常不同。值得一提的是，Raciąż的城堡在1256年被来自大波兰的骑士摧毁，根据文献和考古资料，它在1270年之前没有重建。这些和其他的考虑促使作者将Mściwoj被短暂监禁的地点转移到遥远的西部的rez nad inje，一个有城堡的地方，大约在那个时候(1268年，1269年?)，是由巴尼姆一世和他的骑士从斯塔加德的圣约翰骑士团手中夺走的。这些骑士包括五名威德尔兄弟，从那时起，他们一直为Mściowoj服务，并参与了margraves向Gdańsk波美拉尼亚(1271-1273)的扩张。1269年4月1日，他在附近的乔什奇诺(当时的阿恩斯瓦尔德)向勃兰登堡侯爵致敬，这进一步表明了公爵被监禁的地点。那些顽固地将Redzk与Raciąż中当时不存在的城堡联系在一起的人没有问过自己，为什么Mściwoj决定采取这样一个政治上影响深远的步骤，即向阿斯卡尼亚/安哈尔特家族(House of Ascania/Anhalt)进贡，并带着他的直接随从从他的公国向西约200公里的地方长途跋涉。从逻辑上讲，这一步与他从雷兹监狱获释有关。显然，编年史家们想到的是在占领雷茨时选择支持勃兰登堡的那群日耳曼骑士。1269年，当侯爵们介入巴尼姆一世及其骑士团和Kołbacz的西多会骑士团，以及Korytów和圣约翰的斯塔加德骑士团之间持续不断的冲突时，他们选择了支持勃兰登堡。他们把西多会教徒和他们的外行兄弟从他们在“索诺”(在索诺湖畔的西温)的中心赶走，当然，这里应该被确定为阿恩斯瓦尔德本身(乔什奇诺)，4月1日，他们在那里与Mściwoj II发生了非常重要的相遇。阿恩斯瓦尔德一直住在什切青的巴尼姆一世的公国。因为混乱的结果是Lud
{"title":"Recz nad Iną czy Raciąż koło Tucholi, czyli jeszcze raz o miejscu uwięzienia księcia wschodniopomorskiego Mściwoja II (1269 r.)","authors":"Edward Rymar","doi":"10.26881/sds.2022.25.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2022.25.10","url":null,"abstract":"After the death of Duke Świętopełk (1266), before civil war broke out between his sons Mściwoj II in Świecie and Warcisław II in Gdańsk–Słupsk, which ended with the banishment of the younger of the two by Mściwoj with Brandenburg help (1269–1271), Mściwoj was imprisoned in a castle called Redzk by some of his powerful subjects(“barons”), at the inspiration or even with the participation of Warcisław. However, later, a more powerful group of knights (milites) freed him and concluded a “covenant” with him (entering into his service?), which led to the expulsion of Warcisław II from Gdańsk. This is recorded in narrative sources from Oliwa and Poznań. \u0000A place called Redzk, with a castle, cannot be found in Gdańsk Pomerania. However, without exception, scholars have identified Redzk with castellan Raciąż, a village near Tuchola in the southern part of Gdańsk Pomerania and, thus, within Mściwoj’s domains. In sources from1178 to 1300, this spot appears as: Recinsz, Ratzens, Racins, and Racensze. All these are very different from Redzk. Here it is also worth recalling that the castle in Raciąż was destroyed in 1256 by knights from Great Poland, and, according to documents and archaeological sources, it was not rebuilt before 1270. These and other considerations prompt the author to transfer the site of Mściwoj’s brief incarceration far westward to Recz nad Iną, to a place with a castle that around that time (1268, 1269?) had been taken from the Knights of St John by Barnim I and his knights from Stargard. These knight included five Wedel brothers, who from this time on remained in the service of Mściowoj and took part in the margraves’ expansion into Gdańsk Pomerania (1271–1273). The location of the Duke’s incarceration is further suggested by the homage he made the margraves of Brandenburg in the nearby Choszczno (then Arnswalde) on 1 April 1269. \u0000Those who stubbornly identify Redzk with the at that time non‑existent castle in Raciąż have not asked themselves why Mściwoj decided on such a politically far‑reaching step, that is, to pay feudal tribute to the House of Ascania/Anhalt and made to that end the long journey with his immediate entourage some 200 kilometers westward from his duchy. Logic suggests linking this step with his liberation from imprisonment in Recz. The chroniclers evidently were thinking of that group of German knights who in occupied Recz chose the pro‑Brandenburg option, when in 1269 the margraves intervened in the continuing conflict between Barnim I, his knights, and the Cistercians of Kołbacz, on one hand, and the Korytów and Stargard Knights of St John, on the other. \u0000They drove off the Cistercians and their lay brothers from their centre in “Sowno” (in Sivin by Lake Sowno), which should, of course, be identified as Arnswalde itself (Choszczno), where on 1 April their very important encounter with Mściwoj II took place. Arnswalde had hitherto lain in the duchy of Barnim I of Szczecin. Because a result of the turmoil was Ludwik","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132885901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the main aspects of space in the medieval town consisted of various kinds of sacred structures, above all, parish churches, but also churches belonging to religious houses and hospital chapels. Many spheres of the social life of the town centred on them, both in terms of community (corporate ones involving forms of collective religious experience within guilds and brotherhoods) and of individual experience (private piety). The article considers the issue in relation to the settlement complex of medieval Gdańsk, which initially was a city under Lübeck law, which after its destruction became three town centres successively established in the fourteenth century: the Gdańsk Main Town, the Gdańsk Old Town, and the Gdańsk Young Town. It is important to note that within them were pre‑existing and newly built parish and sister churches, hospital chapels, and churches attached to religious houses. All such buildings are of interest in the sacred topography of the settlement complex in the Middle Ages. Detailed studies of this topic should contribute to a fuller picture of the social history of Gdańsk in the late Middle Ages with special reference to functioning church institutions, not only in an institutional sense, but also as a social network linking various social levels among its inhabitants, both individually and collectively.
{"title":"Topografia sakralna średniowiecznego Gdańska jako problem badawczy","authors":"Rafał Kubicki","doi":"10.26881/sds.2022.25.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2022.25.08","url":null,"abstract":"One of the main aspects of space in the medieval town consisted of various kinds of sacred structures, above all, parish churches, but also churches belonging to religious houses and hospital chapels. Many spheres of the social life of the town centred on them, both in terms of community (corporate ones involving forms of collective religious experience within guilds and brotherhoods) and of individual experience (private piety). The article considers the issue in relation to the settlement complex of medieval Gdańsk, which initially was a city under Lübeck law, which after its destruction became three town centres successively established in the fourteenth century: the Gdańsk Main Town, the Gdańsk Old Town, and the Gdańsk Young Town. It is important to note that within them were pre‑existing and newly built parish and sister churches, hospital chapels, and churches attached to religious houses. All such buildings are of interest in the sacred topography of the settlement complex in the Middle Ages. Detailed studies of this topic should contribute to a fuller picture of the social history of Gdańsk in the late Middle Ages with special reference to functioning church institutions, not only in an institutional sense, but also as a social network linking various social levels among its inhabitants, both individually and collectively.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128512939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents the narrative strategy employed by Wincenty z Kielc (Kielczy) in Vita maior sancti Stanislai, a text written shortly after the canonization of St. Stanisław. Its aim was to strengthen the cult of the Kraków bishop; the tales of miracles performed by the holy martyr were supposed to sound credible. They were also intended to incline readers (listeners) to pious reflection of a more general kind. At the hands oWincenty, a realistic tale of the dangers of a journey by sea undertaken by Piotr, a relative of the hagiographer, is transformed into allegory. The author, well‑versed in Dominican sermonizing, aims to convince readers that in what seem banal events, the „power and greatness of God” are manifested. God works through the mediation of St. Stanisław in what was for contemporary Poles the exotic circumstances of a maritime disaster.
本文介绍了Wincenty z Kielc (Kielczy)在圣Stanisław封圣后不久撰写的《Vita maior sancti Stanislai》中所采用的叙事策略。其目的是加强对Kraków主教的崇拜;神圣殉道者创造奇迹的故事听起来应该是可信的。它们还旨在使读者(听众)倾向于更普遍的虔诚反思。在温森蒂的笔下，一个现实主义的故事，讲述了圣徒传记作者的亲戚彼得雷海上旅行的危险，变成了寓言。作者精通多米尼加的布道，旨在让读者相信，在看似平庸的事件中，“上帝的力量和伟大”得到了体现。上帝通过圣Stanisław的调解在当时的波兰人看来是异国情调的海上灾难中工作。
{"title":"Morska przygoda polskich pielgrzymów: relacja i alegoria (Vita maior sancti Stanislai, caput 49)","authors":"Marek Cetwiński","doi":"10.26881/sds.2022.25.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/sds.2022.25.03","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the narrative strategy employed by Wincenty z Kielc (Kielczy) in Vita maior sancti Stanislai, a text written shortly after the canonization of St. Stanisław. Its aim was to strengthen the cult of the Kraków bishop; the tales of miracles performed by the holy martyr were supposed to sound credible. They were also intended to incline readers (listeners) to pious reflection of a more general kind. At the hands oWincenty, a realistic tale of the dangers of a journey by sea undertaken by Piotr, a relative of the hagiographer, is transformed into allegory. The author, well‑versed in Dominican sermonizing, aims to convince readers that in what seem banal events, the „power and greatness of God” are manifested. God works through the mediation of St. Stanisław in what was for contemporary Poles the exotic circumstances of a maritime disaster.","PeriodicalId":120293,"journal":{"name":"Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126236923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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