Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(4).2022.33-39
Dilara Bowler
The relevance of the study is conditioned by many historical and modern aspects. In particular, by revealing the issues of creating an international organisation, it is possible to understand what functions the organisation had, and the purpose of the organisation's existence against the background of historical events and modernity. The purpose of the study is to highlight the prerequisites and history of the creation of the International organisation Group of Seven (also known as G7), to investigate the influence and significance of this organisation, both in the past and in the context of modern international relations. The scientific approach is based on methods of systematic analysis of other studies and publications, and analysis of documents, in particular, international treaties, memoranda, etc. In addition, historical and comparative, historical and system methods were used, which allowed determining the place of the organisation in the general historical process. The main results of scientific research should be considered the definition of both the prerequisites for the establishment of the Group of Seven and its results, namely: the activities and significance of the organisation, and the definition of the role of an international organisation in historical and modern contexts. Practical application of the results obtained in the course of research is possible as a tool for solving a number of both historiographical and political science problems. In particular, the study can help solve the problem of interstate relations between developed countries and developing countries, the problem of the political and economic unity of developed countries, the problem of relevance and loss of influence of Western countries, and the growth of influence of developing countries, the problem of the relevance of the G7 format and its replacement with the G20 format, etc.
{"title":"Historical Aspects of the Establishment of the Great Seven","authors":"Dilara Bowler","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(4).2022.33-39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(4).2022.33-39","url":null,"abstract":"The relevance of the study is conditioned by many historical and modern aspects. In particular, by revealing the issues of creating an international organisation, it is possible to understand what functions the organisation had, and the purpose of the organisation's existence against the background of historical events and modernity. The purpose of the study is to highlight the prerequisites and history of the creation of the International organisation Group of Seven (also known as G7), to investigate the influence and significance of this organisation, both in the past and in the context of modern international relations. The scientific approach is based on methods of systematic analysis of other studies and publications, and analysis of documents, in particular, international treaties, memoranda, etc. In addition, historical and comparative, historical and system methods were used, which allowed determining the place of the organisation in the general historical process. The main results of scientific research should be considered the definition of both the prerequisites for the establishment of the Group of Seven and its results, namely: the activities and significance of the organisation, and the definition of the role of an international organisation in historical and modern contexts. Practical application of the results obtained in the course of research is possible as a tool for solving a number of both historiographical and political science problems. In particular, the study can help solve the problem of interstate relations between developed countries and developing countries, the problem of the political and economic unity of developed countries, the problem of relevance and loss of influence of Western countries, and the growth of influence of developing countries, the problem of the relevance of the G7 format and its replacement with the G20 format, etc.","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70548543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(5).2022.16-23
Kornelia Czubenko, Deniss Gendelis, Urs Bschor
The issued article describes the military-political dimension of the European Union's activity and its prospects for transformation into a collective security association within the framework of the Russian-Ukrainian war. This topic was the focus of researchers, however, it was considered by them in the context of the history of the European Union and did not involve a separate study. The purpose of this study is to consider the gradation of the defense capability of the European Union in the period from the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war (2014) to the moment of the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation into Ukraine (2022) and the prospects for further development of this area within the EU. The basis of methodological basis of the research is a combination of general historical and political science methods, among which retrospective and institutional methods take the leading place. Analytical work with materials and selection of certain works for each of the tasks was accompanied by the use of critical-dialectical, historical-systemic, action, and problem-chronological methods. As a result of the study, it was found that the military component of the defense capability of the European Union consists of the review and development of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP), the creation of new defense programs (PESCO), “loyalty programs” (European Partnership Policy) and other possible structures for the emergence of a large security space on the borders with Russia and its satellites. The practical value of the work is revealed in the possibility of using the mentioned facts in the further study of the topic of the development of the defense sphere of the European Union in the 21st century, as well as the problems of supranational security formations, in particular on the territory of Europe
{"title":"Strengthening EU Defence Capabilities Under Conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian War","authors":"Kornelia Czubenko, Deniss Gendelis, Urs Bschor","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(5).2022.16-23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(5).2022.16-23","url":null,"abstract":"The issued article describes the military-political dimension of the European Union's activity and its prospects for transformation into a collective security association within the framework of the Russian-Ukrainian war. This topic was the focus of researchers, however, it was considered by them in the context of the history of the European Union and did not involve a separate study. The purpose of this study is to consider the gradation of the defense capability of the European Union in the period from the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war (2014) to the moment of the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation into Ukraine (2022) and the prospects for further development of this area within the EU. The basis of methodological basis of the research is a combination of general historical and political science methods, among which retrospective and institutional methods take the leading place. Analytical work with materials and selection of certain works for each of the tasks was accompanied by the use of critical-dialectical, historical-systemic, action, and problem-chronological methods. As a result of the study, it was found that the military component of the defense capability of the European Union consists of the review and development of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP), the creation of new defense programs (PESCO), “loyalty programs” (European Partnership Policy) and other possible structures for the emergence of a large security space on the borders with Russia and its satellites. The practical value of the work is revealed in the possibility of using the mentioned facts in the further study of the topic of the development of the defense sphere of the European Union in the 21st century, as well as the problems of supranational security formations, in particular on the territory of Europe","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70548611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.9-15
Oleksandr Potyekhin, M. Fesenko
The relevance of the research topic is justified by the fact that the USA and Canada have significant fresh water reserves, but they also experience a shortage of this resource, despite the fact that they are among the top five countries with the richest water resources in the world. In order to ensure the water security of the region and preserve the Great Lakes in a favorable condition, the United States and Canada have worked closely together for many years and share the fresh water resources of the Great Lakes, which is an example for other countries of the world. Based on relevance, the main goal of the article is the analysis of urgent border issues of the USA and Canada in the field of joint use of water resources. It is shown that the USA and Canada have adopted 21 legally binding documents, which recognize that these countries have a responsibility to all people currently living on our planet and to future generations to ensure the safety of this water source in the interests of all mankind, and that a balanced ecosystem approach is used in these countries as part of the climate change adaptation measures. It has been found that since the 1980s, concern has arisen in both countries that the diversion of Great Lakes water outside the basin area may impose negative consequences for the ecosystem and limit the possibilities of using these water reserves in the future. It has been proven that the effectiveness of the Boundary Waters Treaty of 1909 and the Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement has decreased in the conditions of increasing competition for water resources in North America. The fact is substantiated that the current management and control system of the Great Lakes waters under the 1909 Treaty is the best of all existing systems, although it requires improvement. On the one hand, the USA and Canada become increasingly aware of the value of their wealth called the “Great Lakes”, but on the other hand, many trends indicate that the goal of states becomes joint cooperation for the purpose of preserving and enriching water resources as well as privatization and ensuring control over territories, including water, to meet their own needs. Besides the irrational use of water, which is observed both in water-poor regions of the United States and in waterrich regions of Canada, both sides of the border lack of vision for a unified water pricing policy. The article has practical significance for Ukraine, since the experience of the USA and Canada can be useful as an example of solving urgent problems in the field of providing our country with fresh water and preserving water resources
{"title":"Solving the Border Issues of the USA and Canada in the Field of Joint Use of Water Resources","authors":"Oleksandr Potyekhin, M. Fesenko","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.9-15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.9-15","url":null,"abstract":"The relevance of the research topic is justified by the fact that the USA and Canada have significant fresh water reserves, but they also experience a shortage of this resource, despite the fact that they are among the top five countries with the richest water resources in the world. In order to ensure the water security of the region and preserve the Great Lakes in a favorable condition, the United States and Canada have worked closely together for many years and share the fresh water resources of the Great Lakes, which is an example for other countries of the world. Based on relevance, the main goal of the article is the analysis of urgent border issues of the USA and Canada in the field of joint use of water resources. It is shown that the USA and Canada have adopted 21 legally binding documents, which recognize that these countries have a responsibility to all people currently living on our planet and to future generations to ensure the safety of this water source in the interests of all mankind, and that a balanced ecosystem approach is used in these countries as part of the climate change adaptation measures. It has been found that since the 1980s, concern has arisen in both countries that the diversion of Great Lakes water outside the basin area may impose negative consequences for the ecosystem and limit the possibilities of using these water reserves in the future. It has been proven that the effectiveness of the Boundary Waters Treaty of 1909 and the Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement has decreased in the conditions of increasing competition for water resources in North America. The fact is substantiated that the current management and control system of the Great Lakes waters under the 1909 Treaty is the best of all existing systems, although it requires improvement. On the one hand, the USA and Canada become increasingly aware of the value of their wealth called the “Great Lakes”, but on the other hand, many trends indicate that the goal of states becomes joint cooperation for the purpose of preserving and enriching water resources as well as privatization and ensuring control over territories, including water, to meet their own needs. Besides the irrational use of water, which is observed both in water-poor regions of the United States and in waterrich regions of Canada, both sides of the border lack of vision for a unified water pricing policy. The article has practical significance for Ukraine, since the experience of the USA and Canada can be useful as an example of solving urgent problems in the field of providing our country with fresh water and preserving water resources","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.29-36
O. Nakonechna
The struggle of the Ukrainian people for independence during the war of national liberation of 1917-1921 is an important period in the history of Ukraine and is relevant today. One of the most prominent figures of this period is P. Skoropadskyi, who made many important political decisions during his rule. The then Ukrainian State pursued an active foreign policy, the investigation of which is relevant for historians, for the purpose of a broad and objective study of this period, and for diplomats who, based on the experience of the past, determine the current geopolitical course of Ukraine. The purpose of the study is an in-depth analysis of the foreign policy of the Ukrainian State, based on the memoirs of P. Skoropadskyi. When writing the paper, the following methods were used: analysis, comparison, specification and generalisation of information. Based on the findings of the study, the following conclusions were drawn: the foreign policy of the then Ukraine and the Hetman's government was determined by the terms of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk; most of all, the Ukrainian State cooperated with Germany, which had an impact on the course of internal political processes. The study discussed in detail the activities of the Germans in the context of the creation of the Ukrainian army and land policy. The issue of whether this cooperation can be considered an occupation was also considered. In addition, Ukraine's international relations with such states and regions as Romania, Bolshevik Russia, Crimea, and Kuban were considered. In the course of the study, in addition to the actual material, the opinions and plans of P. Skoropadskyi's foreign policy activities were considered. The paper outlines the ideas of Hetman and creates the basis for further research on the history of external relations of this period. This study also touched upon an important topic that few researchers had previously considered, namely the problem of relations between Hetman's government and the Entente
{"title":"Foreign Policy of the Ukrainian State Based on the Diary of Pavlo Skoropadskyi","authors":"O. Nakonechna","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.29-36","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.29-36","url":null,"abstract":"The struggle of the Ukrainian people for independence during the war of national liberation of 1917-1921 is an important period in the history of Ukraine and is relevant today. One of the most prominent figures of this period is P. Skoropadskyi, who made many important political decisions during his rule. The then Ukrainian State pursued an active foreign policy, the investigation of which is relevant for historians, for the purpose of a broad and objective study of this period, and for diplomats who, based on the experience of the past, determine the current geopolitical course of Ukraine. The purpose of the study is an in-depth analysis of the foreign policy of the Ukrainian State, based on the memoirs of P. Skoropadskyi. When writing the paper, the following methods were used: analysis, comparison, specification and generalisation of information. Based on the findings of the study, the following conclusions were drawn: the foreign policy of the then Ukraine and the Hetman's government was determined by the terms of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk; most of all, the Ukrainian State cooperated with Germany, which had an impact on the course of internal political processes. The study discussed in detail the activities of the Germans in the context of the creation of the Ukrainian army and land policy. The issue of whether this cooperation can be considered an occupation was also considered. In addition, Ukraine's international relations with such states and regions as Romania, Bolshevik Russia, Crimea, and Kuban were considered. In the course of the study, in addition to the actual material, the opinions and plans of P. Skoropadskyi's foreign policy activities were considered. The paper outlines the ideas of Hetman and creates the basis for further research on the history of external relations of this period. This study also touched upon an important topic that few researchers had previously considered, namely the problem of relations between Hetman's government and the Entente","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70548003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.36-44
Mykhailo Kharyshyn
The beginning of the 21st century supplemented the list of modern challenges and threats with a new concept of “hybrid war”. As stated by the author of the article, hybrid war uses all types of state power and tools available to it, including disinformation, to impose its will on another state, attacking the weakest points of society's development, and, accordingly, to achieve its results. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, and especially with the beginning of Russian aggression against the Ukrainian state, the issue of “political rusynism” as an element of hybrid war has today become an effective tool for Russia to blackmail many countries of Central and Eastern Europe. According to the author of the article, this applies not only to Ukraine, but also to Slovakia, Poland, Romania as well as Moldova, where a large Ukrainian-Rusyn community lives. The issue of countering modern challenges and threats, including political rusynism, requires a more careful study of this problem. The purpose of the presented article is to briefly highlight the main reasons for the revival of political rusynism on the territory of Ukraine, to clarify modern neo-rusynism movements and their leaders of thought, as well as to outline the main measures to institutionalize the basic ideas of neo-rusynism in Ukraine as elements of a massive Russian hybrid war. The author shows the historical connection between Russia's use of rusynism and the current situation in the region. The author's opinion is that deep understanding of the nature of political rusynism will allow various interested institutions of Ukraine, in particular state bodies, to effectively neutralize and prevent, including within the framework of multi-format international platforms, the attempts of certain neighboring states, primarily Russia, to destabilize the situation in Ukraine using this phenomenon as one of the effective tools of hybrid warfare
{"title":"Political Neo-Rusynism as an Element of the Russian Hybrid War Against Ukraine and the Countries of Eastern Europe","authors":"Mykhailo Kharyshyn","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.36-44","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.36-44","url":null,"abstract":"The beginning of the 21st century supplemented the list of modern challenges and threats with a new concept of “hybrid war”. As stated by the author of the article, hybrid war uses all types of state power and tools available to it, including disinformation, to impose its will on another state, attacking the weakest points of society's development, and, accordingly, to achieve its results. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, and especially with the beginning of Russian aggression against the Ukrainian state, the issue of “political rusynism” as an element of hybrid war has today become an effective tool for Russia to blackmail many countries of Central and Eastern Europe. According to the author of the article, this applies not only to Ukraine, but also to Slovakia, Poland, Romania as well as Moldova, where a large Ukrainian-Rusyn community lives. The issue of countering modern challenges and threats, including political rusynism, requires a more careful study of this problem. The purpose of the presented article is to briefly highlight the main reasons for the revival of political rusynism on the territory of Ukraine, to clarify modern neo-rusynism movements and their leaders of thought, as well as to outline the main measures to institutionalize the basic ideas of neo-rusynism in Ukraine as elements of a massive Russian hybrid war. The author shows the historical connection between Russia's use of rusynism and the current situation in the region. The author's opinion is that deep understanding of the nature of political rusynism will allow various interested institutions of Ukraine, in particular state bodies, to effectively neutralize and prevent, including within the framework of multi-format international platforms, the attempts of certain neighboring states, primarily Russia, to destabilize the situation in Ukraine using this phenomenon as one of the effective tools of hybrid warfare","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70548039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(5).2022.8-15
A. Sokar, Ian Wells, Martin Leod, Alan Reeners, Mark Stephanes
Russia's armed aggression against Ukraine has resulted in tens of thousands of deaths, destruction of cities and towns, homes and infrastructure. The constant threat is a consequence of the large flow of refugees who are forced to leave the country in search of security and asylum. European Union countries, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Canada have accepted those fleeing the war and provided temporary protection. The relevance of the study consists in the identification of ways for assistance and benefits conferred, which are aimed at adapting and supporting Ukrainian refugees. The purpose of this paper is to study the features of adaptation of Ukrainian refugees in the EU, Great Britain, USA, and Canada, the socio-psychological state of refugees during the adaptation period, to compare the concepts of “refugee” and “person in need of temporary protection”, the characteristics of the social assistance package for Ukrainian refugees. The methods used to investigate the topic are: comparative, legal recognition, logical and legal method, hermeneutical method, analysis, etc. The results of this study are a comparison of the main concepts, including: “refugee”, “person in need of temporary protection”, characteristics of Ukrainian and international laws and regulations on refugee protection issues, clarification of the features of adaptation of Ukrainian refugees in the EU countries, Great Britain, USA, and Canada, psychological aspects of refugee adaptation, comparative analysis of social assistance and benefits for refugees between EU countries, Great Britain, USA, and Canada, processing statistics to compare the number of refugees between countries that provide asylum and protection. The provisions presented in this paper reveal the current problems of adaptation of Ukrainian refugees in the EU, Great Britain, USA, and Canada and may be useful for further study
{"title":"Features of Adaptation of Ukrainian Refugees in the EU, Great Britain, USA, and Canada","authors":"A. Sokar, Ian Wells, Martin Leod, Alan Reeners, Mark Stephanes","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(5).2022.8-15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(5).2022.8-15","url":null,"abstract":"Russia's armed aggression against Ukraine has resulted in tens of thousands of deaths, destruction of cities and towns, homes and infrastructure. The constant threat is a consequence of the large flow of refugees who are forced to leave the country in search of security and asylum. European Union countries, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Canada have accepted those fleeing the war and provided temporary protection. The relevance of the study consists in the identification of ways for assistance and benefits conferred, which are aimed at adapting and supporting Ukrainian refugees. The purpose of this paper is to study the features of adaptation of Ukrainian refugees in the EU, Great Britain, USA, and Canada, the socio-psychological state of refugees during the adaptation period, to compare the concepts of “refugee” and “person in need of temporary protection”, the characteristics of the social assistance package for Ukrainian refugees. The methods used to investigate the topic are: comparative, legal recognition, logical and legal method, hermeneutical method, analysis, etc. The results of this study are a comparison of the main concepts, including: “refugee”, “person in need of temporary protection”, characteristics of Ukrainian and international laws and regulations on refugee protection issues, clarification of the features of adaptation of Ukrainian refugees in the EU countries, Great Britain, USA, and Canada, psychological aspects of refugee adaptation, comparative analysis of social assistance and benefits for refugees between EU countries, Great Britain, USA, and Canada, processing statistics to compare the number of refugees between countries that provide asylum and protection. The provisions presented in this paper reveal the current problems of adaptation of Ukrainian refugees in the EU, Great Britain, USA, and Canada and may be useful for further study","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70549032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.32-35
Alla Humeniuk
{"title":"The Republic of Cyprus is a Country of Active Diplomatic Life","authors":"Alla Humeniuk","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.32-35","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.32-35","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(6).2021.43-48
I. Matiash
The purpose of the article is to highlight the activities of Maria Bachynska-Dontsova in the field of diplomatic service during its formation as a state institution in the closest to modern form. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism, and systematicity. To identify and classify sources, the methods of archival heuristics and source study criticism were used; to study the activities of M. Dontsova as a representative of women in Ukrainian diplomacy, methods of prosopography were used. The relevance of the study stems from the lack of scientific research on the role of women in the formation of the Ukrainian diplomatic service during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921, and in particular the lack of coverage in the scientific literature of M. Dontsova’s activity as a member of Ukrainian diplomatic missions. The scientific novelty of the research results lies in the reconstruction based on the identified archival sources of M. Dontsova's activity as an employee of the Ukrainian diplomatic service and the reflection of her personal history in the collective portrait of Ukrainian female diplomats. M. Bachynska-Dontsova went down into the history of the Ukrainian diplomatic service as the wife of the head of the press bureau of the EDM UPR in Switzerland, prominent statesman and politician D. Dontsov, whom she helped with information and publishing activities, translations, and maintaining contacts with readers. Through her tireless work, she had demonstrated the essential role of a diplomat's wife in the diplomatic service. At the same time, she became one of the representatives of women in the Ukrainian diplomatic service. Like the vast majority of women in diplomatic missions, she did not have leadership authority but was a “universal government official” as an accountant, translator, clerk, and government commissioner. Noteworthy is her activity in the field of public and cultural diplomacy after completing diplomatic service in women’s NGOs to form a positive image of Ukraine abroad, to tell the truth about Ukrainian problems, to develop tools for cultural diplomacy
{"title":"Diplomatic Service of Maria Dontsova: Little-Known Facets of a Famous Figure (Personal Story to the Collective Portrait of Ukrainian Women Diplomats)","authors":"I. Matiash","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(6).2021.43-48","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(6).2021.43-48","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the article is to highlight the activities of Maria Bachynska-Dontsova in the field of diplomatic service during its formation as a state institution in the closest to modern form. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism, and systematicity. To identify and classify sources, the methods of archival heuristics and source study criticism were used; to study the activities of M. Dontsova as a representative of women in Ukrainian diplomacy, methods of prosopography were used. The relevance of the study stems from the lack of scientific research on the role of women in the formation of the Ukrainian diplomatic service during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921, and in particular the lack of coverage in the scientific literature of M. Dontsova’s activity as a member of Ukrainian diplomatic missions. The scientific novelty of the research results lies in the reconstruction based on the identified archival sources of M. Dontsova's activity as an employee of the Ukrainian diplomatic service and the reflection of her personal history in the collective portrait of Ukrainian female diplomats. M. Bachynska-Dontsova went down into the history of the Ukrainian diplomatic service as the wife of the head of the press bureau of the EDM UPR in Switzerland, prominent statesman and politician D. Dontsov, whom she helped with information and publishing activities, translations, and maintaining contacts with readers. Through her tireless work, she had demonstrated the essential role of a diplomat's wife in the diplomatic service. At the same time, she became one of the representatives of women in the Ukrainian diplomatic service. Like the vast majority of women in diplomatic missions, she did not have leadership authority but was a “universal government official” as an accountant, translator, clerk, and government commissioner. Noteworthy is her activity in the field of public and cultural diplomacy after completing diplomatic service in women’s NGOs to form a positive image of Ukraine abroad, to tell the truth about Ukrainian problems, to develop tools for cultural diplomacy","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.16-24
Y. Vermenych
At the turn of the millennium, the issues of borders and border territories that arose as a result of the reinterpretation of the place and role of national states and supranational entities became the focus of social analysis. Scientific attention to cross-border strategies of European integration processes is determined both by a new vision of the phenomenon of regionalism and the characteristic features of territorial identities. The relevance of the study of crossborder regionalism lies in the awareness of the increasing specific weight of territoriality in the modern world system and the need to find algorithms to answer the challenges of our time, which are marked by “binding to the territory”. The purpose of the article is the theoretical and methodological study of models and concepts of cross-border cooperation, which are formed under the influence of interconnected processes of globalization and regionalization within the European space. The current conditions of functioning of countries in the context of cross-border cooperation necessitate the substantiation of conceptual approaches to uncovering the essence of the cross-border region as a methodological construct. The application of geopolitical and geohistorical methodology determines the representation of the essential characteristics of cross-border regionalism as well as the determination of the role and place of border regions in European integration strategies. As a result of the study, it was proven that the effectiveness of cross-border cooperation depends on the extent, to which the historical traditions, mentality and social attitudes of the population of the border areas are taken into account in the process of creating Euroregions. It has been found that the minimization of risks caused by the long-term development of societies within various state organizations directly depend on the degree of scientific understanding of the specifics, potential and opportunities of cross-border regions, as well as the variability of value orientations and behavioral stereotypes. It was determined that the “transparency” of borders is a powerful resource for the balanced development of states, increasing the role of cross-border dynamics in the sphere of economy, culture, and ecology. The practical significance of the study is determined by the representation of spatial trends in the coordination of European integration strategies, the development of regional identity, and the decentralization of decision-making. Increasing scientific knowledge about cross-border regionalism will help to better understand the role and place of Ukraine in the modern world and bring it closer to entering the European political space
{"title":"Cross-Border Regionalism in European Integration Strategies: A Conceptual Dimension","authors":"Y. Vermenych","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.16-24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.16-24","url":null,"abstract":"At the turn of the millennium, the issues of borders and border territories that arose as a result of the reinterpretation of the place and role of national states and supranational entities became the focus of social analysis. Scientific attention to cross-border strategies of European integration processes is determined both by a new vision of the phenomenon of regionalism and the characteristic features of territorial identities. The relevance of the study of crossborder regionalism lies in the awareness of the increasing specific weight of territoriality in the modern world system and the need to find algorithms to answer the challenges of our time, which are marked by “binding to the territory”. The purpose of the article is the theoretical and methodological study of models and concepts of cross-border cooperation, which are formed under the influence of interconnected processes of globalization and regionalization within the European space. The current conditions of functioning of countries in the context of cross-border cooperation necessitate the substantiation of conceptual approaches to uncovering the essence of the cross-border region as a methodological construct. The application of geopolitical and geohistorical methodology determines the representation of the essential characteristics of cross-border regionalism as well as the determination of the role and place of border regions in European integration strategies. As a result of the study, it was proven that the effectiveness of cross-border cooperation depends on the extent, to which the historical traditions, mentality and social attitudes of the population of the border areas are taken into account in the process of creating Euroregions. It has been found that the minimization of risks caused by the long-term development of societies within various state organizations directly depend on the degree of scientific understanding of the specifics, potential and opportunities of cross-border regions, as well as the variability of value orientations and behavioral stereotypes. It was determined that the “transparency” of borders is a powerful resource for the balanced development of states, increasing the role of cross-border dynamics in the sphere of economy, culture, and ecology. The practical significance of the study is determined by the representation of spatial trends in the coordination of European integration strategies, the development of regional identity, and the decentralization of decision-making. Increasing scientific knowledge about cross-border regionalism will help to better understand the role and place of Ukraine in the modern world and bring it closer to entering the European political space","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.16-21
Chekalenko Liudmyla
Актуальність поданої теми теми полягає в необхідності дослідження процесу руйнування усталеного світу, колапсу системи міжнародних відносин, відсутністю розуміння і повним ігноруванням з боку агресора усіх гуманітарних важелів в ситуації війни і збройного протистояння. Теоретичний аналіз як метод дослідження слугує контекстом і основою для знаходження і опанування об’єктивною інформацією; діалектичний метод переливання кількісних складників у якісні є необхідним для віднайдення відповідних важелів виявлення і покарання агресора. При написанні статті були використані також ідеї теорії систем та для всього тексту запроваджено синергетичний метод. Мета статті полягає у дослідженні об›єктивних реалій сьогодення і знаходження можливих адекватних агресії відповідей для нейтралізації загарбника. В результаті дослідження автор розробила відповідну схему безпекового існування держави. Схеми Безпеки, що запроваджуються в міжнародних відносинах, мають кілька рівнів і варіантів захисту. В українському варіанті поза розбудовою власних безпекових ресурсів і закріплення партнерства стратегічного виміру, Україна сьогодні переважно розраховує на третій рівень колективного захисту, в якому беруть участь кілька держав, що об’єднують власні зусилля у протистоянні ворогові. Така схема, що нагадує безпекову мережу, містить різноманітні варіанти захисту. Задача очільників держави об’єднати найприйнятніші позиції трьох рівнів і запровадити відповідну логістичну складову із залученням НАТО схем там, де ООН потужності не спрацьовують
{"title":"Історія еволюції національної безпеки суб’єктної України","authors":"Chekalenko Liudmyla","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.16-21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.16-21","url":null,"abstract":"Актуальність поданої теми теми полягає в необхідності дослідження процесу руйнування усталеного світу, колапсу системи міжнародних відносин, відсутністю розуміння і повним ігноруванням з боку агресора усіх гуманітарних важелів в ситуації війни і збройного протистояння. Теоретичний аналіз як метод дослідження слугує контекстом і основою для знаходження і опанування об’єктивною інформацією; діалектичний метод переливання кількісних складників у якісні є необхідним для віднайдення відповідних важелів виявлення і покарання агресора. При написанні статті були використані також ідеї теорії систем та для всього тексту запроваджено синергетичний метод. Мета статті полягає у дослідженні об›єктивних реалій сьогодення і знаходження можливих адекватних агресії відповідей для нейтралізації загарбника. В результаті дослідження автор розробила відповідну схему безпекового існування держави. Схеми Безпеки, що запроваджуються в міжнародних відносинах, мають кілька рівнів і варіантів захисту. В українському варіанті поза розбудовою власних безпекових ресурсів і закріплення партнерства стратегічного виміру, Україна сьогодні переважно розраховує на третій рівень колективного захисту, в якому беруть участь кілька держав, що об’єднують власні зусилля у протистоянні ворогові. Така схема, що нагадує безпекову мережу, містить різноманітні варіанти захисту. Задача очільників держави об’єднати найприйнятніші позиції трьох рівнів і запровадити відповідну логістичну складову із залученням НАТО схем там, де ООН потужності не спрацьовують","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：