Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.45-47
Serhii Troian
{"title":"Review of Zhvanko Lyubov Mykolaivna’s Publication “Diplomatic Missions of the Republic of Poland in Kharkiv (1921-1937): Review of Issues and Author’s Reflections of Contemporary Polish Historiography”","authors":"Serhii Troian","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.45-47","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.45-47","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70548178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.14-21
Olga Mansur, Oksana Netreba, John Bilgin, Idlir Yardim, Nihal Ulusay
Since the beginning of Ukraine's independence, namely on 24 August 1991, there has been a lively debate among social and legal theorists and practitioners alike as to the advisability of Ukraine joining NATO. However, this issue became particularly relevant after February 24 2022, when the Russian Federation launched a full-scale war against Ukraine, and of course, it remains on the agenda until now, as it concerns guarantees of national security and independence of the state. Based on this, the purpose of the study is to identify current problems, challenges, and prospects related to the process of Ukraine's accession to NATO. To achieve this goal, the method of analysis and synthesis, comparison, deduction, and historical methods were used in the study. As a result, it was found that Ukraine's accession to NATO is a priority for its future development and security. The paper managed to analyse the main Euro-Atlantic prospects for Ukraine, the most important of which at the moment is the protection of its territory by other member countries of the alliance. The analysed modern challenges allowed the authors to establish that in the conditions of the current Russian-Ukrainian war, the Ukrainian authorities implemented a number of measures aimed at developing the military-political industry, in particular, they abandoned the non-aligned position, approved the updated national security strategy of Ukraine, and most importantly approved the Euro-Atlantic direction of Ukraine's development in the Constitution of Ukraine. In conclusion, it was possible to reveal not only the priority of Ukraine's accession to NATO, but also to investigate the practical means and tools that are already being used to implement this process. The practical significance of the study lies in the fact that its results can be used both by theorists for an in-depth investigation of this topic, and by practitioners, in particular by legislators, in the development of new laws and regulations related to the Euro-Atlantic process
{"title":"Ukraine and NATO: Problems, Challenges, Prospects","authors":"Olga Mansur, Oksana Netreba, John Bilgin, Idlir Yardim, Nihal Ulusay","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.14-21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.14-21","url":null,"abstract":"Since the beginning of Ukraine's independence, namely on 24 August 1991, there has been a lively debate among social and legal theorists and practitioners alike as to the advisability of Ukraine joining NATO. However, this issue became particularly relevant after February 24 2022, when the Russian Federation launched a full-scale war against Ukraine, and of course, it remains on the agenda until now, as it concerns guarantees of national security and independence of the state. Based on this, the purpose of the study is to identify current problems, challenges, and prospects related to the process of Ukraine's accession to NATO. To achieve this goal, the method of analysis and synthesis, comparison, deduction, and historical methods were used in the study. As a result, it was found that Ukraine's accession to NATO is a priority for its future development and security. The paper managed to analyse the main Euro-Atlantic prospects for Ukraine, the most important of which at the moment is the protection of its territory by other member countries of the alliance. The analysed modern challenges allowed the authors to establish that in the conditions of the current Russian-Ukrainian war, the Ukrainian authorities implemented a number of measures aimed at developing the military-political industry, in particular, they abandoned the non-aligned position, approved the updated national security strategy of Ukraine, and most importantly approved the Euro-Atlantic direction of Ukraine's development in the Constitution of Ukraine. In conclusion, it was possible to reveal not only the priority of Ukraine's accession to NATO, but also to investigate the practical means and tools that are already being used to implement this process. The practical significance of the study lies in the fact that its results can be used both by theorists for an in-depth investigation of this topic, and by practitioners, in particular by legislators, in the development of new laws and regulations related to the Euro-Atlantic process","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.8-13
A. Kyrydon, Serhiy Troyan
Statement and relevance of the problem. In early 2020, the outbreak of coronavirus disease came as a surprise to the whole world. The need for effective counteraction at the global and regional levels required decisive action from international organisations and state governments. The World Health Organization has announced the pandemic and the need for a thorough and urgent fight against it. European countries have introduced strict restrictive measures, in particular, mass self-isolation, restrictions on economic and trade activities, termination of the educational process with its subsequent transfer to distance learning, etc. Sweden was the only EU member state to pursue a much softer and more liberal policy in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. The purpose of the study is primarily to investigate features of the Swedish model of countering the spread of COVID-19. Scientific research is based on the use of comparative historical and statistical methods, and elements of retrospective and prospective factor analysis. Conclusions and prospects of the study. Based on the investigation of the Swedish government's policy on the COVID-19 pandemic, a number of features of the measures applied were highlighted. The Swedish model was based on the principle of public responsibility and reliance on a highly developed national health system. The basic course was to develop collective immunity in society. An important role was played by the principle of voluntariness, which did not provide for the introduction of a nationwide quarantine. Therefore, (especially at the initial stage) restrictive measures in Sweden were mild and mostly advisory in nature. Additionally, the need to maintain social distance and personal hygiene was emphasised. No strict measures or restrictions were introduced for the economy; businesses and institutions were advised to switch to remote work. Sweden has become the only EU country that has not implemented a lockdown in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic. Swedish counteraction policy, as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic, was based on the principle of situational response: the authorities implemented certain measures in accordance with their timeliness and effectiveness. All this suggests a special Swedish model of state policy aimed at effectively overcoming the manifestations and consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The generalisation of Sweden's experience would allow developing approaches for creating effective measures to prevent and quickly counter such threats
{"title":"Swedish Policy of Сountering the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"A. Kyrydon, Serhiy Troyan","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.8-13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(3).2022.8-13","url":null,"abstract":"Statement and relevance of the problem. In early 2020, the outbreak of coronavirus disease came as a surprise to the whole world. The need for effective counteraction at the global and regional levels required decisive action from international organisations and state governments. The World Health Organization has announced the pandemic and the need for a thorough and urgent fight against it. European countries have introduced strict restrictive measures, in particular, mass self-isolation, restrictions on economic and trade activities, termination of the educational process with its subsequent transfer to distance learning, etc. Sweden was the only EU member state to pursue a much softer and more liberal policy in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. The purpose of the study is primarily to investigate features of the Swedish model of countering the spread of COVID-19. Scientific research is based on the use of comparative historical and statistical methods, and elements of retrospective and prospective factor analysis. Conclusions and prospects of the study. Based on the investigation of the Swedish government's policy on the COVID-19 pandemic, a number of features of the measures applied were highlighted. The Swedish model was based on the principle of public responsibility and reliance on a highly developed national health system. The basic course was to develop collective immunity in society. An important role was played by the principle of voluntariness, which did not provide for the introduction of a nationwide quarantine. Therefore, (especially at the initial stage) restrictive measures in Sweden were mild and mostly advisory in nature. Additionally, the need to maintain social distance and personal hygiene was emphasised. No strict measures or restrictions were introduced for the economy; businesses and institutions were advised to switch to remote work. Sweden has become the only EU country that has not implemented a lockdown in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic. Swedish counteraction policy, as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic, was based on the principle of situational response: the authorities implemented certain measures in accordance with their timeliness and effectiveness. All this suggests a special Swedish model of state policy aimed at effectively overcoming the manifestations and consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The generalisation of Sweden's experience would allow developing approaches for creating effective measures to prevent and quickly counter such threats","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547851","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.23-30
I. Orobets, O. Sydorenko, Are Xun, I. Pasek
The United States and China are by far the most powerful countries on the planet by many indicators, and both of these countries can influence the course of many processes around the world. In particular, the United States has a substantial influence on the world stage, so it is necessary to investigate the significance of the confrontation with Beijing in the context of their foreign policy, and what are the prospects for its continuation. Thus, the relevance of the subject is determined by the fact that the results of this confrontation have an impact on the policy of all countries in the future. The main purpose of the study is to determine the level of priority of the confrontation with China for the United States, by analysing the foundations of the geopolitical theory of the United States and considering the history of this conflict. When writing the study, the following methods were used: analysis, synthesis, comparison, specification and generalisation of information. As a result of the study, the following conclusions can be drawn: the confrontation between the United States and Beijing takes place in three main areas of activity: trade, economic, and ideological; it was determined that the United States is the most influential country in the world and is trying to maintain this influence; it was identified that the key aspect of the US foreign policy influence is trade, which is one of the main reasons for the confrontation with China; the impact of this conflict on the whole world was established; certain problems of US internal policy and possible prospects for the development of this conflict were considered. The originality of the study is that it considers the conflict between the United States and China as broadly as possible, considering various fields of activity. The results of this study will be useful for economists who study the economic problems of the whole world, and Ukraine in particular, including researchers in the United States, to draw attention to the problems and threats of their own country
{"title":"Confrontation with Beijing as One of the Priorities of US Foreign Policy","authors":"I. Orobets, O. Sydorenko, Are Xun, I. Pasek","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.23-30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.23-30","url":null,"abstract":"The United States and China are by far the most powerful countries on the planet by many indicators, and both of these countries can influence the course of many processes around the world. In particular, the United States has a substantial influence on the world stage, so it is necessary to investigate the significance of the confrontation with Beijing in the context of their foreign policy, and what are the prospects for its continuation. Thus, the relevance of the subject is determined by the fact that the results of this confrontation have an impact on the policy of all countries in the future. The main purpose of the study is to determine the level of priority of the confrontation with China for the United States, by analysing the foundations of the geopolitical theory of the United States and considering the history of this conflict. When writing the study, the following methods were used: analysis, synthesis, comparison, specification and generalisation of information. As a result of the study, the following conclusions can be drawn: the confrontation between the United States and Beijing takes place in three main areas of activity: trade, economic, and ideological; it was determined that the United States is the most influential country in the world and is trying to maintain this influence; it was identified that the key aspect of the US foreign policy influence is trade, which is one of the main reasons for the confrontation with China; the impact of this conflict on the whole world was established; certain problems of US internal policy and possible prospects for the development of this conflict were considered. The originality of the study is that it considers the conflict between the United States and China as broadly as possible, considering various fields of activity. The results of this study will be useful for economists who study the economic problems of the whole world, and Ukraine in particular, including researchers in the United States, to draw attention to the problems and threats of their own country","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70548754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.39-45
S. Koniukhov
The relevance of the subject matter was conditioned by the need to develop a programme for the process of decolonisation of modern Ukrainian history textbooks, the construction of a historical narrative and its consolidation in the public consciousness, and the great importance of practical application and implementation of decolonisation under modern requirements of the time. The purpose of this study was to conduct a detailed analysis of the process of decolonisation of modern textbooks on the history of Ukraine, separate the available information in textbooks from unreliable facts, and develop recommendations for improvement. The basis of the methodological approach in this study was a qualitative combination of methods of system analysis, theoretical research, and to a certain extent, empirical research, which allowed highlighting and generalising the direct data of observations, and the combination of these methods created the dynamics of scientific knowledge as an integral organised system. The main results obtained in the framework of this study should be considered the definition of the main features of the decolonisation process, their implementation and further improvement. The results also include the formulation of the main goals and objectives of decolonisation. The results of this study and the conclusions formulated on their basis are of significant importance primarily for students, students and teachers who will repeatedly apply and operate information from textbooks, for historians, subjects whose professional activity is related to the reliability of facts about the historical past and present, which is essential from the standpoint of spreading false information and subjectivism of authors in history textbooks, and for all citizens of Ukraine
{"title":"Specific Features of the Process of Decolonisation of Modern Textbooks on the History of Ukraine","authors":"S. Koniukhov","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.39-45","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.39-45","url":null,"abstract":"The relevance of the subject matter was conditioned by the need to develop a programme for the process of decolonisation of modern Ukrainian history textbooks, the construction of a historical narrative and its consolidation in the public consciousness, and the great importance of practical application and implementation of decolonisation under modern requirements of the time. The purpose of this study was to conduct a detailed analysis of the process of decolonisation of modern textbooks on the history of Ukraine, separate the available information in textbooks from unreliable facts, and develop recommendations for improvement. The basis of the methodological approach in this study was a qualitative combination of methods of system analysis, theoretical research, and to a certain extent, empirical research, which allowed highlighting and generalising the direct data of observations, and the combination of these methods created the dynamics of scientific knowledge as an integral organised system. The main results obtained in the framework of this study should be considered the definition of the main features of the decolonisation process, their implementation and further improvement. The results also include the formulation of the main goals and objectives of decolonisation. The results of this study and the conclusions formulated on their basis are of significant importance primarily for students, students and teachers who will repeatedly apply and operate information from textbooks, for historians, subjects whose professional activity is related to the reliability of facts about the historical past and present, which is essential from the standpoint of spreading false information and subjectivism of authors in history textbooks, and for all citizens of Ukraine","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70548923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.8-15
Evangelia Petrychenko, Alla Sydorchuk, Anish Trichina
The relevance of the study is due to the need to conduct an investigation of the conditions, features, and prospects of Ukraine’s European integration during the war, and an examination of the status of a candidate country for EU membership, granted to it on June 23, 2022. The purpose of the study is to establish the conditions and features of Ukraine’s European integration in the context of the war and the problems and requirements that arise on the way to EU membership. Within the framework of the study, the following methods were used: dialectical, historical, and hermeneutical, formal-legal, legal-cognitive, logical, induction and deduction, modelling and system analysis, axiomatic etc. The results of the study are the definition of the main concepts and terms, namely: “European Union”, “European integration”, “status of a candidate for EU membership”; the features and purpose of the activities of European Union are established; the analysis of the European integration process of Ukraine during all the years of its independence is investigated and analysed; the achievements that Ukraine has already accomplished in cooperation with the European Union are clarified; the existing problems and obstacles to joining the European Union are established; the analysis of the features of Ukraine’s European integration in the conditions of war is conducted; the features of the status of a candidate for membership in the European Union is investigated and established; the prospects and advantages that arise in connection with granting Ukraine the status of a candidate country for membership are established; the tasks and conditions that Ukraine must fulfill to join the EU are investigated and clarified; the experience of countries that have joined the European Union is analysed. The provisions in the study are of practical value primarily for the authorities and authorised persons, whose duties include conducting reforms and performing tasks for European integration of Ukraine
{"title":"Ukraine’s European Integration in the Context of War","authors":"Evangelia Petrychenko, Alla Sydorchuk, Anish Trichina","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.8-15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(6).2022.8-15","url":null,"abstract":"The relevance of the study is due to the need to conduct an investigation of the conditions, features, and prospects of Ukraine’s European integration during the war, and an examination of the status of a candidate country for EU membership, granted to it on June 23, 2022. The purpose of the study is to establish the conditions and features of Ukraine’s European integration in the context of the war and the problems and requirements that arise on the way to EU membership. Within the framework of the study, the following methods were used: dialectical, historical, and hermeneutical, formal-legal, legal-cognitive, logical, induction and deduction, modelling and system analysis, axiomatic etc. The results of the study are the definition of the main concepts and terms, namely: “European Union”, “European integration”, “status of a candidate for EU membership”; the features and purpose of the activities of European Union are established; the analysis of the European integration process of Ukraine during all the years of its independence is investigated and analysed; the achievements that Ukraine has already accomplished in cooperation with the European Union are clarified; the existing problems and obstacles to joining the European Union are established; the analysis of the features of Ukraine’s European integration in the conditions of war is conducted; the features of the status of a candidate for membership in the European Union is investigated and established; the prospects and advantages that arise in connection with granting Ukraine the status of a candidate country for membership are established; the tasks and conditions that Ukraine must fulfill to join the EU are investigated and clarified; the experience of countries that have joined the European Union is analysed. The provisions in the study are of practical value primarily for the authorities and authorised persons, whose duties include conducting reforms and performing tasks for European integration of Ukraine","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"117 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70548982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.35-43
Iryna Rybachok
The present study investigates the predicament of Ukrainian women in post-war Austria, where numerous Ukrainian refugees found themselves after the end of the Second World War. Ukrainian women were active in public life, which led to attempts to resume the activities of the Ukrainian Women's Union. The relevance of this study is conditioned upon both the lack of its research and its importance for the history of the Ukrainian women's movement. The purpose of this paper is to consider the attempts to consolidate Ukrainian women, intensify the Ukrainian women's movement, resume the activities of the Union of Ukrainian Women in emigration, the main tasks and vectors of Ukrainian women's activities in post-war Austria. The study is based on the use of documentary materials stored in the Central State Archives of Ukraine in Lviv, the memories of people who were in DP camps and materials of the then Ukrainian press. The study employed general scientific methods of cognition (analysis, synthesis, induction, and deduction) and special-historical methods – problem-historical, chronological, comparative-historical, which enabled a comprehensive analysis of the problem. In the first post-war years, the Ukrainian women's movement was revived in camps for displaced persons and refugees in Austria and West Germany. The intensification of women’s activities was connected both with the need to solve a number of social and national problems of refugees and with the continuation of the traditions of the Ukrainian women’s movement. It was in Austria in 1945 that the Union of Ukrainian Women resumed its activities and the idea arose to establish a single organisational superstructure that would unite Ukrainian women in new political circumstances and emigration conditions (a project of the Union of Ukrainian Women of Europe). The authors of this study draw attention to the need to review the tasks of Ukrainian women in exile. Although the post-war living conditions of Ukrainian refugees in Austria did not allow for the implementation of part of the programme of the Ukrainian Women's Congress in Feldkirch, the activities of local branches of the Union of Ukrainian Women in DP camps were important for the life of Ukrainian communities, as women themselves were actively engaged in support activities, social work, organisation of cultural and educational activities, preservation of Ukrainian traditions in emigration. The present research can be used to write summary works on the history of life of Ukrainians in camps for displaced persons in Germany and Austria after the Second World War, the history of the women's movement and Ukrainian emigration
{"title":"Ukrainian Women in Austria and Attempts to Resume the Activities of the Union of Ukrainian Women (1945-1957)","authors":"Iryna Rybachok","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.35-43","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.35-43","url":null,"abstract":"The present study investigates the predicament of Ukrainian women in post-war Austria, where numerous Ukrainian refugees found themselves after the end of the Second World War. Ukrainian women were active in public life, which led to attempts to resume the activities of the Ukrainian Women's Union. The relevance of this study is conditioned upon both the lack of its research and its importance for the history of the Ukrainian women's movement. The purpose of this paper is to consider the attempts to consolidate Ukrainian women, intensify the Ukrainian women's movement, resume the activities of the Union of Ukrainian Women in emigration, the main tasks and vectors of Ukrainian women's activities in post-war Austria. The study is based on the use of documentary materials stored in the Central State Archives of Ukraine in Lviv, the memories of people who were in DP camps and materials of the then Ukrainian press. The study employed general scientific methods of cognition (analysis, synthesis, induction, and deduction) and special-historical methods – problem-historical, chronological, comparative-historical, which enabled a comprehensive analysis of the problem. In the first post-war years, the Ukrainian women's movement was revived in camps for displaced persons and refugees in Austria and West Germany. The intensification of women’s activities was connected both with the need to solve a number of social and national problems of refugees and with the continuation of the traditions of the Ukrainian women’s movement. It was in Austria in 1945 that the Union of Ukrainian Women resumed its activities and the idea arose to establish a single organisational superstructure that would unite Ukrainian women in new political circumstances and emigration conditions (a project of the Union of Ukrainian Women of Europe). The authors of this study draw attention to the need to review the tasks of Ukrainian women in exile. Although the post-war living conditions of Ukrainian refugees in Austria did not allow for the implementation of part of the programme of the Ukrainian Women's Congress in Feldkirch, the activities of local branches of the Union of Ukrainian Women in DP camps were important for the life of Ukrainian communities, as women themselves were actively engaged in support activities, social work, organisation of cultural and educational activities, preservation of Ukrainian traditions in emigration. The present research can be used to write summary works on the history of life of Ukrainians in camps for displaced persons in Germany and Austria after the Second World War, the history of the women's movement and Ukrainian emigration","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70546878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.22-29
Tsivatyi Viacheslav
Актуальність дослідження обумовлена необхідністю проведення аналізу етапів інституціональної історії Українського Вільного Університету (УВУ) у форматі персоналій і інституціоналізації архіву, цієї унікальної освітньої, наукової та культурної інституції. Мета публікації – розкрити прогресивний характер і особливості інституціональної моделі УВУ для вивчення інституціональної історії українства та його освіти, культури і науки у світовому та європейському дискурсах. Головна місія Українського Вільного Університету – це підтримка інтегративності української освіти і науки в публічному просторі, а також пріоритетності питань щодо збереження національної ідентичності українців. У статті наголошується на методах дослідження, яке має міждисциплінарний характер і ґрунтується на важливих пізнавальних принципах: науковості та історизму. Застосування різноманітних загальних та спеціальних методів дозволило визначити траєкторію наукового пошуку для реальної реконструкції історичних і сучасних подій в інституціоналізації освіти та науки УВУ. Розглядається інституціональна історія формування традицій і сучасної моделі Українського Вільного Університету в умовах глобалізованого світу, а також – архівної інституції як важливої системоутворюючої складової Університету, його політики пам’яті та ресурсно-інформаційного забезпечення. Усі три етапи інституціональної історії Українського Вільного Університету (віденський, празький, мюнхенський) у період 1921–2021 років були й залишаються пріоритетним осередком для української діаспори та зарубіжного українства у сфері освіти, науки і культури. Інноваційні підходи в діяльності Українського Вільного Університету обумовили і нові напрями міжнародного співробітництва та інтернаціоналізації освіти – упровадження інструментарію освітньої та наукової дипломатії, розвитку української науки і освіти за кордоном, української діаспори, інституціональної діаспорології в цілому. Український Вільний Університет упродовж усіх періодів своєї інституціональної діяльності був на захисті та в інституціональному фарватері української освіти, науки і культури. УВУ консолідував навколо себе освітню дипломатію і наукову дипломатію української діаспори та зарубіжного українства. Інституціональна історія Українського Вільного Університету (УВУ) тісно пов’язана з інституціональною діаспорологією та діаспорною дипломатією, сприяє їх розвиткові та поширенню по всьому світові, де проживають закордонні українці
{"title":"Зовнішні справи європейської діаспорології та діаспорної дипломатії: інституціональна історія Українського Вільного Університету (до 100-літнього ювілею)","authors":"Tsivatyi Viacheslav","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.22-29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.22-29","url":null,"abstract":"Актуальність дослідження обумовлена необхідністю проведення аналізу етапів інституціональної історії Українського Вільного Університету (УВУ) у форматі персоналій і інституціоналізації архіву, цієї унікальної освітньої, наукової та культурної інституції. Мета публікації – розкрити прогресивний характер і особливості інституціональної моделі УВУ для вивчення інституціональної історії українства та його освіти, культури і науки у світовому та європейському дискурсах. Головна місія Українського Вільного Університету – це підтримка інтегративності української освіти і науки в публічному просторі, а також пріоритетності питань щодо збереження національної ідентичності українців. У статті наголошується на методах дослідження, яке має міждисциплінарний характер і ґрунтується на важливих пізнавальних принципах: науковості та історизму. Застосування різноманітних загальних та спеціальних методів дозволило визначити траєкторію наукового пошуку для реальної реконструкції історичних і сучасних подій в інституціоналізації освіти та науки УВУ. Розглядається інституціональна історія формування традицій і сучасної моделі Українського Вільного Університету в умовах глобалізованого світу, а також – архівної інституції як важливої системоутворюючої складової Університету, його політики пам’яті та ресурсно-інформаційного забезпечення. Усі три етапи інституціональної історії Українського Вільного Університету (віденський, празький, мюнхенський) у період 1921–2021 років були й залишаються пріоритетним осередком для української діаспори та зарубіжного українства у сфері освіти, науки і культури. Інноваційні підходи в діяльності Українського Вільного Університету обумовили і нові напрями міжнародного співробітництва та інтернаціоналізації освіти – упровадження інструментарію освітньої та наукової дипломатії, розвитку української науки і освіти за кордоном, української діаспори, інституціональної діаспорології в цілому. Український Вільний Університет упродовж усіх періодів своєї інституціональної діяльності був на захисті та в інституціональному фарватері української освіти, науки і культури. УВУ консолідував навколо себе освітню дипломатію і наукову дипломатію української діаспори та зарубіжного українства. Інституціональна історія Українського Вільного Університету (УВУ) тісно пов’язана з інституціональною діаспорологією та діаспорною дипломатією, сприяє їх розвиткові та поширенню по всьому світові, де проживають закордонні українці","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.30-31
S. Troyan
{"title":"Review of the Monograph by Vasyl Mykolayovych Yablonsky “State Center of the Ukrainian People's Republicin Exile: Ideas, Struggle, Tradition (1921-1992)”","authors":"S. Troyan","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.30-31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(1).2022.30-31","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.25-35
D. Kupriyanov
This article discusses the cooperation between the Kingdom of Thailand and Democratic Kampuchea in the military, political and economic spheres. Contrary to the popular myth that Democratic Kampuchea was an isolationist country, in reality the country was quite open to the world. Thailand became the first country with which Democratic Kampuchea began to cooperate. Cooperation between the two states began in April 1975, immediately after the victory of the Khmer Rouge over the Khmer Blue regime (better known as the previous ruler Lon Nol), and lasted until the final fall of Democratic Kampuchea under the pressure of the Vietnamese troops in 1979. It can be confidently said that the aspirations of the Thais and Khmers in developing relations were sincere. Thailand has sought to improve relations with its neighbours, and in particular with Kampuchea, undertaking various initiatives even during the standoff from October 1976 to October 1977, not to mention agreeing to border revisions or the joint exploitation of resources along the blurred water border. Democratic Kampuchea also took the initiative and went for rapprochement, and this was especially evident at the eighth Asian Olympic Games, when Kampuchea took part in them only for the sake of Thailand. The period of 1979 was the culmination of the development of friendly relations: from a simply friendly country, Kampuchea became an ally of Thailand. True, in the future, after the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia, Thailand will begin to rapidly move away from the Khmer Rouge, who have become increasingly associated with the “bloody genocide of their people”. Then, Thailand, which went out into the world and joined the global system, wanted to have a good reputation and for this broke with the Khmer Rouge
{"title":"International Cooperation Between Thailand and Democratic Kampuchea","authors":"D. Kupriyanov","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.25-35","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.32(2).2022.25-35","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the cooperation between the Kingdom of Thailand and Democratic Kampuchea in the military, political and economic spheres. Contrary to the popular myth that Democratic Kampuchea was an isolationist country, in reality the country was quite open to the world. Thailand became the first country with which Democratic Kampuchea began to cooperate. Cooperation between the two states began in April 1975, immediately after the victory of the Khmer Rouge over the Khmer Blue regime (better known as the previous ruler Lon Nol), and lasted until the final fall of Democratic Kampuchea under the pressure of the Vietnamese troops in 1979. It can be confidently said that the aspirations of the Thais and Khmers in developing relations were sincere. Thailand has sought to improve relations with its neighbours, and in particular with Kampuchea, undertaking various initiatives even during the standoff from October 1976 to October 1977, not to mention agreeing to border revisions or the joint exploitation of resources along the blurred water border. Democratic Kampuchea also took the initiative and went for rapprochement, and this was especially evident at the eighth Asian Olympic Games, when Kampuchea took part in them only for the sake of Thailand. The period of 1979 was the culmination of the development of friendly relations: from a simply friendly country, Kampuchea became an ally of Thailand. True, in the future, after the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia, Thailand will begin to rapidly move away from the Khmer Rouge, who have become increasingly associated with the “bloody genocide of their people”. Then, Thailand, which went out into the world and joined the global system, wanted to have a good reputation and for this broke with the Khmer Rouge","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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