Tradicionalmente, se ha creído que los reyes helenísticos comenzaron a afeitarse la barba siguiendo el ejemplo de Alejandro Magno. Este artículo propone una nueva visión de esta idea, dado que explica el rostro rapado de Alejandro a través de la juventud de los reyes macedonios. En nuestra opinión, los soberanos de Macedonia fueron presentados muchas veces por sus padres o regentes como eternos adolescentes para permanecer en el poder el mayor tiempo posible. Por lo tanto, la única forma de que cualquier miembro de la dinastía Argead logre una autonomía completa y sea completamente libre era sentarse en el trono. Lo mismo ocurre durante la vida de los generales populares (Parmenion) o consejeros (Aratus). El retrato real creado por los Diadochoi fue un símbolo de poder a través del cual podían gobernar, nunca fue una imitación de uno real. Sin embargo, este retrato real se inspiró en modelos macedonios que presentaban al príncipe Argead como inexperto y débil cuando no llevaban barba.
{"title":"Eternamente Joven. La extraña juventud de los reyes macedonios","authors":"Antonio Ignacio Molina","doi":"10.5565/rev/karanos.49","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.49","url":null,"abstract":"Tradicionalmente, se ha creído que los reyes helenísticos comenzaron a afeitarse la barba siguiendo el ejemplo de Alejandro Magno. Este artículo propone una nueva visión de esta idea, dado que explica el rostro rapado de Alejandro a través de la juventud de los reyes macedonios. En nuestra opinión, los soberanos de Macedonia fueron presentados muchas veces por sus padres o regentes como eternos adolescentes para permanecer en el poder el mayor tiempo posible. Por lo tanto, la única forma de que cualquier miembro de la dinastía Argead logre una autonomía completa y sea completamente libre era sentarse en el trono. Lo mismo ocurre durante la vida de los generales populares (Parmenion) o consejeros (Aratus). El retrato real creado por los Diadochoi fue un símbolo de poder a través del cual podían gobernar, nunca fue una imitación de uno real. Sin embargo, este retrato real se inspiró en modelos macedonios que presentaban al príncipe Argead como inexperto y débil cuando no llevaban barba.","PeriodicalId":129714,"journal":{"name":"Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies","volume":"113 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134454713","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Olympias of Epirus is one of the main characters in the history of the emergency of Macedonia as an international power with Philip II and Alexander. Nevertheless, despite the many books, papers and studies that had been improving our knowledge about Argead Macedonia in times of the great Macedonian conquerors, the historians of the XIXth and XXth centuries treated Olympias in the same terms of the ancient sources. This uncritical perspective denotes a clear tendency and aims to reproduce gender stereotypes that comes to our own days.
{"title":"Terrible Olympias. Another Study in Method","authors":"Borja Antela","doi":"10.5565/rev/karanos.52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.52","url":null,"abstract":"Olympias of Epirus is one of the main characters in the history of the emergency of Macedonia as an international power with Philip II and Alexander. Nevertheless, despite the many books, papers and studies that had been improving our knowledge about Argead Macedonia in times of the great Macedonian conquerors, the historians of the XIXth and XXth centuries treated Olympias in the same terms of the ancient sources. This uncritical perspective denotes a clear tendency and aims to reproduce gender stereotypes that comes to our own days.","PeriodicalId":129714,"journal":{"name":"Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132164571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An epigraphical survey (with digital mapping component) of Greece and Magna Graecia reveals a pattern as to where Hephais-based names appear, up through the second century BCE. Spelled with an /eta/, these names are almost exclusively Attic-Ionian, while Haphēs-based names, spelled with an alpha, are Doric-Aeolian, and much fewer in number. There is virtually no overlap, except at the Panhellenic site of Delphi, and in a few colonies around the Black Sea.Furthermore, cult for the god Hephaistos –long recognized as a non-Greek borrowing– was popular primarily in Attic-Ionian and “Pelasgian” regions, precisely the same areas where we find Hephais-root names. The only area where Haphēs-based names appear in any quantity, Boeotia, also had an important cult related to the god. Otherwise, Hephaistos was not a terribly important deity in Doric-Aeolian populations.This epigraphic (and religious) record calls into question the assumed Macedonian ethnicity of the king’s best friend and alter-ego, Hephaistion. According to Tataki, Macedonian naming patterns followed distinctively non-Attic patterns, and cult for the god Hephaistos is absent in Macedonia (outside Samothrace). A recently published 4th century curse tablet from Pydna could, however, provide a clue as to why a Macedonian Companion had such a uniquely Attic-Ionian name.If Hephaistion’s ancestry was not, in fact, ethnically Macedonian, this may offer us an interesting insight into fluidity of Macedonian identity under the monarchy, and thereby, to ancient conceptualizations of ethnicity more broadly.
{"title":"Becoming Macedonian: Name Mapping and Ethnic Identity. The Case of Hephaistion","authors":"J. Reames","doi":"10.5565/rev/karanos.50","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.50","url":null,"abstract":"An epigraphical survey (with digital mapping component) of Greece and Magna Graecia reveals a pattern as to where Hephais-based names appear, up through the second century BCE. Spelled with an /eta/, these names are almost exclusively Attic-Ionian, while Haphēs-based names, spelled with an alpha, are Doric-Aeolian, and much fewer in number. There is virtually no overlap, except at the Panhellenic site of Delphi, and in a few colonies around the Black Sea.Furthermore, cult for the god Hephaistos –long recognized as a non-Greek borrowing– was popular primarily in Attic-Ionian and “Pelasgian” regions, precisely the same areas where we find Hephais-root names. The only area where Haphēs-based names appear in any quantity, Boeotia, also had an important cult related to the god. Otherwise, Hephaistos was not a terribly important deity in Doric-Aeolian populations.This epigraphic (and religious) record calls into question the assumed Macedonian ethnicity of the king’s best friend and alter-ego, Hephaistion. According to Tataki, Macedonian naming patterns followed distinctively non-Attic patterns, and cult for the god Hephaistos is absent in Macedonia (outside Samothrace). A recently published 4th century curse tablet from Pydna could, however, provide a clue as to why a Macedonian Companion had such a uniquely Attic-Ionian name.If Hephaistion’s ancestry was not, in fact, ethnically Macedonian, this may offer us an interesting insight into fluidity of Macedonian identity under the monarchy, and thereby, to ancient conceptualizations of ethnicity more broadly.","PeriodicalId":129714,"journal":{"name":"Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129873386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Macedonian kings kept close bonds with the divine sphere. They considered themselves as Heraklids (and, in consequence, they traced back their lineage to Zeus himself) and the kingship kept noteworthy religious functions. Philip II made wide use of this religious side and it became a key element of his public image and propaganda, both inside and outside the kingdom of Macedonia. It was especially important the relation Philip established with Panhellenic shrines, like Delphi and Olympia, in close connection with his aspiration for hegemony all over Greece. Philip also regarded his coinage as useful political tools and the religious motives engraved are very telling about the king's claims and objectives. Originally published in Ancient Macedonia / Archaia Makedonia VI (Papers Read at the Sixth International Symposium held in Thessaloniki by the Institute of Balkan Studies (Greece): Le Bohec 2002a. Published in Karanos by kind permission of the author and the Institute for Balkan Studies.
{"title":"Philippe II et les dieux","authors":"Sylvie Le Bohec","doi":"10.5565/rev/karanos.59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.59","url":null,"abstract":"Macedonian kings kept close bonds with the divine sphere. They considered themselves as Heraklids (and, in consequence, they traced back their lineage to Zeus himself) and the kingship kept noteworthy religious functions. Philip II made wide use of this religious side and it became a key element of his public image and propaganda, both inside and outside the kingdom of Macedonia. It was especially important the relation Philip established with Panhellenic shrines, like Delphi and Olympia, in close connection with his aspiration for hegemony all over Greece. Philip also regarded his coinage as useful political tools and the religious motives engraved are very telling about the king's claims and objectives. Originally published in Ancient Macedonia / Archaia Makedonia VI (Papers Read at the Sixth International Symposium held in Thessaloniki by the Institute of Balkan Studies (Greece): Le Bohec 2002a. Published in Karanos by kind permission of the author and the Institute for Balkan Studies.","PeriodicalId":129714,"journal":{"name":"Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies","volume":"534 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116034110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Due prominently to the scanty nature of evidence on the ground attesting to an imperial presence which, however, historiographical sources claim to have been real and lasting over time, the satrapy of Bactria (roughly embracing northeastern Afghanistan, southern Uzbekistan and western Tajikistan) to this day still struggles to free itself of some prejudices, despite some extremely important discoveries and a more general scholarly reevaluation of previous conclusions. Possibly the most stubborn among these is the image of an ungovernable province, constantly on the brink of dynastic revolts (cf. Hdt. 9.113) or threatened by northern barbarians (against whom Cyrus found his end and whom Darius boasts of having subjected in the famous Bīsutūn inscription. With the recently published Aramaic Documents from Ancient Bactria, however, we have acquired an incredibly valuable source regarding the functioning of the satrapy at a crucial period in its history (the late 4th century BCE until the years immediately following Alexander). The present study is based primarily on the following: 1) this documentation, 2) the results of some recent and very significant studies on the Persepolis archive and 3) some methodological reflections on the relationship between empire and the local élite(s) suggested by the comparative analysis of the functioning of this relationship in a different phase of Central Asia’s imperial history (the 1930s). The study is intended, on the one hand, as a first step towards a new appreciation of the role Bactria and Sogdiana played in the delicate transitional phase from Achaemenid to Macedonian hegemony in the upper satrapies. On the other hand, it seeks to raise some hypotheses about the reasons behind the position held during the stormy years of Alexander’s Bactrian campaign and in the subsequent, no less troubled years by two protagonists of these crucial events, who are however still relatively unrecognized in their role as historical agents: the Bactrio-Sogdian princesses Roxane and Apama.
{"title":"Cherchez la femme: Power and Female Agency in Bactriaat the dawn of the Hellenistic Age","authors":"M. Ferrario","doi":"10.5565/rev/karanos.47","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.47","url":null,"abstract":"Due prominently to the scanty nature of evidence on the ground attesting to an imperial presence which, however, historiographical sources claim to have been real and lasting over time, the satrapy of Bactria (roughly embracing northeastern Afghanistan, southern Uzbekistan and western Tajikistan) to this day still struggles to free itself of some prejudices, despite some extremely important discoveries and a more general scholarly reevaluation of previous conclusions. Possibly the most stubborn among these is the image of an ungovernable province, constantly on the brink of dynastic revolts (cf. Hdt. 9.113) or threatened by northern barbarians (against whom Cyrus found his end and whom Darius boasts of having subjected in the famous Bīsutūn inscription. With the recently published Aramaic Documents from Ancient Bactria, however, we have acquired an incredibly valuable source regarding the functioning of the satrapy at a crucial period in its history (the late 4th century BCE until the years immediately following Alexander). The present study is based primarily on the following: 1) this documentation, 2) the results of some recent and very significant studies on the Persepolis archive and 3) some methodological reflections on the relationship between empire and the local élite(s) suggested by the comparative analysis of the functioning of this relationship in a different phase of Central Asia’s imperial history (the 1930s). The study is intended, on the one hand, as a first step towards a new appreciation of the role Bactria and Sogdiana played in the delicate transitional phase from Achaemenid to Macedonian hegemony in the upper satrapies. On the other hand, it seeks to raise some hypotheses about the reasons behind the position held during the stormy years of Alexander’s Bactrian campaign and in the subsequent, no less troubled years by two protagonists of these crucial events, who are however still relatively unrecognized in their role as historical agents: the Bactrio-Sogdian princesses Roxane and Apama.","PeriodicalId":129714,"journal":{"name":"Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128493042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Reseña de Pat Wheatley – Charlotte Dunn, Demetrius the Besieger, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2020, 528 pp [ISBN 9780198836049].
Reseña de Pat Wheatley - Charlotte Dunn，围攻者德米特里厄斯，牛津，牛津大学出版社，2020年，528页[ISBN 9780198836049]。
{"title":"Reseña: Pat Wheatley – Charlotte Dunn, Demetrius the Besieger, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2020, 528 pp [ISBN 9780198836049]","authors":"I. Molina","doi":"10.5565/rev/karanos.56","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.56","url":null,"abstract":"Reseña de Pat Wheatley – Charlotte Dunn, Demetrius the Besieger, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2020, 528 pp [ISBN 9780198836049].","PeriodicalId":129714,"journal":{"name":"Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129402062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Review of Antonio Ignacio Molina Marín, Alejandro Magno (1916-2015). Un siglo de estudios sobre Macedonia antigua, Zaragoza, Pórtico, 2018, 772 pp. [ISBN 9788479561758].
回顾安东尼奥-伊格纳西奥-莫利纳-马林，亚历杭德罗-马格诺（1916-2015 年）。Un siglo de estudios sobre Macedonia antigua, Zaragoza, Pórtico, 2018, 772 pp.[ISBN 9788479561758]。
{"title":"Review: Antonio Ignacio Molina Marín, Alejandro Magno (1916-2015). Un siglo de estudios sobre Macedonia antigua, Zaragoza, Pórtico, 2018, 772 pp. [ISBN 9788479561758]","authors":"Borja Antela-Bernárdez","doi":"10.5565/rev/karanos.55","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.55","url":null,"abstract":"Review of Antonio Ignacio Molina Marín, Alejandro Magno (1916-2015). Un siglo de estudios sobre Macedonia antigua, Zaragoza, Pórtico, 2018, 772 pp. [ISBN 9788479561758].","PeriodicalId":129714,"journal":{"name":"Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126741760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper revaluates key moments in the court politics of Alexander the Great’s reign through the introduction of philia-networks governed by gift-exchange as a template for explaining the relationships between key participants. This approach makes it clear that Alexander initially held a passive role in the political life of his own court and was dependant on others for his succession. These dynamics shifted in the opening years of the Asian expedition as Alexander sought to break these philia-networks, building his own and surrounding his person with philoi of his own choosing.
{"title":"Philia Networks in the Macedonian Court and the Long Accession of Alexander the Great","authors":"Julius Guthrie","doi":"10.5565/rev/karanos.51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.51","url":null,"abstract":"This paper revaluates key moments in the court politics of Alexander the Great’s reign through the introduction of philia-networks governed by gift-exchange as a template for explaining the relationships between key participants. This approach makes it clear that Alexander initially held a passive role in the political life of his own court and was dependant on others for his succession. These dynamics shifted in the opening years of the Asian expedition as Alexander sought to break these philia-networks, building his own and surrounding his person with philoi of his own choosing.","PeriodicalId":129714,"journal":{"name":"Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115345420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aristotle is the best extant source for the death of Archelaus during a Royal Hunt. He clearly indicates that Archelaus was murdered by Crataeas who, along with two co-conspirators, Hellanocrates of Larissa and Decamnichus, were incited to their plot by perceived injustices at the hand of the king. This article argues that in lieu of a widely agreed upon constitution in Argead Macedonia, a king’s legitimacy was basedlargely (if not solely) on the perception that he was the font of justice, and by his appearance in sacred rituals—one of which was the royal hunt—which religiously validated his right to rule. Thus, this murder was carefully timed by the conspirators to reject the legitimacy of Archelaus for not dispensing “correct” justice in their respective cases. As always personal animosities get roiled into politics in Argead Macedonia.
{"title":"The Assessination of Archelaus and the Significance of the Macedonian Royal Hunt","authors":"William S. Greenwalt","doi":"10.5565/rev/karanos.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.24","url":null,"abstract":"Aristotle is the best extant source for the death of Archelaus during a Royal Hunt. He clearly indicates that Archelaus was murdered by Crataeas who, along with two co-conspirators, Hellanocrates of Larissa and Decamnichus, were incited to their plot by perceived injustices at the hand of the king. This article argues that in lieu of a widely agreed upon constitution in Argead Macedonia, a king’s legitimacy was basedlargely (if not solely) on the perception that he was the font of justice, and by his appearance in sacred rituals—one of which was the royal hunt—which religiously validated his right to rule. Thus, this murder was carefully timed by the conspirators to reject the legitimacy of Archelaus for not dispensing “correct” justice in their respective cases. As always personal animosities get roiled into politics in Argead Macedonia.","PeriodicalId":129714,"journal":{"name":"Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126975473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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