A central argument of anti-Zionists is that the Holocaust was a “pretext” for Israel’s 1948 establishment. Because of their belief in the Holocaust's centrality, Israel's opponents sometimes deny the Holocaust — inferring that if the justification for Israel's founding was the Holocaust, and if the Holocaust is a myth, then the justification underlying Israel's foundation is illegitimate. In this essay, I argue that the "Israel happened because the Holocaust happened" argument is false and, more importantly, pernicious. While the Second World War certainly accelerated Israel's creation — opening the eyes of non-Jews to the validity of Jewish anxiety — it was one factor of many. The groundwork had been laid long before the Second World War through the efforts of late 19th and early 20th century Jewish immigrants to the Levant; these refugees established the nascent political, economic, and military institutions that would ultimately become formalized as the state of Israel. .
{"title":"World War II & the Holocaust: Necessary Conditions for Modern Israel?","authors":"M. Shammas","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3517579","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3517579","url":null,"abstract":"A central argument of anti-Zionists is that the Holocaust was a “pretext” for Israel’s 1948 establishment. Because of their belief in the Holocaust's centrality, Israel's opponents sometimes deny the Holocaust — inferring that if the justification for Israel's founding was the Holocaust, and if the Holocaust is a myth, then the justification underlying Israel's foundation is illegitimate. \u0000 \u0000In this essay, I argue that the \"Israel happened because the Holocaust happened\" argument is false and, more importantly, pernicious. While the Second World War certainly accelerated Israel's creation — opening the eyes of non-Jews to the validity of Jewish anxiety — it was one factor of many. The groundwork had been laid long before the Second World War through the efforts of late 19th and early 20th century Jewish immigrants to the Levant; these refugees established the nascent political, economic, and military institutions that would ultimately become formalized as the state of Israel. \u0000.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"88 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123583074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article proposes that is termed the ‘Tolerance-Autonomy Model’ to explain Sino-DPRK relations by expanding prior theories on international relations between a hegemon and periphery states. According to the model, China will allow actions of the DPRK within the ‘boundary of tolerance’ so long as China’s national interests are not intruded upon. Conversely, it predicts that the DPRK will attempt to expand its ‘autonomous space’ from China by maximally utilizing its geopolitical and its strategic value. From the perspective of the model, China currently faces the following four challenging issues: a) the DPRK nuclear problem, b) Sino-DPRK economic cooperation, c) Sino-US and Sino-DPRK relations, and d) acknowledging the Kim Jong-un regime. Due to such challenges, it is expected that Sino-DPRK relations will not collapse in the near future, but levels of conflict and tension will gradually rise while maintaining much looser cooperative relationships than the ‘blood alliance’ of the past.
{"title":"Sino-DPRK Relations: A ‘Tolerance-Autonomy’ Model","authors":"C. Choi, Eul-chul Lim","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3294908","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3294908","url":null,"abstract":"This article proposes that is termed the ‘Tolerance-Autonomy Model’ to explain Sino-DPRK relations by expanding prior theories on international relations between a hegemon and periphery states. According to the model, China will allow actions of the DPRK within the ‘boundary of tolerance’ so long as China’s national interests are not intruded upon. Conversely, it predicts that the DPRK will attempt to expand its ‘autonomous space’ from China by maximally utilizing its geopolitical and its strategic value. From the perspective of the model, China currently faces the following four challenging issues: a) the DPRK nuclear problem, b) Sino-DPRK economic cooperation, c) Sino-US and Sino-DPRK relations, and d) acknowledging the Kim Jong-un regime. Due to such challenges, it is expected that Sino-DPRK relations will not collapse in the near future, but levels of conflict and tension will gradually rise while maintaining much looser cooperative relationships than the ‘blood alliance’ of the past.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122713113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-23DOI: 10.3849/2336-2995.27.2018.04.036-048
Alex Etl
This article aims to highlight the most important changes within the transatlantic defense relations. The central argument is that NATO is gaining a conditional nature, transforming collective defense into a form of transactional defense. The study utilizes Paul Kennedy's notion of "imperial overstretch" to explain the strategic context of the transatlantic defense relations. After this, the analysis highlights how the transatlantic defense relations gained a transactional character that is resonating to this American "imperial overstretch". The second part of the study focuses on the latest developments concerning the US military presence in Europe and highlights their transactional character, thus enabling the emergence of transactional defense within NATO.
{"title":"From Collective to Transactional Defense","authors":"Alex Etl","doi":"10.3849/2336-2995.27.2018.04.036-048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3849/2336-2995.27.2018.04.036-048","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to highlight the most important changes within the transatlantic defense relations. The central argument is that NATO is gaining a conditional nature, transforming collective defense into a form of transactional defense. The study utilizes Paul Kennedy's notion of \"imperial overstretch\" to explain the strategic context of the transatlantic defense relations. After this, the analysis highlights how the transatlantic defense relations gained a transactional character that is resonating to this American \"imperial overstretch\". The second part of the study focuses on the latest developments concerning the US military presence in Europe and highlights their transactional character, thus enabling the emergence of transactional defense within NATO.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132143631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) allow developing countries to trade some policy autonomy for improved access to internationally mobile capital. While the impact on capital flows is widely written about, BITs’ impact on policymaking is typically studied more narrowly in the context of regulatory policy and “regulatory chill”. We argue that the restraints that BITs place on governments also have important fiscal costs that should be accounted for. We locate those costs in two areas. First, many BITs have umbrella clauses that allow protected firms to challenge violations of side agreements that are typically more constraining than the BITs themselves and more likely to contain tax-specific constraints. Second, BITs undermine revenue generation by channeling economic activity into multinational corporations, which are among the least easily taxed part of the economy. Evidence from 105 developing countries from 1981 to 2009 supports our hypotheses, particularly as they relate to BITs with umbrella clauses.
{"title":"Global Treaties and Domestic Politics: Do BITs Constrain Fiscal Policy in Developing Countries?","authors":"C. Bodea, Fangjin Ye, Andrew Kerner","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3288100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3288100","url":null,"abstract":"Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) allow developing countries to trade some policy autonomy for improved access to internationally mobile capital. While the impact on capital flows is widely written about, BITs’ impact on policymaking is typically studied more narrowly in the context of regulatory policy and “regulatory chill”. We argue that the restraints that BITs place on governments also have important fiscal costs that should be accounted for. We locate those costs in two areas. First, many BITs have umbrella clauses that allow protected firms to challenge violations of side agreements that are typically more constraining than the BITs themselves and more likely to contain tax-specific constraints. Second, BITs undermine revenue generation by channeling economic activity into multinational corporations, which are among the least easily taxed part of the economy. Evidence from 105 developing countries from 1981 to 2009 supports our hypotheses, particularly as they relate to BITs with umbrella clauses.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124762825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2007, the European Union launched a targeted Strategy for Central Asia, as a continuation of the efforts to improve the relations with the five post-soviet republics. The adoption in 2019 of a new EU Strategy for Central Asia offers the opportunity to include in the new strategic framework the lessons learned during the past decade of promoting the EU influence in the region, besides promoting measures to strengthen EU’s global posture. The aim of this paper is to evaluate the capacity of the EU to mobilise resources for its foreign policy goals, specifically in relation with Central Asia. In examining this idea, I will use the framework offered by the neoclassical realist theory, mainly because in relation to some foreign policy objectives, the EU can be assimilated to a state.
{"title":"European Union and Central Asia – Past Directions and Future Perspectives","authors":"Ana-Maria Anghelescu","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3298271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3298271","url":null,"abstract":"In 2007, the European Union launched a targeted Strategy for Central Asia, as a continuation of the efforts to improve the relations with the five post-soviet republics. The adoption in 2019 of a new EU Strategy for Central Asia offers the opportunity to include in the new strategic framework the lessons learned during the past decade of promoting the EU influence in the region, besides promoting measures to strengthen EU’s global posture. The aim of this paper is to evaluate the capacity of the EU to mobilise resources for its foreign policy goals, specifically in relation with Central Asia. In examining this idea, I will use the framework offered by the neoclassical realist theory, mainly because in relation to some foreign policy objectives, the EU can be assimilated to a state.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122963617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The extant scholarship in international relations (IR) does not completely account for the role of sub-state organizations (SSOs) in foreign policies of states. Yet, international cooperation, especially, in specialized areas like defense, space and nuclear technologies that are technologically complex frequently witness extensive involvement of the SSOs. In other words, the SSOs act as foreign policy agents driving the international partnerships. Why does this happen, and what are its causal mechanisms? In this study, we conduct a plausibility probe on the role of SSOs through examining India’s partnership with France and Israel in specialized domains of nuclear, space and defense technologies, and find that the foreign policy elites within the government frequently defers to relevant SSOs when specialized knowledge and expertise are required, thus conferring foreign policy agency to the SSOs. We also find that the SSOs select their international partners based their goals of efficiency, and common institutional designs and organizational cultures. Our conclusions lead us to draw scholarly attention to this largely ignored yet significant actor in foreign policy decision-making.
{"title":"Sub-State Organizations as Foreign Policy Agents: New Evidence and Theory from India, Israel and France","authors":"Nicolas Blarel, Jayita Sarkar","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3253853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3253853","url":null,"abstract":"The extant scholarship in international relations (IR) does not completely account for the role of \u0000sub-state organizations (SSOs) in foreign policies of states. Yet, international cooperation, \u0000especially, in specialized areas like defense, space and nuclear technologies that are \u0000technologically complex frequently witness extensive involvement of the SSOs. In other words, \u0000the SSOs act as foreign policy agents driving the international partnerships. Why does this \u0000happen, and what are its causal mechanisms? In this study, we conduct a plausibility probe on \u0000the role of SSOs through examining India’s partnership with France and Israel in specialized \u0000domains of nuclear, space and defense technologies, and find that the foreign policy elites within \u0000the government frequently defers to relevant SSOs when specialized knowledge and expertise \u0000are required, thus conferring foreign policy agency to the SSOs. We also find that the SSOs \u0000select their international partners based their goals of efficiency, and common institutional \u0000designs and organizational cultures. Our conclusions lead us to draw scholarly attention to this \u0000largely ignored yet significant actor in foreign policy decision-making.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129852861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-23DOI: 10.4337/9781788113083.00032
Philip S. Yu
This chapter critically examines the intellectual property rights holders' growing use of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) to resolve international intellectual property disputes. It begins by highlighting the criticisms of ISDS, including those that are related to the arbitration process, the arbitrators' interpretations and final arbitral outcomes. The chapter then examines the various upgrades that the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement has provided to the ISDS mechanism. It concludes by outlining the conceptual and institutional improvements that could strengthen ISDS. This chapter retains its analytical focus on the TPP investment chapter despite the United States' withdrawal from the pact in January 2017. The retained focus is due largely to the adoption of that chapter as part of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), which was established among the eleven remaining TPP partners in January 2018. The only provisions in the original investment chapter that the CPTPP has suspended are those concerning "investment agreement" and "investment authorisation."
{"title":"Investor-State Dispute Settlement and the Trans-Pacific Partnership","authors":"Philip S. Yu","doi":"10.4337/9781788113083.00032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4337/9781788113083.00032","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter critically examines the intellectual property rights holders' growing use of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) to resolve international intellectual property disputes. It begins by highlighting the criticisms of ISDS, including those that are related to the arbitration process, the arbitrators' interpretations and final arbitral outcomes. The chapter then examines the various upgrades that the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement has provided to the ISDS mechanism. It concludes by outlining the conceptual and institutional improvements that could strengthen ISDS. \u0000This chapter retains its analytical focus on the TPP investment chapter despite the United States' withdrawal from the pact in January 2017. The retained focus is due largely to the adoption of that chapter as part of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), which was established among the eleven remaining TPP partners in January 2018. The only provisions in the original investment chapter that the CPTPP has suspended are those concerning \"investment agreement\" and \"investment authorisation.\"","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121123240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This chapter examines Indonesia's South China Sea policy under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. For much of his administration (2004-14), Indonesia held on to three inter-related policy concepts: non-claimant, honest broker, and confidence-builder. This chapter explores the broader strategic contexts underpinning these concepts and consider how Yudhoyono followed the footsteps of his predecessors in responding to the developments in the South China Sea.
{"title":"Drifting Towards Dynamic Equilibrium: Indonesia's South China Sea Policy Under Yudhoyono","authors":"Evan A. Laksmana.","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3204184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3204184","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter examines Indonesia's South China Sea policy under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. For much of his administration (2004-14), Indonesia held on to three inter-related policy concepts: non-claimant, honest broker, and confidence-builder. This chapter explores the broader strategic contexts underpinning these concepts and consider how Yudhoyono followed the footsteps of his predecessors in responding to the developments in the South China Sea.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126564613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper aims to represent the findings of the African Task Force (ATF) in critically examining the capacities and capabilities of the African Union in the prevention of mass atrocities. The African Union (AU) was selected for this study because of its existing peace and security mandate and architecture, and its regional influence in addressing and preventing future crises. This research contains a literature review, presenting and evaluating the research that has been carried out on prevention of mass atrocities; the conceptualization of the ATF project, along with its design and methodology; and an analysis of the state of play within the AU on these issues as seen through its approach to the case of Burundi will round out the discussion. The paper then brings some reflections on lessons learned and options for further improvement, to be adapted to the realities on the ground.
{"title":"A Critical Analysis of the African Union’s Capacities and Capabilities to Prevent Mass Atrocities","authors":"Enzo Maria Le Fevre","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3250089","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3250089","url":null,"abstract":"The paper aims to represent the findings of the African Task Force (ATF) in critically examining the capacities and capabilities of the African Union in the prevention of mass atrocities. The African Union (AU) was selected for this study because of its existing peace and security mandate and architecture, and its regional influence in addressing and preventing future crises. This research contains a literature review, presenting and evaluating the research that has been carried out on prevention of mass atrocities; the conceptualization of the ATF project, along with its design and methodology; and an analysis of the state of play within the AU on these issues as seen through its approach to the case of Burundi will round out the discussion. The paper then brings some reflections on lessons learned and options for further improvement, to be adapted to the realities on the ground.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114771094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Based on a legal analysis of the position of the island of Ireland in the draft withdrawal agreement, this paper argues that the draft does neither fully protect socio-economic and civic cooperation between on the island of Ireland, nor do justice to the Agreement concluded in Belfast o Good Friday 1998 (the 1998 Agreement). While the common regulatory area is an ingenious proposal to keep Northern Ireland in the Customs Union as well as the EU Internal Market for goods (including agricultural goods and electricity), the fledgling service economy on the island of Ireland remains unprotected, as well as civic cooperation and an all-island services of (social) general interests such as (higher) education and health care. As a consequence, even the second draft falls short of fully safeguarding North-South cooperation on the island of Ireland. If that is to be achieved, Northern Ireland will have to remain not only in the Customs Union, but also in the Internal Market and covered by the EU citizenship acquis, including the anti-discrimination acquis. However, if Great Britain does not follow the same course, the existing constitutional divergence between Northern Ireland and Great Britain will become more pronounced. The draft is thus testimony to the decisive role of common EU membership of the UK and Ireland for safeguarding the 1998 Agreement.
{"title":"The Island of Ireland and ‘Brexit’ – A Legal-Political Critique of the Draft Withdrawal Agreement","authors":"D. Schiek","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.3150394","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3150394","url":null,"abstract":"Based on a legal analysis of the position of the island of Ireland in the draft withdrawal agreement, this paper argues that the draft does neither fully protect socio-economic and civic cooperation between on the island of Ireland, nor do justice to the Agreement concluded in Belfast o Good Friday 1998 (the 1998 Agreement). While the common regulatory area is an ingenious proposal to keep Northern Ireland in the Customs Union as well as the EU Internal Market for goods (including agricultural goods and electricity), the fledgling service economy on the island of Ireland remains unprotected, as well as civic cooperation and an all-island services of (social) general interests such as (higher) education and health care. As a consequence, even the second draft falls short of fully safeguarding North-South cooperation on the island of Ireland. If that is to be achieved, Northern Ireland will have to remain not only in the Customs Union, but also in the Internal Market and covered by the EU citizenship acquis, including the anti-discrimination acquis. However, if Great Britain does not follow the same course, the existing constitutional divergence between Northern Ireland and Great Britain will become more pronounced. The draft is thus testimony to the decisive role of common EU membership of the UK and Ireland for safeguarding the 1998 Agreement.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"2011 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121502661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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