Russia’s recent engagement in the Middle East is often ascribed to geo-political and/or geo-economic motivations. This chapter will instead argue that Russia’s political and economic behaviors in the Arabian Gulf are not part of a grand, pro-active geo-political or geo-economic strategy per se, but are merely opportunistic reactions. In fact, Russia’s primary goal in its interactions with this region is defensive - to prevent blowback to Putin’s regime stability caused by conflicts in the Middle East. The chapter will then outline the policy implications of this perspective for countries in the Arabian Gulf seeking to balance extra-regional powers against one another. One of these is that economic incentives, such as the purchase of arms or nuclear reactors from Russia, may have little desired effect since Russia privileges its regime stability to commercial logic. Another is that it could be wishful thinking to imagine that Russia can fill the regional vacuum left by a scaled-down American security presence – Russia is unwilling, uninterested, and unable to do so.
{"title":"Russia's Return to the Gulf","authors":"Li-Chen Sim","doi":"10.4324/9781315110394-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315110394-3","url":null,"abstract":"Russia’s recent engagement in the Middle East is often ascribed to geo-political and/or geo-economic motivations. This chapter will instead argue that Russia’s political and economic behaviors in the Arabian Gulf are not part of a grand, pro-active geo-political or geo-economic strategy per se, but are merely opportunistic reactions. In fact, Russia’s primary goal in its interactions with this region is defensive - to prevent blowback to Putin’s regime stability caused by conflicts in the Middle East. The chapter will then outline the policy implications of this perspective for countries in the Arabian Gulf seeking to balance extra-regional powers against one another. One of these is that economic incentives, such as the purchase of arms or nuclear reactors from Russia, may have little desired effect since Russia privileges its regime stability to commercial logic. Another is that it could be wishful thinking to imagine that Russia can fill the regional vacuum left by a scaled-down American security presence – Russia is unwilling, uninterested, and unable to do so.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"104 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132872241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract A crisis begins when a potential aggressor makes a threat of attack against a target state, creating a stalemate. The potential aggressor’s military technology improves over time, but its true military capability or intention is unknown. I show that the more sensitive the target state is to the danger of potential aggression, the greater the chance that the potential aggressor backs down and the lesser the risk of war. By committing to attacking sooner, the target state can increase security from aggression. My analysis provides a security rationale for counterthreatening to attack to prevent the realization of an aggressor attack.
{"title":"Counterthreat of Attack to Deter Aggression","authors":"Jin Yeub Kim","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2680459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2680459","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A crisis begins when a potential aggressor makes a threat of attack against a target state, creating a stalemate. The potential aggressor’s military technology improves over time, but its true military capability or intention is unknown. I show that the more sensitive the target state is to the danger of potential aggression, the greater the chance that the potential aggressor backs down and the lesser the risk of war. By committing to attacking sooner, the target state can increase security from aggression. My analysis provides a security rationale for counterthreatening to attack to prevent the realization of an aggressor attack.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126031151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Economics as a scholarly discipline in Latin America was transformed during the 1960s and 1970s, when many countries in the region received financial and academic support from U.S. institutions ostensibly aimed at “modernizing” the standards of training and research in the field. Even though Chile remains the most well-known case, similar developments took place in Argentina, Colombia, Mexico, and elsewhere. In Brazil, the restructuring of economics derived much of its strength from a cooperation agreement signed between Vanderbilt University and the University of Sao Paulo, financially backed by USAID and the Ford Foundation. The paper recovers the early postwar origins of this partnership, the process through which it was implemented during the 1960s, and its influence in reshaping Brazilian scholarly standards. Just as the University of Chicago left a lasting mark on Chilean economics, Vanderbilt also became a pervasive point of reference for the future development of the discipline in Brazil. Different actors, institutions, and contexts, however, ultimately produced quite distinct results in each case.
经济学作为拉丁美洲的一门学术学科在20世纪60年代和70年代发生了转变，当时该地区的许多国家得到了美国机构的财政和学术支持，表面上是为了使该领域的培训和研究标准“现代化”。尽管智利仍然是最著名的案例，但阿根廷、哥伦比亚、墨西哥和其他地方也发生了类似的情况。在巴西，范德比尔特大学(Vanderbilt University)和圣保罗大学(University of Sao Paulo)签署了一项合作协议，并得到美国国际开发署(USAID)和福特基金会(Ford Foundation)的财政支持。本文回顾了这一伙伴关系在战后早期的起源，它在20世纪60年代实施的过程，以及它对重塑巴西学术标准的影响。正如芝加哥大学在智利经济学上留下了持久的印记一样，范德比尔特也成为巴西该学科未来发展的普遍参考点。然而，不同的参与者、制度和背景最终在每种情况下产生了截然不同的结果。
{"title":"The 'Vanderbilt Boys' and the Modernization of Brazilian Economics","authors":"Carlos Eduardo Suprinyak, Ramon Garcia Fernandez","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3116541","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3116541","url":null,"abstract":"Economics as a scholarly discipline in Latin America was transformed during the 1960s and 1970s, when many countries in the region received financial and academic support from U.S. institutions ostensibly aimed at “modernizing” the standards of training and research in the field. Even though Chile remains the most well-known case, similar developments took place in Argentina, Colombia, Mexico, and elsewhere. In Brazil, the restructuring of economics derived much of its strength from a cooperation agreement signed between Vanderbilt University and the University of Sao Paulo, financially backed by USAID and the Ford Foundation. The paper recovers the early postwar origins of this partnership, the process through which it was implemented during the 1960s, and its influence in reshaping Brazilian scholarly standards. Just as the University of Chicago left a lasting mark on Chilean economics, Vanderbilt also became a pervasive point of reference for the future development of the discipline in Brazil. Different actors, institutions, and contexts, however, ultimately produced quite distinct results in each case.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128727090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-05DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190679576.001.0001
K. Vandevelde
These are Chapters One and Five of The First Bilateral Investment Treaties: U.S. Postwar Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation Treaties, published by Oxford University Press in May 2017. Based on a review of 32,000 pages of negotiating history housed in the National Archives (as well as thousands of pages of other documents), the book traces the history of the U.S. postwar friendship, commerce, and navigation (FCN) treaty program, including the process by which a treaty series initiated in 1776 to address trade and maritime relations was reconceptualized in the late 1940s as a program of investment treaties. It describes the origins and meaning of the investment provisions that appeared in these treaties, provisions that are the precursors to the provisions that appear in contemporary bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and free trade agreements (FTAs) with investment provisions. It shows how these investment provisions, formulated in the late 1940s, were rooted in the New Deal liberalism of the Roosevelt and Truman administrations. They were intended to obtain for U.S. investors abroad protections similar to those already enjoyed by foreign (and domestic) investors in the United States under the U.S. Constitution. The book also includes an account of the negotiation of each postwar FCN treaty signed by the United States and a description of how each investment-related provision was interpreted by the United States. Chapter One is the Introduction to the book. It summarizes the events that are described throughout the remainder of the book, explains what is meant by references to New Deal liberalism, and describes in more detail the contents of the book. Chapter Five describes the process by which the FCN treaties were reconceptualized as bilateral investment treaties. The First Bilateral Investment Treaties: U.S. Postwar Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation Treaties is part of a trilogy of books on international investment agreements. U.S. International Investment Agreements, published by Oxford University Press in 2009, presents a comprehensive analysis of the first 30 years of the current U.S. investment treaty program, including both BITs and FTAs with investment chapters. It traces the evolution of each provision in the U.S. model BITs, explains the policies underlying those provisions, describes modifications to the provisions in the signed BITs and FTAs, and synthesizes the international arbitral awards interpreting the provisions. Chapters One (“Introduction�?) and Three (“The Evolution of the BIT Model Negotiating Text�?) of that book have been posted separately. Bilateral Investment Treaties: History, Policy, and Interpretation, published by Oxford University Press in 2010, provides a general theory of international investment law, arguing that investment treaties are based on six core principles (nondiscrimination, security, reasonableness, due process, transparency and access), and analyzes the key provisions of BITs, explaining the s
{"title":"The First Bilateral Investment Treaties: U.S. Postwar Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation Treaties","authors":"K. Vandevelde","doi":"10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190679576.001.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190679576.001.0001","url":null,"abstract":"These are Chapters One and Five of The First Bilateral Investment Treaties: U.S. Postwar Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation Treaties, published by Oxford University Press in May 2017. Based on a review of 32,000 pages of negotiating history housed in the National Archives (as well as thousands of pages of other documents), the book traces the history of the U.S. postwar friendship, commerce, and navigation (FCN) treaty program, including the process by which a treaty series initiated in 1776 to address trade and maritime relations was reconceptualized in the late 1940s as a program of investment treaties. It describes the origins and meaning of the investment provisions that appeared in these treaties, provisions that are the precursors to the provisions that appear in contemporary bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and free trade agreements (FTAs) with investment provisions. It shows how these investment provisions, formulated in the late 1940s, were rooted in the New Deal liberalism of the Roosevelt and Truman administrations. They were intended to obtain for U.S. investors abroad protections similar to those already enjoyed by foreign (and domestic) investors in the United States under the U.S. Constitution. The book also includes an account of the negotiation of each postwar FCN treaty signed by the United States and a description of how each investment-related provision was interpreted by the United States. Chapter One is the Introduction to the book. It summarizes the events that are described throughout the remainder of the book, explains what is meant by references to New Deal liberalism, and describes in more detail the contents of the book. Chapter Five describes the process by which the FCN treaties were reconceptualized as bilateral investment treaties. The First Bilateral Investment Treaties: U.S. Postwar Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation Treaties is part of a trilogy of books on international investment agreements. U.S. International Investment Agreements, published by Oxford University Press in 2009, presents a comprehensive analysis of the first 30 years of the current U.S. investment treaty program, including both BITs and FTAs with investment chapters. It traces the evolution of each provision in the U.S. model BITs, explains the policies underlying those provisions, describes modifications to the provisions in the signed BITs and FTAs, and synthesizes the international arbitral awards interpreting the provisions. Chapters One (“Introduction�?) and Three (“The Evolution of the BIT Model Negotiating Text�?) of that book have been posted separately. Bilateral Investment Treaties: History, Policy, and Interpretation, published by Oxford University Press in 2010, provides a general theory of international investment law, arguing that investment treaties are based on six core principles (nondiscrimination, security, reasonableness, due process, transparency and access), and analyzes the key provisions of BITs, explaining the s","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131247315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years South Africa has become more important in the security and geostrategic considerations due to globalization and multilateralism in new world order. The end of Cold War and Apartheid marked the change of environment for South African diplomatic relations with India. India’s has maintained economic, strategic and security relations at two levels, firstly through multilateral organizations like BRICS and IBSA and bilaterally. The cooperation in the field of security and military is primarily at bilateral levels, the cooperation mainly focused on joint naval exercises in context of maritime security for keeping the Sea Lanes of Communications free and secure and defence manufacturing. South Africa is one of the most important countries which have considerable influence over other countries of African continent and if India has to make its presence in Africa it has to work in close cooperation with South Africa.
{"title":"India and South Africa: Security and Military Cooperation","authors":"Manoj Kumar","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2915013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2915013","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years South Africa has become more important in the security and geostrategic considerations due to globalization and multilateralism in new world order. The end of Cold War and Apartheid marked the change of environment for South African diplomatic relations with India. India’s has maintained economic, strategic and security relations at two levels, firstly through multilateral organizations like BRICS and IBSA and bilaterally. The cooperation in the field of security and military is primarily at bilateral levels, the cooperation mainly focused on joint naval exercises in context of maritime security for keeping the Sea Lanes of Communications free and secure and defence manufacturing. South Africa is one of the most important countries which have considerable influence over other countries of African continent and if India has to make its presence in Africa it has to work in close cooperation with South Africa.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"2014 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127486495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A variety of strategies have been suggested for how the U.S. should respond to China as a rising power. The publication analyses the underlying assumptions of these strategies. The strategies are grouped into three categories: 1) Strategies that call for China to be integrated into the liberal international order. The study finds that there are significant divergences in the requirements imposed, contingent on different views of what such integration entails, and hence, differences in their chances of success. 2) The study compares strategies that call for the application of (primarily military) power to either brake or reverse the rise of China, or to limit it, or to allow for some increasing influence and U.S. retrenchment. 3) The study compares the scope of shared and complementary versus conflicting core interests of the two powers (and those of their allies) and weighs the role that tension reduction measures can play in dealing with these conflicting interests as compared to negotiated settlements, based on salience differentials. The publication closes by asking what differences emerge if the ‘end state’ one seeks is a peaceful, stable order or also a liberal, democratic one.
{"title":"The China Options","authors":"Amitai Etzioni","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2913748","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2913748","url":null,"abstract":"A variety of strategies have been suggested for how the U.S. should respond to China as a rising power. The publication analyses the underlying assumptions of these strategies. The strategies are grouped into three categories: 1) Strategies that call for China to be integrated into the liberal international order. The study finds that there are significant divergences in the requirements imposed, contingent on different views of what such integration entails, and hence, differences in their chances of success. 2) The study compares strategies that call for the application of (primarily military) power to either brake or reverse the rise of China, or to limit it, or to allow for some increasing influence and U.S. retrenchment. 3) The study compares the scope of shared and complementary versus conflicting core interests of the two powers (and those of their allies) and weighs the role that tension reduction measures can play in dealing with these conflicting interests as compared to negotiated settlements, based on salience differentials. The publication closes by asking what differences emerge if the ‘end state’ one seeks is a peaceful, stable order or also a liberal, democratic one.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121401545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the adoption of the 1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), international climate change law-making has chiefly been the prerogative of the treaty bodies established under the Convention and its Protocol. The adoption of the Paris Agreement in December 2015 is an important step forward for the multilateral climate change framework, but, despite its rapid entry into force, it is still too early to tell whether the Paris Agreement will prove to be an effective and successful intergovernmental framework for tackling climate change. Nor is it necessarily the only relevant institution in the climate change regime. Given the urgency of climate change and the glacial pace of multilateral climate law-making, the idea of exploiting the United Nations Security Council’s legislative and enforcement powers to lead global efforts on climate change therefore holds a significant appeal. This chapter focuses on the use of the Council’s legislative and enforcement powers to help states get out of the climate change law-making quagmire. Firstly, the chapter analyses the powers and practice of the Council both as a global legislator, and in enforcing states’ obligations. Secondly, the chapter considers how existing Council law-making and enforcement powers can be applied to climate change. The chapter concludes by reflecting on advantages and disadvantages of Council’s legislative and enforcement action in relation to climate change.
{"title":"The United Nations Security Council's Legislative and Enforcement Powers and Climate Change","authors":"A. Boyle, J. Hartmann, A. Savaresi","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2856955","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2856955","url":null,"abstract":"Since the adoption of the 1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), international climate change law-making has chiefly been the prerogative of the treaty bodies established under the Convention and its Protocol. The adoption of the Paris Agreement in December 2015 is an important step forward for the multilateral climate change framework, but, despite its rapid entry into force, it is still too early to tell whether the Paris Agreement will prove to be an effective and successful intergovernmental framework for tackling climate change. Nor is it necessarily the only relevant institution in the climate change regime. Given the urgency of climate change and the glacial pace of multilateral climate law-making, the idea of exploiting the United Nations Security Council’s legislative and enforcement powers to lead global efforts on climate change therefore holds a significant appeal. This chapter focuses on the use of the Council’s legislative and enforcement powers to help states get out of the climate change law-making quagmire. Firstly, the chapter analyses the powers and practice of the Council both as a global legislator, and in enforcing states’ obligations. Secondly, the chapter considers how existing Council law-making and enforcement powers can be applied to climate change. The chapter concludes by reflecting on advantages and disadvantages of Council’s legislative and enforcement action in relation to climate change.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133486265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research applies a neoclassical realist framework to explore the causes and consequences of Russia's recent “reorientation to Asia.” Based on an analysis of publications and fieldwork conducted in Russia, the paper examines both the international systemic and the Russian domestic factors that have contributed to this important change in Russia's foreign policy. At the system level, Russia's turn to Asia can be understood as a part of its longer campaign of balancing against American unipolar domination. At the unit level, economic demands to develop Russia's eastern territories, together with the complex socio-political processes of post-Soviet identity formation, generated a political environment that was conducive to Asia-oriented policies. Russia's reorientation to Asia implies not only comprehensive strategic cooperation with specific Asian powers, such as China, South Korea, or Japan, but also a “reinvention” of Russia as a Eurasian power. Given Russia's cross-continental spread and economic and military capabilities, its reorientation to Asia may have significant implications for the balance of power in the current world system.
{"title":"Russia's Reorientation to Asia: Causes and Strategic Implications","authors":"A. Korolev","doi":"10.5509/201689153","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5509/201689153","url":null,"abstract":"This research applies a neoclassical realist framework to explore the causes and consequences of Russia's recent “reorientation to Asia.” Based on an analysis of publications and fieldwork conducted in Russia, the paper examines both the international systemic and the Russian domestic factors that have contributed to this important change in Russia's foreign policy. At the system level, Russia's turn to Asia can be understood as a part of its longer campaign of balancing against American unipolar domination. At the unit level, economic demands to develop Russia's eastern territories, together with the complex socio-political processes of post-Soviet identity formation, generated a political environment that was conducive to Asia-oriented policies. Russia's reorientation to Asia implies not only comprehensive strategic cooperation with specific Asian powers, such as China, South Korea, or Japan, but also a “reinvention” of Russia as a Eurasian power. Given Russia's cross-continental spread and economic and military capabilities, its reorientation to Asia may have significant implications for the balance of power in the current world system.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115433029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years there has been growing recognition of the militarization of U.S. foreign policy in Africa, especially following the establishment of a dedicated, regional combatant command (Africa Command, or AFRICOM) in 2007. At the same time knowledge of the extent and aims of U.S. military activities in Africa remains murky, especially when compared to other regions such as the Middle East and Europe. This article begins by conceptualizing AFRICOM as a geopolitical assemblage, an approach we believe useful for analyzing its composition and emergence. Next we discuss the challenges involved in tracing the U.S. military’s evolving presence in Africa and the methods utilized in our analysis. Following this we present three case studies: the first compares the composition and geographies of manned and unmanned aerial surveillance assemblages, the second details logistics infrastructures and the military’s use of contractors to develop logistical capabilities across the continent, the third examines growing counterterrorism entanglements in West Africa. We conclude with some observations concerning the divergence between purported aims and the focus and outcomes of the U.S. military’s presence in Africa.
{"title":"Tracing the U.S. Military's Presence in Africa","authors":"A. Moore, James C. Walker","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2712949","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2712949","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years there has been growing recognition of the militarization of U.S. foreign policy in Africa, especially following the establishment of a dedicated, regional combatant command (Africa Command, or AFRICOM) in 2007. At the same time knowledge of the extent and aims of U.S. military activities in Africa remains murky, especially when compared to other regions such as the Middle East and Europe. This article begins by conceptualizing AFRICOM as a geopolitical assemblage, an approach we believe useful for analyzing its composition and emergence. Next we discuss the challenges involved in tracing the U.S. military’s evolving presence in Africa and the methods utilized in our analysis. Following this we present three case studies: the first compares the composition and geographies of manned and unmanned aerial surveillance assemblages, the second details logistics infrastructures and the military’s use of contractors to develop logistical capabilities across the continent, the third examines growing counterterrorism entanglements in West Africa. We conclude with some observations concerning the divergence between purported aims and the focus and outcomes of the U.S. military’s presence in Africa.","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"506 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123566044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jae-seung Lee, Chang-Rhyong Oh, Yoo Kim, Saehoon Kim
Korean Abstract: 본 연구는 ‘거래의 성사(Deal-making)’라는 관점에서 유럽석탄철강공동체(ECSC) 창설을 비롯한 초기 유럽통합의 형성과정에 대한 역사적․정치적 재고찰을 시도한다. 특정한 지역협력의 제도 및 기구의 창설과 운영은 확산(spill-over)에 토대한 기능적 통합의 진전을 전적으로 담보해주지 않으며, 아이디어를 실제로 제도화해가는 과정에 대한 정치공학적인 관리가 요구된다. 초기 유럽통합은 높은 정치적 비용을 수반했고, 이러한 정치적 위험을 감수할 수 있는 리더십이 복수로 연계되어 있을 때 협력의 진전이 가능했다.역설적으로 유럽석탄철강공동체(ECSC)는 하위정치적으로 보일 수 있는 ‘구체적이고 제한적인 의제’를 가장 높은 차원의 상위정치적 접근을 통해 시도했기 때문에 가능했다. 지역협력 기제의 창출 및 추진은 매우 제한된 기회의 창을 가지고 있고, 지역협력 의제는 국내 정치와 외교적 차원 모두에서 도전을 극복해야 한다. 리더십의 역할은 협력 의제에 대한 정치적 공간의 확보를 통해 이러한 잠재적 기회를 거래의 성사로 연결하는 데 있다.동북아의 지역협력은 구조적 장애요인으로 간주되어온 정치적 환경, 역사적 갈등 등의 변수에 대해 적극적으로 대응해나갈 필요가 있다. 이러한 전략적 전환은 특정 국가의 이니셔티브에 뒤이은 제도 형성에 일차적으로 중점을 두기보다, 개별 이슈의 거래를 성사시키기 위한 복수의 리더십 연계와 정치적 조율, 그리고 화해를 위한 환경 마련을 요구한다. 무엇보다 초기 지역협력 프로젝트의 추진에 있어서 리더십 차원의 사전조율은 매우 중요하며, 이를 위해 중․장기적으로 지속될 수 있는 다국적 인력 풀에 토대한 전문가집단을 충분한 정치적 위상 부여를 통해 운용할 필요가 있다. 한․중․일 정상회의를 비롯한 고위급회의는 상대에게 필요한 것을 찾아내어 연계할 수 있는 커뮤니케이션 채널을 형성하기 위해 더욱 활성화되어야 한다. 동북아의 지역협력은 일차적으로 내향적 성격의 ‘선언과 독백’의 정치적 제안에서 벗어나 보다 상호간의 ‘대화의 정치’에 토대해야 한다.또한 동북아 지역협력의 의제 선정은 확산(spill-over)을 염두에 둔 종합적인 패키지보다 ‘구체적이고 제한된’ 범위를 가진 이슈에 대한 충분한 집중과 정치적 지원이 필요하다. 이러한 의제 선정은 새로운 아이디어에 따른 이해관계를 구축하기보다 역내 기존 네트워크의 활용을 극대화할 수 있는 이슈를 중심으로 실용적 접근을 요구한다.역사적 화해는 유럽의 사례에서 보듯, 장애요인으로만 작동하는 것이 아니라 지역협력의 진전하에서 하나의 결과물로 도출될 수 있으며, 지역협력의 진전은 화해의 정치적 비용을 감소시킬 수 있다. 새로운 공동의 이해를 추진하는 지역협력은 국가적 화해를 위한 유용한 출구(exit)를 마련할 수 있다. 마지막으로, 동북아 지역협력은 거부권 행사의 방지와 이해관계의 공유라는 차원에서 미국을 비롯한 역외국과의 긴밀한 조율이 필요하다. English Abstract: This study conducts a historical and political analysis on the early years of European integration, including the establishment of European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), from the perspective of “deal-making.” It probes the possibility that the creation of a specific regional institution may not guarantee an automatic spill-over to further functional progress and provides an alternative approach based on political engineering of cooperation. Early European integration often involved high political costs and progress was possible by taking political risks through multiple linkages of leadership.Paradoxically, the alleged low political cooperation on coal and steel was enabled by the highest political drive to solve this “concrete and limited” issue. The pursuit of regional cooperation has a very limited window of opportunity and would require skillful management in both domestic politics and diplomacy. The role of a leader is to secure a political space for the cooperation project and to convert latent opportunities into an actual deal.Regional cooperation in Northeast Asia should directly deal with structural obstacles such as political environment and historical conflict. Instead of institution-building based on a unilateral proposal, regional cooperation strategies should focus on leadership networks, political coordination, and reconciliatory measures to facilitate actual “deal-making.” A preliminary consultation among the leaders is crucial in the early stage of regional cooperation; this needs to be complement
Korean Abstract:本研究从“交易成功(Deal-making)”的观点出发，试图对创立欧洲煤炭钢铁共同体(ECSC)等初期欧洲一体化的形成过程进行历史性和政治性的再考察。特定地区合作的制度和机构的创建和运营并不能完全保证基于扩散(spill-over)的功能整合的进展，需要对将想法真正制度化的过程进行政治工学管理。早期的欧洲一体化伴随着很高的政治费用，当承担政治风险的领导能力与多个联系在一起时，合作才有可能取得进展。反过来说，欧洲煤炭钢铁共同体(ECSC)之所以能够实现，是因为通过最高层次的上层政治接触，试图制定可能被视为下层政治的“具体而有限的议题”。地区合作机制的创造和推进具有非常有限的机遇之窗，地区合作议题要从国内政治和外交层面克服挑战。领导能力的作用在于通过确保对合作议题的政治空间，将这种潜在机会与交易的成功联系起来。东北亚的地区合作有必要积极应对一直被视为结构性障碍因素的政治环境、历史矛盾等变数。这样的战略性转换比起把重点放在特定国家的主动之后的制度的形成上，更需要为达成个别焦点的交易，建立多个领导能力的联系和政治协调，以及为和解的环境。最重要的是，在初期地区合作项目的推进上，领导层面的事前协调非常重要，为此有必要通过赋予充分的政治地位来运用以中、长期持续的跨国人力资源为基础的专家集团。韩、中、日首脑会议等高层会议为了找出对方需要的东西并形成联系的交流渠道，应该更加活跃。东北亚的地区合作首先应该摆脱具有内向性质的“宣言和独白”的政治提案，以更加相互间的“对话政治”为基础。另外，东北亚地区合作议题的选定，比起考虑扩散(spill-over)的综合性一揽子方案，更需要对“具体而有限”范围内的焦点问题进行充分的集中和政治支援。这样的议题选定要求的不是根据新想法构筑利害关系，而是以能够最大限度地活用区域内现有网络的焦点为中心，进行实用性的接近。从欧洲的事例中可以看出，历史和解不仅仅是障碍因素，在地区合作的进展中可以得出一个结果，地区合作的进展可以减少和解的政治费用。推进新的共同理解的地区合作可以为国家和解提供有用的出口(exit)。最后，在防止行使否决权和共享利害关系的层面上，东北亚地区合作需要同美国等域外国家进行密切协调。english abstract:This study conducts a historical and political analysis on the early years of European integration，包含the establishment of European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC)from the perspective of deal-making。It probes the possibility that a specific regional institution may not guarantee an automatic spill-over to further functional progress and provides an alternative approach based onpolitical engineering of cooperation。Early European integration often involved high political costs and progress was possible by taking political risks through multiple linkages of leadership。Paradoxically, the alleged low political cooperation on coal and steel was enabled by the highest political drive to solve this " concrete and limited " issue。The pursuit of regional cooperation has a very limited window of opportunity and would require skillful management in both domestic politics and diplomacy。The role of a leader is to secure a political space for The cooperation project and to convert latent opportunities into an actual deal。Regional cooperation in Northeast Asia should directly deal with structural obstacles such as political environment and historical conflict。Instead of institution-building based ona unilateral proposal, regional cooperation strategies should focus on leadership networks, political coordination，and reconciliatory measures to facilitate actual " deal-making "A preliminary consultation among the leaders is crucial in the early stage of regional cooperation;this needs to be complemented by politically empowered multinational expert groups ona long-term basis。The trilateral summit (South Korea, Japan，and China) and other high-level meetings should be more galvanized to build an effective communication channel that would clarify each other ' s ideas and interests。 ould be based on " the politics of dialogue " among diverse leaders and the public rather than introvert " declarations " and " monologues " targeting the domestic audience。The agenda-setting of regional cooperation requires sufficient concentration an
{"title":"지역통합의 조건: 유럽통합의 기원에 대한 재고찰 (The Conditions of Regional Cooperation: Early European Integration and the Implications for Northeast Asia)","authors":"Jae-seung Lee, Chang-Rhyong Oh, Yoo Kim, Saehoon Kim","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2783602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2783602","url":null,"abstract":"Korean Abstract: 본 연구는 ‘거래의 성사(Deal-making)’라는 관점에서 유럽석탄철강공동체(ECSC) 창설을 비롯한 초기 유럽통합의 형성과정에 대한 역사적․정치적 재고찰을 시도한다. 특정한 지역협력의 제도 및 기구의 창설과 운영은 확산(spill-over)에 토대한 기능적 통합의 진전을 전적으로 담보해주지 않으며, 아이디어를 실제로 제도화해가는 과정에 대한 정치공학적인 관리가 요구된다. 초기 유럽통합은 높은 정치적 비용을 수반했고, 이러한 정치적 위험을 감수할 수 있는 리더십이 복수로 연계되어 있을 때 협력의 진전이 가능했다.역설적으로 유럽석탄철강공동체(ECSC)는 하위정치적으로 보일 수 있는 ‘구체적이고 제한적인 의제’를 가장 높은 차원의 상위정치적 접근을 통해 시도했기 때문에 가능했다. 지역협력 기제의 창출 및 추진은 매우 제한된 기회의 창을 가지고 있고, 지역협력 의제는 국내 정치와 외교적 차원 모두에서 도전을 극복해야 한다. 리더십의 역할은 협력 의제에 대한 정치적 공간의 확보를 통해 이러한 잠재적 기회를 거래의 성사로 연결하는 데 있다.동북아의 지역협력은 구조적 장애요인으로 간주되어온 정치적 환경, 역사적 갈등 등의 변수에 대해 적극적으로 대응해나갈 필요가 있다. 이러한 전략적 전환은 특정 국가의 이니셔티브에 뒤이은 제도 형성에 일차적으로 중점을 두기보다, 개별 이슈의 거래를 성사시키기 위한 복수의 리더십 연계와 정치적 조율, 그리고 화해를 위한 환경 마련을 요구한다. 무엇보다 초기 지역협력 프로젝트의 추진에 있어서 리더십 차원의 사전조율은 매우 중요하며, 이를 위해 중․장기적으로 지속될 수 있는 다국적 인력 풀에 토대한 전문가집단을 충분한 정치적 위상 부여를 통해 운용할 필요가 있다. 한․중․일 정상회의를 비롯한 고위급회의는 상대에게 필요한 것을 찾아내어 연계할 수 있는 커뮤니케이션 채널을 형성하기 위해 더욱 활성화되어야 한다. 동북아의 지역협력은 일차적으로 내향적 성격의 ‘선언과 독백’의 정치적 제안에서 벗어나 보다 상호간의 ‘대화의 정치’에 토대해야 한다.또한 동북아 지역협력의 의제 선정은 확산(spill-over)을 염두에 둔 종합적인 패키지보다 ‘구체적이고 제한된’ 범위를 가진 이슈에 대한 충분한 집중과 정치적 지원이 필요하다. 이러한 의제 선정은 새로운 아이디어에 따른 이해관계를 구축하기보다 역내 기존 네트워크의 활용을 극대화할 수 있는 이슈를 중심으로 실용적 접근을 요구한다.역사적 화해는 유럽의 사례에서 보듯, 장애요인으로만 작동하는 것이 아니라 지역협력의 진전하에서 하나의 결과물로 도출될 수 있으며, 지역협력의 진전은 화해의 정치적 비용을 감소시킬 수 있다. 새로운 공동의 이해를 추진하는 지역협력은 국가적 화해를 위한 유용한 출구(exit)를 마련할 수 있다. 마지막으로, 동북아 지역협력은 거부권 행사의 방지와 이해관계의 공유라는 차원에서 미국을 비롯한 역외국과의 긴밀한 조율이 필요하다. English Abstract: This study conducts a historical and political analysis on the early years of European integration, including the establishment of European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), from the perspective of “deal-making.” It probes the possibility that the creation of a specific regional institution may not guarantee an automatic spill-over to further functional progress and provides an alternative approach based on political engineering of cooperation. Early European integration often involved high political costs and progress was possible by taking political risks through multiple linkages of leadership.Paradoxically, the alleged low political cooperation on coal and steel was enabled by the highest political drive to solve this “concrete and limited” issue. The pursuit of regional cooperation has a very limited window of opportunity and would require skillful management in both domestic politics and diplomacy. The role of a leader is to secure a political space for the cooperation project and to convert latent opportunities into an actual deal.Regional cooperation in Northeast Asia should directly deal with structural obstacles such as political environment and historical conflict. Instead of institution-building based on a unilateral proposal, regional cooperation strategies should focus on leadership networks, political coordination, and reconciliatory measures to facilitate actual “deal-making.” A preliminary consultation among the leaders is crucial in the early stage of regional cooperation; this needs to be complement","PeriodicalId":141296,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Studies: International Cooperation eJournal","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122341588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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