International Journal of Urban and Regional Research最新文献

In gentrification studies to date, authoritarianism has mainly served as a contextual backdrop to discussions of state-led gentrification. In this concluding essay I reflect on the explorations of ‘ordinary’ geographical cases of ‘everyday authoritarianism’ presented in this intervention on planetary gentrification and urban authoritarianism. The cases of Istanbul, Casablanca and Lijiang show how the complex merging of authoritarian and neoliberal is now one of the cruxes of gentrification globally.

This collection of interventions unites academics hailing from Latin America, the Middle East, Europe and the United States, reintroducing discussions on authoritarian state tactics and coercion into urban renewal dialogues within urban studies. During our discussions, it became apparent that urban authoritarian tactics are crucial in contemporary state-led gentrification efforts. In this introduction to the series, we aim to merge research on authoritarian measures within neoliberalism with the literature concerning urban transformation and gentrification. By doing so, we bring urban studies into wider discussions regarding the overarching trend of authoritarianism on a global scale within sociology, political economy and international studies.

Heritage preservation practices continue to be adopted as a tool to promote the regeneration of historic areas in China. Taking the experience of the Old Town of Lijiang (Dayan) as its starting point, this essay considers heritagization both as a process of gentrification and as an authoritarian urban practice that operates behind the regeneration process, contributing to the transformation of historic neighbourhoods into objects of display. It focuses particularly on the role played by local state actors and heritage regulations, showing how the construction and rearrangement of space as a form of ‘ordering’ serves the dominant classes, thus legitimizing the transformation of Lijiang and directly shaping people's lives. Finally, following recent accounts of gentrification led by historic preservation, the essay reflects on the ways in which heritage discourses and participatory-like practices may be deployed to legitimize gentrification and hinder various forms of resistance at the local level.

This essay presents a feminist intervention by incorporating feminist theory and ethnography into the examination of gentrification and displacement within authoritarian neoliberal urbanism. It explores the link between gentrification and the systemic crisis of social reproduction and discusses the contribution of feminist ethnography to our understanding of gendered dispossessions during state-led gentrification and displacement. The essay concludes that integrating a social reproduction lens and employing feminist ethnography not only enhances our understanding of gendered dispossessions but also reveals the potential for empowerment in marginalized communities. Making visible the material and affective injustices and daily struggles to pursue social reproduction amidst the dismantling of marginalized lives by state-led gentrification contributes to feminist praxis. Illustrative examples from a longitudinal case study on the nexus of gender and gentrification in Tarlabaşı, Istanbul, are used to support these arguments.

This study analyzes public housing residualization as a multiscalar phenomenon, providing specific details about how it happened in a Central and East European context via the marketization of the housing system, the peripheralization of ‘the social’ and the racialization of ‘unhouseables’. It employs secondary statistical data, interviews, and document analyses to examine the endemic features of global capitalism within Romania's housing regime. The study shows that the dismantlement of the state-socialist establishment has resulted in a lower social rental rate than in core capitalist countries. It observes that when the public housing stock has generally been depleted, newly established social housing is relocated to the peripheries of cities as a nonmarketable component of the dualist public housing sector. In Baia Mare, the municipality has created social housing enclaves for vulnerable groups associated with dangerous behavior by excluding them from other forms of public housing, whereas in Cluj-Napoca, it has attempted to exclude marginalized people from public housing by turning it into a site of class warfare. In both cases, the housing stock under scrutiny is associated with the racialized Roma ethnicity. The approach adopted in the study enables the residualization of public housing to be addressed across the peripheralization–racialization nexus.

Capital cities struggle with population growth that challenges existing infrastructure and affects the quality of urban life. The failure of local governments to manage urban deterioration motivates active resident groups to improve their neighborhoods, but they struggle to play a role in neighborhood governance in contexts where citizens’ engagement in public affairs is restricted. In this article we aim to understand active residents’ roles in the neighborhood governance process and how these roles unfold in a context that challenges citizen engagement in public life. We adopted a case study methodology and interviewed active residents and local officials from selected districts in Cairo, which revealed that active residents’ influence is limited mostly to neighborhood management and implementation activities. In this limited space, the role of active residents is confined to either that of the ‘fixer’ who restores existing services, or that of the struggling and intermittent ‘self-provider’, neither of whom can influence policy formulation. This study provides a structured and zoomed-out view of local activism in Cairo, offering a starting point for scholars and decision makers seeking to enhance active residents’ roles in Cairo.

This article contributes to ongoing discussions about the practice of prefigurative politics by urban social movements, and the relationship between prefiguration and other political practices. We argue that urban social movements can deploy prefigurative power in combination with other political strategies with which it is often contrasted and opposed. To demonstrate, we explore Cape Town's Reclaim the City movement that occupied several inner-city buildings to create affordable housing for low-wage Black communities—prefiguring the kind of affordable housing that they were demanding. They developed this strategy iteratively after having tried to play by the rules through litigation and mobilize through protest. When those approaches failed to shift decision makers, they tried to prefigure their goal for housing through occupation. Prefiguration offered distinctive strategic advantages: it helped demonstrate that affordable housing was possible and provided direct relief for people facing housing stress. These advantages not only engaged new participants but contributed to new affordable housing commitments from the City of Cape Town and the courts. We show how movement participants understood their prefigurative occupation as part of a constellation of people power strategies and suggest that this points towards the potential for prefiguration to be deployed pragmatically as well as ideologically by urban social movements.

Bangkok is a tropical metropolis subject to many human and nonhuman transformations. While Covid-19 raged, the city's mix of precarity and oppression gave rise to a youth protest movement that opposed the junta government and sought to intervene in Thai politics-as-usual. At the same time, a rewilding experiment aimed at undoing environmental damage quietly was unfolding in Benjakitti Urban Forest Park. We draw on science and technology studies (STS), anthropology and urban theory to elicit the events of both park and protests as ongoing experiments in rewilding Bangkok on more-than-human terrain. Both involve overlapping critical zones, where encounters between many beings and practices of worlding shape an uncommons and create problems of coexistence. Such problems call for cosmoecological diplomacy, understood as the art of giving collective shape to a more-than-human cosmos yet to arrive.