International Journal of Urban and Regional Research最新文献

The third sector has recently emerged, or re-emerged, as a new housing provider for disadvantaged groups in Hong Kong and Korea, where affordable housing development has been predominantly directed by government. However, our knowledge of third-sector housing in non-Western contexts remains partial. In this article, we aim to provide, from a historical-institutionalist perspective, a comparative account of the (re-)emergence and implementation of third-sector affordable housing delivery in Hong Kong and Korea. Based on the housing-welfare regime framework, we discuss the socioeconomic and political contexts in which third-sector housing has burgeoned in the two regions, and how the relationship between the government and the third sector has moulded the implementation of third-sector housing. We highlight the significant power of the government in implementing third-sector housing and third-sector organizations’ continued complementary role to the government in supplying housing as welfare, which reflects the path-dependent nature of housing and welfare policies in the two regions. Adopting a long view to understanding history and a broader framework that reflects the socioeconomic context contributes to advancing the comparative housing literature.

This article examines how the urban fabric of Lagos is being transformed by neo-Pentecostal forms of Christian religiosity—a transformation not only of inner, ‘private’ lives but also of urban infrastructures and their provision. Neo-Pentecostal churches in Lagos now provide a range of infrastructures such as roads, bridges, electricity, water, healthcare, plus banking and educational facilities as well as a range of residential options. Church emblems are common features of the Lagos streetscape and can be found on buildings, vehicles and advertisement hoardings. In addition to their symbolic, moral and aesthetic register, Pentecostal urban infrastructures can be understood as a response to the crisis of social reproduction in Lagos, within the context of a postcolonial state that has adopted a position of entrenched neoliberalism. Critical questions remain, however, regarding whose interests are served by this arrangement. The article aims to understand (1) the ontological status of neo-Pentecostal infrastructures, taking seriously the production and delivery of material infrastructures that are understood by some users to also be spiritual; and (2) the novel relations between church, state, market and citizen articulated by these infrastructures. Our arguments are based on qualitative data collected in Lagos between 2018 and 2022.

In this article I examine the simultaneous expansion of urban sprawl and influx of middle-class migrants in the context of Gurugram, India, to highlight how physical and social space plays an integral role in shaping class distinction among the migrant middle classes. I make a case for social class, generally, and migrant middle classes in neo-urban contexts, specifically, to be understood as a sociospatial category. My arguments build primarily on Bourdieu's argument that both physical and social space operates on similar principles of reciprocal externality of positions in the context of social class distinction. I highlight how the migrant middle classes formulate and consolidate their social class distinction against competing claims over sociospatial dominance of the local ancestral agrarian community in neo-urban Gurugram, India. My findings highlight how existing local sociopolitical fractures interact with global capitalist circuits of capital to shape the sociospatial context in which social class distinction is formulated. The article allows for grounding theorizations of social class to accommodate local sociopolitical and sociospatial dynamics.

In Turkey, as in many Mediterranean countries, the Covid-19 pandemic enhanced the mobility of the country's affluent classes to coastal towns. Many decided to settle there permanently, either by making their second homes their main residences, or by purchasing or renting new property. This has created severe social, infrastructural and environmental problems in these towns because of transformed demographics, a largely unregulated construction boom, increased renovation activities and an unprecedented rise in real-estate and consumer-goods prices. In this article we contextualize these problems in relation to the Justice and Development Party's neoliberal policies of urban governance and rescaling in the past 15 years. The government, having given the construction sector the main role in Turkey's economic development, subsequently granted it new spatial opportunities through the authoritarian and centralized allocation of urban and rural land. Coastal towns have been the target of unregulated urban growth and predatory construction in this process and have thus provided new spatial development prospects. Local governmental reform in 2012, which introduced radical urban rescaling and weakened district municipalities’ planning and regulation capacities, further intensified the process. These factors have had a severe impact on coastal towns and their middle-income residents, who face new mobility pressures.

This article explores the role that green gentrification plays in exacerbating racial tensions within historically marginalized urban communities benefiting from new environmental amenities such as parks, gardens, waterfront restoration and greenways. Building on extensive qualitative data from three cities in Europe (Amsterdam, Vienna, Lyon) and four cities in the United States (Washington, Austin, Atlanta, Cleveland), we use thematic analysis and grounded theory to examine the complex relationship between historical environmental and racial injustices and current racial green inequities produced by the green city agenda. Our analysis also offers insights into the main differences in how community members articulate concerns and demands over racial issues related to green gentrification in Europe versus North America. Results show that urban greening—and green gentrification specifically—can create ‘compounded environmental racisms’ by worsening racial environmental injustices and further perpetrating green racialized displacement, re-segregation and exclusion. The latter is produced by the racial inequities embedded in green infrastructure projects and the related unequal access to environmental benefits, affordable housing, political rights and place-making. Moreover, we find that settler colonial practices combined with persisting exposure to toxins and re-segregation in the United States together with neocolonial spatial and social practices in Europe shape how racialized community members perceive and interact with new green amenities.

Shadow trading is a common activity along state borders. Its omnipresence is puzzling because border checkpoints are highly regulated spaces that are heavily gated and securitized. Most studies attribute such a paradox to ineffective border control and corruption. However, this line of argument overlooks the peculiar nature of border and checkpoint governance. We explore this phenomenon with a case study of the Sino-Kazakh border where shadow traders negotiate their passage every day. We find that border crossing is a highly organized activity dictated by informal yet specific and meticulous rules that are enforced by various state and non-state actors. Together, they constitute a kind of gray governance that is thoroughly entwined with the formal regime. It is a kind of technology of rule that enables the state to selectively enforce formal and informal rules so as to accommodate the conflicting goals of border control.