Pub Date : 2021-12-31DOI: 10.12797/cc.24.2021.24.04
Tiziano F. Ottobrini
I commenti neoplatonici ad Aristotele, oltre a dare indicazioni interpretative su questioni di contenuto, possono non solo far riflettere ma anche dare importanti indicazioni sul testo aristotelico e sulla sua traditio textus. In questo saggio verrà illustrato un caso particolarmente significativo, contenuto nel commento alla Fisica scritto da Giovanni Filopono (prima metà del VI secolo): in Phys. 216a29-31, infatti, occorre una lectio (συνίστασθαι) diversa dal testo canonico di Aristotele attestato dai manoscritti (μεθίστασθαι). La competenza filologica di Filopono avvalora particolarmente questa lectio che risulta non aver avuto nell’antichità adeguate testimonianze; infatti, i manoscritti medievali continuano una tradizione diversa. Il caso esaminato intende riportare l’attenzione sull’importanza che la produzione ipomnematica tardoantica può offrire nel valutare, almeno in casi particolari, quale testo dello Stagirita circolasse prima che si costituisse una vulgata aristotelica, quella data dai codici medievali.
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Pub Date : 2021-12-31DOI: 10.12797/cc.24.2021.24.01
Tomasz Babnis
The life of Claudius Claudian (c. 370 – c. 404 AD), the great Latin poet active during the reign of Honorius, is unknown, especially the years before his great debut in 395 AD. Communis opinio holds that he was a pagan Egyptian Greek born in Alexandria c. 370 AD, who having come to Italy in 394 AD started a career of a political poet in the service of the elites of the Western Roman Empire. This view codified by Alan Cameron (1970) was challenged by Peder G. Christiansen (1997), who asserted that Claudian was actually a Westerner. The thesis of the poet’s Egyptian origin was defended by Bret Mulligan (2007) and then again attacked by Christiansen and Christiansen (2009). This article aims to reconsider the scarce textual evidence and to put an emphasis on some points that have been underestimated so far: the possibility of Claudian’s early connections with Constantinople and the ruling circles of the eastern capital.
克劳迪亚斯·克劳迪亚斯(公元370年-公元404年)是一位活跃在霍诺里乌斯统治时期的伟大拉丁诗人，他的生平不详，尤其是在他于公元395年首次亮相之前的岁月。共产党人的观点认为，他是一个异教的埃及希腊人，出生于公元370年的亚历山大，公元394年来到意大利，开始了为西罗马帝国精英服务的政治诗人生涯。Alan Cameron(1970)编纂的这一观点受到了Peder G. Christiansen(1997)的挑战，他断言克劳狄实际上是一个西方人。布雷特·穆里根(Bret Mulligan, 2007)为诗人的埃及血统这一论点进行了辩护，然后又被克里斯滕森和克里斯滕森(Christiansen, 2009)再次攻击。本文旨在重新考虑稀缺的文本证据，并强调一些迄今为止被低估的观点:克劳狄一世与君士坦丁堡和东部首都统治圈的早期联系的可能性。
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Pub Date : 2021-12-31DOI: 10.12797/cc.24.2021.24.07
Ioannis Petropoulos
Although the extraordinary progress in medicine since the 19th century has made Hippocrates and Galen irrelevant, Greek and Greek-derived terms continue to be used in the medical sciences today. The marked ability of the Greek language to form compounds facilitated the expansion of its medical lexicon. Greek medicine evolved far longer than its modern counterpart; its enduring cachet has lent it an atemporality. This article traces the main stages in the history of the nearly continuous reception of Greek medical nomenclature across more than two millennia. The process is shown to have been inseparable from the transmission and editing of Greek medical texts and their translation into Latin, Arabic, and eventually into vernacular languages. The article also sheds incidental light on the history of translation and transliteration in Europe and the Arab world.
{"title":"Perché I Medici Parlano Ancora Il Greco?","authors":"Ioannis Petropoulos","doi":"10.12797/cc.24.2021.24.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12797/cc.24.2021.24.07","url":null,"abstract":"Although the extraordinary progress in medicine since the 19th century has made Hippocrates and Galen irrelevant, Greek and Greek-derived terms continue to be used in the medical sciences today. The marked ability of the Greek language to form compounds facilitated the expansion of its medical lexicon. Greek medicine evolved far longer than its modern counterpart; its enduring cachet has lent it an atemporality. This article traces the main stages in the history of the nearly continuous reception of Greek medical nomenclature across more than two millennia. The process is shown to have been inseparable from the transmission and editing of Greek medical texts and their translation into Latin, Arabic, and eventually into vernacular languages. The article also sheds incidental light on the history of translation and transliteration in Europe and the Arab world.","PeriodicalId":143511,"journal":{"name":"Classica Cracoviensia","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134572146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-31DOI: 10.12797/cc.24.2021.24.03
Valeria Melis
In Po. 1454a 16–28, Aristotele afferma che, per essere ben riusciti, tutti gli ἤθη della tragedia devono essere χρηστά, donne e schiavi compresi. L’aggettivo χρηστός, presente solo in questo luogo della Poetica, comporta importanti problemi esegetici e traduttivi, che hanno dato luogo a molteplici interpretazioni e traduzioni del termine. Posti sotto esame i principali tentativi esegetici di χρηστός in Po. 1454a 16–28 dalla metà del Novecento agli anni Duemila, il presente contributo offre una nuova ipotesi esegetica dell’aggettivo, fondandosi sull’analisi del suo valore semantico in alcuni passi delle commedie di Aristofane e dei discorsi degli oratori attici del IV sec. a.C., sulla concezione della natura della donna e dello schiavo che emerge da Aristot. Pol. I 1253b–1260b 24 e sulla menzione aristotelica del personaggio di Menelao dell’Oreste di Euripide come παράδειγμα πονηρίας ἤθους μὴ ἀναγκαίας (Po. 1454a 28–29).
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Pub Date : 2021-08-06DOI: 10.12797/cc.23.2020.23.01
Tomasz Babnis
Eutropius, eunuch who became the consul of the Roman Empire in 399 AD under Arcadius, is a villain of Claudius Claudian’s invective In Eutropium. Argumentation in this piece is based on many negative topoi employed in the earlier Roman poetry. In doing this, the poet makes a particular use of stereotypes connected with the East, by dint of which he can attribute these features to the Eastern Roman Empire (epitomised by Eutropius) and – at the same time – to show that the right Roman virtues are fostered in the Western Roman Empire, controlled by the poet’s patron, Stilicho.
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Pub Date : 2021-08-06DOI: 10.12797/cc.23.2020.23.02
Valeria Melis
A well-known tradition has it that after the victory of the Greeks over the Persian army at the battle of Marathon (490 B.C.E.) one of the Athenians ran forty kilometres from Marathon to Athens and died soon after his arrival in the city, after giving the good news. However, the story is more complicated than it seems, and several issues have claimed the attention of scholars, such as what the Marathon runner’s name was, what form of greeting he used and whether the episode really happened or not. The first part of my paper offers a reconsideration of the extant sources in order to express my point of view on the abovementioned issues. The second part aims at showing a selection of parallel passages which could possibly prove useful in trying to illustrate how the legend of the Marathon runner evolved into the shape it assumed in the Lucianean account, which is still considered as the ‘official’ version of the story.
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Pub Date : 2021-08-06DOI: 10.12797/cc.23.2020.23.05
Mieszek Jagiełło
The following paper explores some possible connections between Greek and Mesopotamian child-killing demons. First, the main Sumerian/Akkadian demoness Kamadme Lamaštu is being characterized and set in comparison with the lil-demons and their singularisation Lilith. Briefly, their modus operandi is being studied with a focus on strangulation. It is being proposed that the reoccurring meme of children being strangled by these demons comes from a misinterpretation of the anatomy of the human body which manifested in the belief in a rāṭu in Mesopotamia or ὁδός in Greece. This organ was believed to be a “channel” that connects women’s genital system with the respiratory tract. With that in mind, some Greek and Roman demons are being considered as potentially being derived from the aforementioned ancient Near Eastern supernatural beings. Hence, the proposal is put forward that the Greek Hesperides, the Theban Sphinx, the Lesbian Gello as well as the Greco-Roman Stri(n)x have in fact been adopted by the Occident from the East.
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Pub Date : 2021-08-06DOI: 10.12797/cc.23.2020.23.07
Michał Bzinkowski
Kostas Ouranis (1890–1953), a Greek poet and essayist, lesser known abroad, was regarded as one of the first to introduce “travel writing” in Greece. As a correspondent of different newspapers, he travelled to many countries in Europe and abroad and recorded his impressions in travel books, of which the best known is his travelogue on Spain, Sol y sombra (1934). However, the book that is of special interest as regards the Greek perspective of the writer, is Travels in Greece (Ταξίδια στην Ελλάδα, 1949), where Ouranis describes impressions from his travels in his homeland which took place in 1930. In the present paper, basing on the brief chapter on Monemvasia from the above-mentioned book, I will shed some light on the reception of Byzantium in Ouranis’ view, trying to answer, among others, the question whether the writer conveys any specific knowledge of the subject. In my opinion, his view of Byzantine heritage deserves special attention as regards the broad framework of the European approach to the legacy of the Eastern Roman Empire. Firstly, because his impressions on this Byzantine town constitute a vivid example of a clearly Greek perspective in this regard, which is relatively poorly known. Secondly, his deeply personal account on Monemvasia reveals the general attitude of the Greeks to their legacy and as such it may be regarded as a characteristic miniature which, like a lens, focuses their approach to the past.
Kostas Ouranis(1890-1953)，希腊诗人和散文家，在国外不太出名，被认为是最早在希腊引入“旅行写作”的人之一。作为不同报纸的记者，他游历了欧洲和国外的许多国家，并将他的印象记录在旅行书中，其中最著名的是他在西班牙的旅行日志，Sol y sombra(1934)。然而，关于作者的希腊观点，这本书特别有趣，是《希腊游记》(Ταξίδια στην Ελλάδα， 1949)，其中描述了他1930年在他的祖国旅行的印象。在本文中，基于上述书中关于莫内姆瓦西亚的简短章节，我将阐明欧拉尼斯对拜占庭的看法，并试图回答作者是否传达了关于该主题的任何具体知识的问题。在我看来，他对拜占庭遗产的看法值得特别注意，因为这是欧洲研究东罗马帝国遗产的方法的广泛框架。首先，因为他对这个拜占庭小镇的印象构成了一个鲜明的希腊视角的生动例子，而这一点相对来说鲜为人知。其次，他对Monemvasia的深刻个人描述揭示了希腊人对他们遗产的总体态度，因此它可以被视为一个典型的缩影，就像一个镜头，聚焦他们对过去的态度。
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Pub Date : 2020-10-29DOI: 10.12797/cc.20.2019.22.03
Jerzy Styka
Standards of Cultural Behaviour of the Romans in the Light of Sidonius Apollinaris' Letters The cultural and political situation of the Gallo-Roman elite in the 5th century CE, during the period of the great barbarian invasions, became the reason for the emergence, among its members, of certain standards of behaviour; their aim was to preserve, cultivate and develop the Roman identity as well as a sense of belonging to the elite cultural circle, now endangered by barbaric chaos. The paper presents selected examples of such standards of behaviour in spheres both private and public; they serve as an exemplification of conscious actions and choices designed to preserve traditional Roman system of values
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Pub Date : 2019-07-02DOI: 10.12797/CC.21.2018.21.08
J. Komorowska
Located in Punica Three, the description of Hercules’ temple and Hannibal’s prophetic dream serve as important instruments of both narrative and poetic techniques, both anticipating events to come and positioning the plot within the intricate nexus of symbols and intertextual allusions that appear to strengthen the Carthaginian’s resolve while simultaneously emphasizing the futility of his efforts. At the same time, the two may be studied as examples of sophisticated poetic technique, their reading heavily dependent on reader’s knowledge of the semantic framework of Greco-Roman culture.
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