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The Etymology of Despair in the Americas 美洲绝望的词源
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-10-12 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547920000241
Ernesto Semán
Halfway into White Noise, Don DeLillo's novel from 1985, Jack Gladney packs his family in the car and leaves town running from a black chemical cloud. The “airborne toxic event” had triggered an emergency evacuation plan: floodlights from helicopters, sirens, unmarked cars from obscure agencies, clogged roads, makeshift shelters at a Boy Scout camp where the Red Cross would dispense juice and coffee. People are confused, they seek information wherever they can, “[s]mall crowds collected around certain men.” Among generalized bewilderment, Gladney observes a few individuals moving faster and more assertively than the rest, then getting into a Land Rover. In the chaotic scene of crisis, their confidence gets his attention. “Their bumper stickers read GUN CONTROL IS MIND CONTROL” Gladney reads. And his mind wanders: “In situations like this, you want to stick close to people in right-wing fringe groups. They've practiced staying alive.”
唐·德利洛(Don DeLillo)1985年的小说《白噪音》(White Noise)读到一半时,杰克·格拉德尼(Jack Gladney)把家人装进车里,逃离了一片黑色的化学云,离开了小镇。“空中有毒事件”引发了一项紧急疏散计划:直升机的泛光灯、警笛、不知名机构的无标记汽车、堵塞的道路、红十字会分发果汁和咖啡的童子军营地的临时避难所。人们很困惑,他们尽可能地寻找信息,“商场里的人群聚集在某些男人周围。”在普遍的困惑中,格拉德尼观察到一些人比其他人移动得更快、更有主见,然后上了一辆路虎。在混乱的危机现场,他们的信心引起了他的注意。格拉德尼写道:“他们的保险杠贴纸上写着“枪支控制就是精神控制”。他走神了:“在这种情况下,你想和右翼边缘团体的人亲近。他们一直在练习活下去。”
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引用次数: 0
Service Work in the Pandemic Economy 疫情经济中的服务工作
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-10-12 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547920000216
Aaron Benanav
The rapid spread of COVID-19 interacted with long-unfolding economic trends to set a global tinder box aflame. Over the past thirty years, the world's workforce has increasingly found employment in low-wage, low-productivity jobs in the global services sector. The pandemic lockdowns hit these sorts of activities the hardest. Opportunities to work evaporated, spreading both poverty and hunger around the world. The same rise in global service sector employment shares, which amplified the pandemic lockdown's destructive effects, will now slow the pace of the recovery. The transition to a services-based economy has accelerated, due to what José Antonio Ocampo and Tomasso Faccio call “too much excess capacity and too little certainty about future demand,” which have depressed levels of investment and ushered in a period of economic stagnation. COVID-19 will make these tendencies worse. Weak economic recoveries will further entrench an economic order in which employers pay little attention to workers’ demands, deepening employment insecurity and economic inequality. The future for labor looks bleak. What that means for the future of working people remains an open question. Their fight for dignity, in the midst of the pandemic and post-pandemic eras, will prove decisive.
新冠肺炎的迅速传播与长期发展的经济趋势相互作用,点燃了全球火药盒。在过去的三十年里,世界劳动力越来越多地在全球服务业找到了低工资、低生产率的工作。疫情封锁对这类活动的打击最大。工作机会消失了,贫困和饥饿在世界各地蔓延。全球服务业就业份额的同样上升,放大了疫情封锁的破坏性影响,现在将减缓复苏步伐。由于JoséAntonio Ocampo和Tomasso Faccio所说的“过剩产能过多,对未来需求的确定性太低”,向以服务业为基础的经济转型加速,这压低了投资水平,并迎来了一段经济停滞期。新冠肺炎将使这些趋势恶化。疲软的经济复苏将进一步巩固雇主很少关注工人需求的经济秩序,加深就业不安全和经济不平等。劳动力的未来看起来很黯淡。这对劳动人民的未来意味着什么仍然是一个悬而未决的问题。他们在新冠疫情和后疫情时代为尊严而战,这将是决定性的。
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引用次数: 2
Shifting labor relations in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey 1500–2000: An Introduction 奥斯曼帝国和土耳其1500-2000年劳动关系的变迁:导论
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547920000058
K. Hofmeester, J. Lucassen
This special section can be seen as part of a tradition of special issues of International Labor and Working-Class History (ILWCH) and the International Review of Social History (IRSH) that comment on the state of the field of Ottoman labor historiography, describe its achievements and caveats, and set the agenda for future research. The late Donald Quataert, pioneer of Ottoman labor history, started this tradition in 2001, when he edited this journal's special issue Labor History in the Ottoman Middle East, 1700–1922. Touraj Atabaki and Gavin D. Brockett followed in 2009 with their special issue of the IRSH Ottoman and Republican Turkish Labour History. With the current special section we aim to add to this tradition. In the first section of our introduction, we will provide a brief overview of the main conclusions of the first two special issues, and shed some light on what happened after 2009. In the second section, we will discuss what we hope to add: an approach based on the Global Collaboratory on the History of Labour Relations that can help us to reconstruct the development of labor relations in the Ottoman Empire and its successor states. We describe this approach and results of the project worldwide so far. The third section starts with a brief overview of the Ottoman/Turkish Republic branch of the Collaboratory that focuses mainly on Anatolia and its views on sources and methodologies. It will describe the article by Karin Hofmeester and Jan Lucassen in this special section as result of these activities and the articles by Hülya Canbakal and Alpay Filiztekin and İrfan Kovidas and Yahya Araz as results of other projects that link up perfectly with the Collaboratory approach. Special attention will be devoted to the town of Bursa and its hinterland from the sixteenth until the twentieth century, putting the developments in this city in the broader perspective of Ottoman-Anatolian and Turkish labor history.
这一特刊可以被视为《国际劳工与工人阶级史》(ILWCH)和《国际社会史评论》(IRSH)特刊传统的一部分,评论奥斯曼劳工史学领域的现状,描述其成就和注意事项,并为未来的研究制定议程。已故的奥斯曼劳动史先驱唐纳德·夸塔尔特于2001年开始了这一传统,当时他编辑了该杂志的特刊《奥斯曼中东劳动史,1700–1922》。Touraj Atabaki和Gavin D.Brockett于2009年出版了《奥斯曼共和国土耳其劳工史》特刊。通过目前的特别部分,我们的目标是增加这一传统。在引言的第一部分,我们将简要概述前两期特刊的主要结论,并对2009年之后发生的事情有所了解。在第二节中,我们将讨论我们希望补充的内容:一种基于全球劳资关系史合作的方法,可以帮助我们重建奥斯曼帝国及其继承国的劳资关系发展。我们描述了这种方法以及迄今为止该项目在全球范围内的成果。第三部分首先简要概述了合作组织的奥斯曼/土耳其共和国分支机构,主要关注安纳托利亚及其对来源和方法的看法。它将在本特别部分中描述Karin Hofmeester和Jan Lucassen因这些活动而发表的文章,以及Hülya Canbakal和Alpay Filiztekin、Il rfan Kovidas和Yahya Araz因其他项目而发表的与合作方法完美结合的文章。从16世纪到20世纪,我们将特别关注布尔萨镇及其腹地,将这座城市的发展放在奥斯曼安纳托利亚和土耳其劳工史的更广阔视野中。
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引用次数: 0
Ottoman Tax Registers as a Source for Labor Relations in Ottoman Bursa 奥斯曼税务登记簿作为奥斯曼法尔萨劳资关系的来源
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547920000083
K. Hofmeester, J. Lucassen
Abstract Recently, Ottoman labor history and historiography has been moving beyond the “classical” labor history period of the nineteenth and twentieth century, shifting attention from mere wage work to other types of labor relations including unfree labor. Often focusing on one particular region, changes in work and labor relations are being followed over longer period of time. This article wants to contribute to this historiography by discussing tax registers as a possible source to reconstruct labor relations. It takes the province of Bursa, its towns and surrounding villages in the late fifteenth and sixteenth century as a case study to reconstruct labor relations, detect shifts over time and to try to explain these changes within the socio- and economic context of Bursa.
摘要最近,奥斯曼劳动史和史学已经超越了十九世纪和二十世纪的“古典”劳动史时期,将注意力从单纯的工资工作转移到包括非自由劳动在内的其他类型的劳动关系上。通常专注于一个特定的地区,工作和劳动关系的变化会持续更长的时间。本文希望通过讨论税务登记作为重建劳动关系的可能来源来为这一史学做出贡献。它以15世纪末和16世纪布尔萨省及其城镇和周围村庄为例,重建劳动关系,发现随着时间的推移而发生的变化,并试图在布尔萨的社会和经济背景下解释这些变化。
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引用次数: 1
Communism, Cold War and Commodity Chains: Southeast Asian Labor History in a Comparative and Transnational Perspective 共产主义、冷战与商品链:比较与跨国视角下的东南亚劳工史
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547920000022
U. Bosma
The geographical term “Southeast Asia” dates from the 1930s, and came to denote a topic for academic studies in the early days of the Cold War. As such, it includes Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Indochina, Thailand, Myanmar, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Philippines. Southeast Asia has become thoroughly incorporated in the global economy over the past 150 years; first, as a producer of commodities, and later, as a supplier of cheap garments and electronic components. Under Dutch colonialism and British hegemony—the latter established by the conquest of Burma and the imposition of free trade on Siam and the Philippines in the 1850s—Southeast Asia was turned into a key provider of commodities for the industrializing countries. During high colonialism, from 1870 to 1930, the region became increasingly intertwined, via Singapore as the central port and through the role of mainland Southeast Asia as the rice basket for the plantations of maritime Southeast Asia. After the Second World War, the region was the world's most violent frontier of containment for communist expansion. In recent decades, Southeast Asia has become integrated in global commodity chains as a producer of cheap industrial goods, often as a subcontractor for more advanced economies, such as those of Hong Kong, Korea, Taiwan, and later on, Southeast China.
“东南亚”这个地理术语可以追溯到20世纪30年代,在冷战初期是学术研究的一个主题。因此,它包括越南、柬埔寨、老挝、中印、泰国、缅甸、马来西亚、文莱和菲律宾。在过去的150年里,东南亚已经完全融入了全球经济;首先,作为商品生产商,后来,作为廉价服装和电子元件的供应商。在荷兰殖民主义和英国霸权(后者是19世纪50年代征服缅甸并对暹罗和菲律宾实行自由贸易而建立的)的统治下,东南亚成为工业化国家的主要商品供应国。在1870年至1930年的高度殖民主义时期,通过新加坡作为中心港口,以及东南亚大陆作为东南亚海上种植园的米篮子,该地区变得越来越相互交织。第二次世界大战后,该地区成为世界上遏制共产主义扩张最激烈的地区。近几十年来,东南亚已经融入全球商品链,成为廉价工业品的生产国,通常是香港、韩国、台湾以及后来的中国东南部等更先进经济体的分包商。
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引用次数: 1
The Incorporation of Women in the Agricultural Trade Union Struggle: The Case of the Galician Peasants’ Union Sindicato Labrego Galego 妇女在农业工会斗争中的参与:加利西亚农民联盟Sindicato Labrego Galego的案例
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547918000054
Ángel Rodríguez-Gallardo, María Victoria Martins-Rodríguez
Abstract This project investigates the participation of rural Galician women in social movements regarding labor and rural concerns from 1970 to 1990, with a comparative and interdisciplinary approach. Based on the studies we have analyzed we can conclude that the recognition of rural women and their roles in their organizations have been consolidated in recent years. Rural women have gradually become significant social players in the development of their communities and, consequently, their economies. This study also demonstrates that participation in organizations plays a major role in the development of women's identities by changing the rural definition of gender. In the case of Galician women, historical relegation is evident as the empowerment of rural women did not begin until a group of feminist women became members of the Executive Board of Sindicato Labrego Galego. The driving force behind this empowerment was the creation of organizations for women with clear and specific objectives.
本项目采用比较和跨学科的方法,调查了1970年至1990年期间加利西亚农村妇女参与有关劳工和农村问题的社会运动。根据我们分析的研究,我们可以得出结论,近年来,对农村妇女及其在组织中的作用的认识得到了巩固。农村妇女已逐渐成为其社区发展以及经济发展中的重要社会参与者。本研究还表明,组织参与通过改变农村对性别的定义,在妇女身份的发展中发挥了重要作用。就加利西亚妇女而言,历史上的降级是显而易见的,因为直到一群女权主义妇女成为Sindicato Labrego Galego执行委员会成员后,才开始赋予农村妇女权力。赋予妇女权力背后的推动力是建立了具有明确和具体目标的妇女组织。
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引用次数: 0
A Social History of Parastatal Employees in Southern Benin, 1989–1990: Contesting Decline and Unemployment During “Africa’s Second Democratization” 1989-1990年南贝宁准国有雇员的社会史:“非洲第二次民主化”期间的衰退与失业之争
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547919000267
A. Keese
Abstract The huge parastatal sectors in postcolonial African societies interested sociologists in the 1970s and 1980s, but have never found a historical discussion – and the experience of change towards the democratization (eventually) has not yet been interpreted by historians. This study attempts to bring both elements together for the case of Benin, a country particularly shaken by massive economic decline, lay-offs and unemployment in the second half of the 1980s. It relies on an unusual and spectacular source, a series of petitions sent by workers and workers’ delegates to the presidential office of Mathieu Kérékou in 1989/90 (the presidential office partly added to these petitions whole dossiers of comments and correspondence with other authorities, i.e. ministerial directorates and the police). This analysis highlights how parastatal workers and their spokesmen tried to communicate about economic and social disaster with the authorities, how they protested and attempted to make claims about social norms and justice, and how they attacked “corruption”. I would hold that the cases studied cannot stand for a model of experiences, but they nevertheless represent a number of elements of a social history of decline: as well as protests and arguments, and views on the practice of petitioning, the discussion will also highlight individual trajectories that nevertheless exemplify, in my view, representative experiences and a history of daily life in Benin's parastatal sector. The interpretation also attempts to show how imminent democratization, through the creation of a National Conference in early 1990, changed the strategies and the context of workers’ protest. It includes a number of exemplary, and quite spectacular, cases of mismanagement and closing of parastatal companies, such as the Société Sucrière de Savè and SONICOG. I would think that the approach is unique so far for both Beninese and West African history.
20世纪70年代和80年代,社会学家对非洲后殖民社会中巨大的半国有部门感兴趣,但从未找到历史上的讨论-历史学家尚未解释(最终)民主化的变革经验。本研究试图就贝宁的情况把这两个因素结合起来,贝宁在1980年代后半期受到大规模经济衰退、裁员和失业的特别震动。它所依据的是一个不寻常和引人注目的资料来源,即1989/90年工人和工人代表向Mathieu k拉西姆齐总统办公室发出的一系列请愿书(总统办公室在这些请愿书中部分添加了评论和与其他当局(即部长和警察)通信的全部档案)。这一分析强调了半国有企业工人及其发言人如何试图与当局就经济和社会灾难进行沟通,他们如何抗议并试图对社会规范和正义提出要求,以及他们如何攻击“腐败”。我认为,所研究的案例不能代表一种经验模式,但它们仍然代表了社会衰落历史的一些要素:除了抗议和争论以及对请愿实践的看法外,讨论还将突出个人轨迹,但在我看来,这些轨迹代表了贝宁半国有部门的代表性经验和日常生活历史。这一解释还试图表明,通过1990年初建立的全国会议,即将到来的民主化如何改变了工人抗议的策略和背景。其中包括一些管理不善和关闭半国有公司的典型和相当引人注目的案例,例如Savè社会组织和SONICOG。我认为到目前为止,这种方法在贝宁和西非历史上都是独一无二的。
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引用次数: 1
“German Labour History is Back”—Announcing the Foundation of the German Labour History Association “德国劳动历史回来了”——宣布德国劳动历史协会成立
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547920000095
S. Berger
When the curtain closed on the first conference of the German Labour History Association (GLHA) that dealt with the topic “Freedom of Labour under Capitalism” and took place at the Institute for Social Movements, Ruhr-Universität Bochum, from February 6 to 8, 2020, the sixty plus members that had been in attendance were agreed: “German Labour History is back.” This was a statement that was repeated on the banner of the GLHA proudly presenting its logo and summarizing its ambitions to unite all labor historians across German-speaking areas.
2020年2月6日至8日,在波鸿社会运动研究所(Ruhr-Universität)举行的以“资本主义下的劳动自由”为主题的德国劳动历史协会(GLHA)第一次会议闭幕时,与会的60多名成员一致认为:“德国劳动历史回来了。”这是在GLHA的旗帜上重复的声明,自豪地展示了它的标志,并总结了它团结所有德语地区的劳工历史学家的雄心。
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引用次数: 0
ILW volume 98 Cover and Back matter ILW卷98封面和背面物质
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547920000290
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引用次数: 0
The Occupational Strikes in the Dąbrowa Basin of April 1951: Stalinist Industrialization Against the Traditions of the Polish Working Class 1951年4月Dąbrowa盆地的职业罢工:反对波兰工人阶级传统的斯大林主义工业化
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547919000322
Jan de Graaf
Abstract Given the significance of strikes in the history of communist Poland, the strikes that occurred during the era of high Stalinism (1948-53) have received remarkably little scholarly attention. This article deals with one of the most significant strike waves of that period: the occupational strikes that broke out in the Dąbrowa basin after the regime extended the working day in the mines by one hour in April 1951. What lent additional salience to these strikes was that the Dąbrowa basin, nicknamed the “Red Basin” on account of its radical traditions of industrial protest, had been a communist stronghold in interwar Poland and that many card-carrying communists participated in the strikes. The article demonstrates that the strikes were the culmination of a process whereby the “aristocracy of labor” of seasoned activists turned against a regime that increasingly relied on younger migrants from the rural provinces in its campaigns to raise production. If the historical struggles of the miners in the Dąbrowa basin were instrumental in triggering the strikes, however, the article also makes clear how representatives of the regime could invoke these struggles to bring the strikes to an end.
鉴于罢工在共产主义波兰历史上的重要性,发生在高度斯大林主义时代(1948-53)的罢工得到的学术关注非常少。本文讨论的是那个时期最重要的罢工浪潮之一:1951年4月,在政权将矿井的工作日延长了一小时后,Dąbrowa盆地爆发了职业性罢工。使这些罢工更加引人注目的是Dąbrowa盆地,由于其激进的工业抗议传统而被称为“红色盆地”,在两次世界大战之间的波兰一直是共产主义的据点,许多正式的共产主义者参加了罢工。这篇文章表明,罢工是一个过程的高潮,在这个过程中,经验丰富的活动人士中的“劳工贵族”反对一个越来越依赖来自农村省份的年轻移民来提高产量的政权。然而,如果Dąbrowa盆地矿工的历史斗争是触发罢工的工具,那么文章也清楚地说明了政权的代表如何能够利用这些斗争来结束罢工。
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引用次数: 0
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International Labor and Working-Class History
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