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ILW volume 103 Cover and Back matter ILW第103卷封面和封底
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547923000364
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引用次数: 0
Controlling Bazaar, Fighting Precarity, and Producing the Nation 控制集市,对抗不稳定,创造国家
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547923000194
Diana T. Kudaibergen
Abstract This article focuses on production cycles of traditional embroidery making ( yaka ) in Turkmenistan. In Turkmenistan, yaka is a key element in the national dress for women's everyday wear and since the process of the embroidery making is often handmade, the distribution of yaka and the networks of producing and dealing this essential apparel offer a rich ethnographic context. The article focuses on the study of resellers and dealers who control the market flow and the precarious labor of those women who produce this highly valued handmade product in villages and households and then resell them at the major bazaar hubs in the central cities. At each stage, there is a quality, price and “tradition” control—whether the product adheres to the constructed but widely shared idea of the “national dress.” These relations are also imbued with logics of the gendered economy of respect for work and mutual help given the precarious circumstances of each individual yaka-maker. Yaka-making is seen by many women as a way out of financial crises, but it becomes a cycle of precarity based on the trends, demands, and forms of the formal dress requirement in the state institutions to which female clients have to adhere to when choosing the product. What influences the market flows in trends, supply, and everyday profit? How do women regulate the market from within despite the growing precarity? Studying these internal power relations will help us reveal how cultural and social control stems from the precisely political and male domination and how the rules of the game in that field are guided by completely different gendered and labor principles on the ground.
本文重点介绍了土库曼斯坦传统刺绣(yaka)的生产周期。在土库曼斯坦,雅卡是妇女日常穿着的民族服装的关键元素,由于刺绣制作的过程通常是手工制作的,雅卡的分布以及生产和经营这种重要服装的网络提供了丰富的民族志背景。本文重点研究了控制市场流量的经销商和经销商,以及那些在村庄和家庭生产这种高价值手工产品的妇女的不稳定劳动,然后在中心城市的主要集市中心转售。在每一个阶段,都有质量、价格和“传统”控制——产品是否符合人们普遍认同的“民族服饰”理念。这些关系也充满了性别经济的逻辑,即尊重工作和相互帮助,因为每个雅卡制造商的处境都很不稳定。许多女性认为制作雅卡是摆脱金融危机的一种方式,但它变成了一个不稳定的循环,基于趋势、需求和国家机构对正式服装的要求,女性客户在选择产品时必须遵守这些要求。影响市场趋势、供给和每日利润的因素是什么?女性如何在不稳定的情况下从内部管理市场?研究这些内部权力关系将有助于我们揭示文化和社会控制如何恰恰源于政治和男性统治,以及该领域的游戏规则如何受到完全不同的性别和劳动原则的指导。
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引用次数: 0
From Neoliberal Dreams to Precarity: Micro-Entrepreneurs and Family Debt in Kyrgyzstan 从新自由主义梦想到不稳定:吉尔吉斯斯坦的微型企业家和家庭债务
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s014754792200031x
Elmira Satybaldieva, Balihar Sanghera
Abstract This article argues that precarity partly arises from the growth of household debt in the age of rentier capitalism. It examines the mechanisms of neoliberal finance and its debt-based economic growth model in shaping precarious work and life in Kyrgyzstan. The unequal social relationship between lenders and borrowers generates considerable economic dispossession, appropriation, precarity, and harm. For debt-ridden micro-entrepreneurs, some of the pressures and consequences of debt are acutely felt within their family context, where members struggle to negotiate and ameliorate the impact. By drawing on three case studies of a small farmer, a bakery owner, and a petty trader turned petty producer, the article examines how usurious interest loans plunged them and their families into distress, insecurity, fear, loss, and powerlessness. The first-person accounts of these micro-entrepreneurs-cum-borrowers explain how debt was produced and experienced, and how it was inseparable from the country's rentier capitalist transformation. The study also draws on twenty-nine semi-structured interviews with financial institutions and thirty-three semi-structured interviews with borrowers conducted in Kyrgyzstan.
摘要本文认为,不稳定性部分源于食利者资本主义时代家庭债务的增长。它考察了新自由主义金融及其基于债务的经济增长模式在塑造吉尔吉斯斯坦不稳定的工作和生活中的机制。贷款人和借款人之间不平等的社会关系产生了相当大的经济剥夺、挪用、不稳定和伤害。对于债台高筑的微型企业家来说,债务的一些压力和后果在他们的家庭环境中明显感受到,家庭成员努力谈判和减轻影响。通过对一个小农场主、一个面包店老板和一个由小商贩变成小生产者的三个案例的研究,本文探讨了高利贷如何使他们和他们的家庭陷入困境、不安全感、恐惧、损失和无能为力。这些微型企业家兼借款人的第一人称描述解释了债务是如何产生和经历的,以及它是如何与国家的食利者资本主义转型密不可分的。该研究还利用了在吉尔吉斯斯坦对金融机构进行的29次半结构化访谈和对借款人进行的33次半结构化访谈。
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引用次数: 0
ILW volume 103 Cover and Front matter ILW第103卷封面和封面问题
3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0147547923000352
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
此内容的摘要不可用,因此提供了预览。当您可以访问此内容时,可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得完整的PDF。
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引用次数: 0
Between Arrogance and Despondency: The Shanghai Workers, the Communists, and the Strikes at the Japanese Cotton Mills of 1926 傲慢与绝望之间:上海工人、共产党与1926年日本棉纺厂罢工
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-06 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547922000060
Shen Yi
Abstract In June 1926, Shanghai cotton-mill workers initiated strikes at Japanese-owned factories in Xiaoshadu, protesting the dismissal of workers accused of arson in the workshop. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) recognized that Chinese workers’ actions should be aligned with their labor movement strategy, and tried to control the scale of the strikes. In August, responding to an incident where Japanese sailors killed a Chinese man, the CCP redirected to launch a large-scale combined strike, catering to Chinese laborers’ demands of Japanese employers, but not accounting for practical market conditions. Drawing on a variety of sources, this article reveals that dissidence in leadership, weaknesses in grassroots organizations, and unrealized alliances made it impossible for the Communists, so-called the vanguard of the working class, to lead the summer strike. Contrarily, the cotton workers coerced the Communists and their controlled labor unions to maximize their benefits. By mid-September, it had failed, causing a serious setback for the CCP. Compared to the CCP's improvisation and confusion, the capitalists took wise countermeasures in the favorable economic climate of 1926, ultimately triumphing over the Communists and workers.
1926年6月,上海小沙渡的日资棉纺厂工人发动罢工,抗议日资棉纺厂开除纵火工人。中国共产党认识到中国工人的行动应该与他们的劳工运动战略保持一致,并试图控制罢工的规模。8月,在日本水兵杀害一名中国人的事件后,中共转向发动大规模联合罢工,迎合了中国劳工对日本雇主的要求,但没有考虑到实际的市场情况。本文利用各种资料,揭示了领导层的不同意见,基层组织的弱点,以及未实现的联盟,使得共产党人(所谓的工人阶级先锋队)无法领导夏季罢工。相反,棉花工人强迫共产党及其控制的工会最大化他们的利益。到9月中旬,它失败了,给中共造成了严重的挫折。与中共的临时应变和混乱相比,资本家在1926年有利的经济环境中采取了明智的对策,最终战胜了共产党和工人。
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引用次数: 0
“We Were Democracy Mad:” Clerical Workers’ Unionism, Antiracism, and Feminism at the University of California, Berkeley, 1966–1972 “我们为民主而疯狂:”1966-1972年加州大学伯克利分校的文职工人工会主义、反种族主义和女权主义
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-24 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547922000084
J. Pierce
In April 1968, two Berkeley campus unions—the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) Local 1695 representing clerical, technical, and professional workers, and the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) Local 1570 representing graduate students—held a work-stoppage and a teach-in on “campus racism” to honor the memory of the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. who had been tragically assassinated in Memphis. Inspired by King's work and the AFSCME sanitation workers strike that he supported, the teach-in became a series of workshops that ultimately led to the development of a “white paper” with statistical data highlighting the ways the university harbored racism in its employment practices and in its admission of undergraduate and graduate students. Among its many demands, it called for the University: “to hire black, brown and red workers until the ratio of employees from these groups equals the ratio in the population; bring minority student enrollment and employment up to population ratios . . . publish the University census report showing the percentage of black, brown, and red employees by department; and make an additional report showing the classifications and promotions of black, brown, and red people in each department.”
1968年4月,伯克利的两个校园工会——美国州、县和市雇员联合会(AFSCME)当地1695,代表文书、技术和专业工人,代表研究生的美国教师联合会(AFT)当地1570人举行了一次停工和“校园种族主义”讲座,以纪念在孟菲斯不幸遇刺的马丁·路德·金牧师。在金的工作和他支持的AFSCME环卫工人罢工的启发下,这次讲座变成了一系列研讨会,最终导致了一份“白皮书”的制定,其中包含统计数据,强调了该大学在就业实践以及本科生和研究生录取中隐藏种族主义的方式。在其众多需求中,它呼吁大学:“雇佣黑人、棕色人种和红色人种的员工,直到这些群体的员工比例等于人口比例;将少数族裔学生的入学率和就业率提高到人口比例……公布大学人口普查报告,按部门显示黑人、棕色人和红色人种员工的百分比;并制作一份额外的报告,显示黑人、n、 每个部门都有红色的人。”
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引用次数: 0
On the Auction Block: The Garment Industry and the Deindustrialization of New York City 拍卖街区:服装业与纽约市的去工业化
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547922000059
A. Battle
Abstract Several important studies of New York City's fiscal crisis of the 1970s identify the city's deindustrialization as a key component. The flight of manufacturers from New York fostered a racialized unemployment crisis while eroding the city's tax base, undermining its ability to meet increasing demands for social services, creating incentives for policymakers to focus on real estate development as the motor of the city's political economy, and weakening the institutions, especially labor unions, that had served as bulwarks of the city's unique (by American standards) brand of municipal social democracy. This article explores the roots of deindustrialization in one of New York City's most important industries, the manufacture of clothing. Capital flight, in the form of “runaway shops,” began as early as the teens, when the International Ladies' Garment Workers Union (ILG) established itself through a series of key battles. The handmaiden to runaway shops was the reemergence of contracting, whereby the assembly of garments was disaggregated in terms of time, space, and legal identity. The twin forces of contracting and runaways threatened the existence of the ILG by draining garment work out of its New York City stronghold. I trace efforts to combat it through their culmination in what I call the “New Deal settlement,” a stabilization of the industry across what contemporary analysts called the “New York Production Area.” This settlement, I argue, was at once geographical, political, cultural, and economic. Its goal was to limit competition and establish a new equilibrium in the garment industry, one that could permit manufacturers acceptable profits without resort to the sweatshop. I borrow the notion of a “regulating capital” from the economist Anwar Shaikh to describe these attempts to engineer a reproducible cost structure. As soon as the New Deal settlement emerged, manufacturers began working to collapse it. I trace the dispersion of garment work to places like northeastern Pennsylvania, where manufacturers enlisted the wives and daughters of unemployed anthracite miners to sew their garments. Factory owners, sometimes linked to organized crime, sought to establish a new regulating capital rooted in relationships of domination, protected by authoritarian local governments. When imported garments arrived in the 1950s, a new regulating capital rooted in a worldwide sweatshop economy forced manufacturers to leave Pennsylvania for the US South, the Caribbean, and beyond. In an attempt to link political economy with social history, I stress that the currency of regulating capitals, particularly in labor-intensive industries, is political domination. Throughout, I illustrate these processes with reference to Judy Bond, the blousemaker whose departure for the US South prompted a widely publicized but unsuccessful national boycott led by the ILG. In terms of the historiography of New York City's deindustrialization, this account offers an alte
关于20世纪70年代纽约市财政危机的几项重要研究认为,该市的去工业化是一个关键组成部分。制造商从纽约外逃,助长了一场种族化的失业危机,同时侵蚀了该市的税基,削弱了该市满足日益增长的社会服务需求的能力,促使政策制定者将重点放在房地产开发上,将其作为该市政治经济的发动机,并削弱了一些机构,尤其是工会,这些机构曾是纽约市独特的(按美国标准)城市社会民主的堡垒。本文探讨了纽约市最重要的产业之一服装制造业的去工业化根源。资本外逃,以“失控的商店”的形式,早在十几岁的时候就开始了,当时国际女装工人联盟(ILG)通过一系列关键的斗争建立了自己。脱手商店的女仆是契约的重新出现,在这种契约中,服装的组装按照时间、空间和法律身份进行了分解。合同和出走的双重力量威胁着ILG的存在,使其在纽约的大本营的服装业务流失。我追溯了与之斗争的努力,我称之为“新政解决方案”(New Deal settlement),这是当时分析家称之为“纽约生产区域”(New York Production Area)的行业稳定。我认为,这个聚落同时是地理、政治、文化和经济的聚落。它的目标是限制竞争,在服装行业建立一种新的平衡,这种平衡可以让制造商在不诉诸血汗工厂的情况下获得可接受的利润。我借用经济学家安瓦尔•谢赫(Anwar Shaikh)的“监管资本”(regulatory capital)概念,来描述这些设计可复制成本结构的尝试。新政的解决方案一出现,制造商们就开始努力瓦解它。我将服装业的分散追溯到宾夕法尼亚东北部等地,在那里,制造商招募失业的无烟煤矿工的妻子和女儿来缝制他们的服装。工厂主有时与有组织犯罪有关联,他们试图建立一种新的监管资本,这种资本植根于统治关系,受到威权的地方政府的保护。20世纪50年代,当进口服装到来时,一个植根于全球血汗工厂经济的新监管资本迫使制造商离开宾夕法尼亚州,前往美国南部、加勒比海和其他地区。在试图将政治经济学与社会历史联系起来的过程中,我强调规范资本的货币,特别是在劳动密集型产业中,是政治支配。在整个过程中,我以朱迪·邦德(Judy Bond)为例来说明这些过程。这位女衬衫制造商前往美国南方,引发了由ILG领导的广泛宣传但未成功的全国抵制。就纽约市去工业化的史学而言,这一描述提供了罗伯特·费奇(Robert Fitch)的另一种侧重点,后者颇具影响力的描述强调了由房地产行业监督的城市去工业化的“有意识政策”。相反,我展示了去工业化是如何以重要的方式植根于竞争本身的动态,在每个阶段都受到特定的社会关系、国家政策和世界政治的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Origins of the Swedish Wage Bargaining Model 瑞典工资谈判模式的起源
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547922000047
Erik Bengtsson
Abstract This paper revisits the development of the canonical Swedish wage bargaining model, from the 1930s to the 1950s. The question at the core of the debate is: how did Sweden achieve “good” wage bargaining institutions -- good, in the sense of facilitating investment, employment, and controlled inflation? The conventional account focuses on the actions of employers and trade unions in export industry, and a cross-class alliance between the two. This paper questions this account. The paper builds on archival sources in the Swedish Labour Movement's Archives and Library in Stockholm: the minutes from the main trade union confederation's yearly wage policy discussions, in preparation for bargaining rounds. In total, some 1,500 pages of wage policy discussion. I find that the export sector cross-class alliance played a very small role, and that macro-corporatist concerns, that the labour movement had to take responsibility of all of society and pursue a planned wage policy, was much more important. This has theoretical implications for the analysis of wage bargaining institutions in general and the Swedish model in particular.
摘要本文回顾了20世纪30年代至50年代瑞典典型工资谈判模式的发展。争论的核心问题是:瑞典是如何实现“良好”的工资谈判制度的——从促进投资、就业和控制通货膨胀的意义上讲,这是良好的?传统的叙述侧重于出口行业雇主和工会的行为,以及两者之间的跨阶级联盟。本文对这一说法提出质疑。该论文以斯德哥尔摩瑞典劳工运动档案馆和图书馆的档案来源为基础:主要工会联合会年度工资政策讨论的会议记录,为谈判回合做准备。总计约1500页的工资政策讨论。我发现出口部门跨阶级联盟发挥的作用很小,而宏观社团主义者对劳工运动必须对整个社会负责并推行有计划的工资政策的担忧要重要得多。这对分析一般的工资谈判制度,特别是瑞典模式具有理论意义。
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引用次数: 1
From Corporations to Companies: The Development of Capitalism in Maritime Cargo Handling in the Port of Barcelona (ca. 1760–1873) 从公司到公司:巴塞罗那港海上货物装卸的资本主义发展(约1760-1873)
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-04 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547922000023
J. Ibarz, Brendan J. von Briesen
Abstract For centuries, the maritime cargo passing through the port of Barcelona was handled by the men of a half-dozen guilds. Collectively, these ancient corporations enjoyed monopolistic privileges over the various types of cargo and areas of operation—in the shallow harbor, to and from the Customs House, and throughout the city and beyond. At the end of the eighteenth century, the advances of economic and political liberalism began to question, challenge, and eventually dismantle the guild structure: a process that came to fruition in the early nineteenth century with the abolition of most guilds throughout Spain. However, some of the cargo-handling guilds had been defended by the Navy against abolition until the second half of the nineteenth century, when their orderly world collapsed into competitive companies able to hire men of their choosing (former guildsmen or otherwise). In this article, we look at the harbor-based guilds and the process by which guildsmen became the unorganized workers and capitalistic directors of the new dockworker companies. We offer a vision of the transformation of the guild system into a private system for organizing the labor of maritime-cargo handling. In this account, we examine technological changes in the means of production, changes in the organization of labor, the appearance of a new capitalist class in the sub-sector, and the rise of a capitalist mode of production based on the proletarianization of cargo handling.
几个世纪以来,通过巴塞罗那港的海运货物都是由六个行会的人处理的。总的来说,这些古老的公司对各种类型的货物和经营区域享有垄断特权——在浅水港,进出海关,以及整个城市和其他地方。18世纪末,经济和政治自由主义的进步开始质疑、挑战并最终废除行会结构:这一过程在19世纪初随着西班牙各地大多数行会的废除而实现。然而,直到19世纪下半叶,海军一直在为一些货运行会的废除进行辩护,当时他们有序的世界崩溃成了能够雇佣自己选择的人(前行会成员或其他人)的竞争性公司。在这篇文章中,我们观察了以港口为基础的行会,以及行会成员成为新码头工人公司的无组织工人和资本主义董事的过程。我们提供了一个将行会制度转变为私人制度的愿景,以组织海上货物装卸的劳动。在这篇文章中,我们考察了生产资料的技术变化、劳动组织的变化、新的资本主义阶级在次部门的出现,以及基于货物装卸无产阶级化的资本主义生产方式的兴起。
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引用次数: 0
Intergenerational Learning and Place-making in a Deindustrialized Locality: “Tracks of the Past” in Lanarkshire, Scotland 非工业化地区的代际学习和场所营造:苏格兰拉纳克郡的“过去的轨迹”
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1017/S0147547922000011
Ewan Gibbs, Susan Henderson, V. Bianchi
Abstract This paper contributes to scholarship on the long experience of deindustrialization. It emphasizes contemporary place-making in navigating the much-changed socioeconomic landscapes that the closure of mills, mines, shipyards and factories have left behind. The ‘half-life of deindustrialization' suggests these experiences have been received through understandings of labour and community with origins in the industrial era. ‘Tracks of the Past' was a school-based education project themed around workers' occupation of Caterpillar's earth-moving machinery plant in Lanarkshire, Scotland. The occupation was a response to Caterpillar's shock closure announcement and the loss of 1,200 jobs. It lasted 103 days between January and April 1987 when closure was reluctantly conceded. A Caterpillar Workers Legacy Group (CWLG) commemorated the occupation's thirtieth anniversary. During 2018, academics collaborated with the CWLG to develop a curriculum for a local high school class. ‘Tracks' produced lessons where students engaged with archival sources and physical objects, interviewed members of the CWLG and conducted online research. The ‘learning journey' montages that the students produced combined conversations in 2018 with sources from three decades earlier, often reflecting on the occupation as a historical episode in a highly localised context. Others implicated the closure within an international pattern, linking Caterpillar’s divestment to the actions of multinationals in the contemporary global economy. In neither case did the invocation of the occupation lead to a straightforward translation of the occupation into contemporary workplace justice issues as the CWLG had hoped. However, these results did suggest a creative deployment of the past that rationalised the occupation with reference to contemporary deindustrialized contexts. These findings demonstrate the utility of the half-life through a lingering industrial past, but also demonstrate the need to conceptualise agents or custodians of labour history and challenge the linearity of passing time that an incrementally receding industrial era implicates.
摘要本文有助于研究长期的去工业化经验。它强调在工厂、矿山、造船厂和工厂关闭后留下的社会经济格局发生了巨大变化的情况下,创造当代的场所。“去工业化的半衰期”表明,这些经验是通过对起源于工业时代的劳动力和社区的理解而获得的“过去的轨迹”是一个以工人占领卡特彼勒位于苏格兰拉纳克郡的土方机械厂为主题的学校教育项目。此次占领是对卡特彼勒令人震惊的关闭公告和1200个工作岗位流失的回应。从1987年1月到4月,它持续了103天,当时勉强同意关闭。卡特彼勒工人遗产组织(CWLG)纪念占领30周年。2018年,学者们与CWLG合作,为当地一个高中班级制定了课程Tracks制作的课程中,学生们接触档案来源和实物,采访CWLG成员,并进行在线研究。2018年,学生们制作的“学习之旅”蒙太奇结合了三十年前的消息来源进行的对话,经常将占领视为高度本地化背景下的历史事件。其他人则将此次关闭与国际模式联系起来,将卡特彼勒的撤资与跨国公司在当代全球经济中的行为联系起来。在这两种情况下,援引职业并没有像CWLG所希望的那样,将职业直接转化为当代工作场所的司法问题。然而,这些结果确实表明,对过去的创造性部署,参照当代去工业化的背景,使占领合理化。这些发现证明了半衰期在挥之不去的工业历史中的效用,但也证明了有必要将劳工历史的代理人或保管人概念化,并挑战逐渐消退的工业时代所暗示的时间流逝的线性。
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