Abstract: The existence of a pandemic has greatly affected the financial capacity of the Regional Government, so that there are regions that have not been able to meet the education budget allocation of at least 20% of the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget because the priority for handling and recovering from the impact of the pandemic is dominant and urgent to implement. Purpose: This study aims to provide academic descriptions and recommendations to regional governments in allocating the education budget according to their authority in regional autonomy. Design/Methodology/Approach: Research methods uses normative juridical research methods based on juridical aspects such as: norms, laws and regulations, and legal theories related to the authority to allocate the education budget obtained from scientific works, books, online media, and so on related to the object the research studied. Findings: This study discusses the legitimacy of regional regulations and the legal responsibilities of regional governments that allocate an education budget of less than 20% of the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget. Problems arise because there are regions that have not been able to meet the education budget allocation of at least 20% of the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget so that the Regional Government and the Regional People's Representative Council are faced with a difficult position when setting/approving the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget, because it is considered to have caused delegitimization of the constitution as the highest law. Originality/Value: This research comprehensively explains the legality of regional regulations which in substance have not fulfilled the mandate of the constitution. Then, this study also explains the legal responsibilities that will be faced by regional governments due to the unfulfilled constitutional mandate.
{"title":"Akibat Hukum atas Alokasi Anggaran Pendidikan yang Kurang dari 20% Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Daerah","authors":"Nina Anggreni","doi":"10.59066/jmi.v2i1.425","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v2i1.425","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The existence of a pandemic has greatly affected the financial capacity of the Regional Government, so that there are regions that have not been able to meet the education budget allocation of at least 20% of the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget because the priority for handling and recovering from the impact of the pandemic is dominant and urgent to implement.\u0000Purpose: This study aims to provide academic descriptions and recommendations to regional governments in allocating the education budget according to their authority in regional autonomy.\u0000Design/Methodology/Approach: Research methods uses normative juridical research methods based on juridical aspects such as: norms, laws and regulations, and legal theories related to the authority to allocate the education budget obtained from scientific works, books, online media, and so on related to the object the research studied.\u0000Findings: This study discusses the legitimacy of regional regulations and the legal responsibilities of regional governments that allocate an education budget of less than 20% of the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget. Problems arise because there are regions that have not been able to meet the education budget allocation of at least 20% of the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget so that the Regional Government and the Regional People's Representative Council are faced with a difficult position when setting/approving the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget, because it is considered to have caused delegitimization of the constitution as the highest law.\u0000Originality/Value: This research comprehensively explains the legality of regional regulations which in substance have not fulfilled the mandate of the constitution. Then, this study also explains the legal responsibilities that will be faced by regional governments due to the unfulfilled constitutional mandate.","PeriodicalId":152825,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135314262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: TAP MPR merupakan produk hukum yang dibentuk oleh MPR sejak adanya lembaga MPR. Produk hukum TAP MPR memang tidak dinyatakan secara tegas dalam UUD 1945. Penggunaan nomenklatur “Ketetapan” merupakan penafsiran terhadap ketentuan Pasal 3 UUD NRI 1945. Saat ini, terdapat 14 (empat belas) Ketetapan MPRS dan TAP MPR yang dinyatakan masih berlaku berdasarkan TAP MPR Nomor I/MPR/2003, baik berlaku dengan ketentuan maupun berlaku sampai dengan terbentuknya undang-undang. Berbagai Ketetapan MPRS/MPR yang dinyatakan masih berlaku tersebut merupakan haluan negara, memiliki kekuatan hukum yang mengikat, dan memiliki fungsi untuk menegakkan mekanisme checks and balances dalam penyelenggaraan kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Akan tetapi dalam praktiknya, DPR dan Presiden ketika membentuk undang-undang seringkali tidak menjadikan TAP MPR sebagai dasar hukumnya. Banyak lembaga-lembaga negara lainnya dalam membuat kebijakan juga tidak menggunakan TAP MPR yang masih berlaku sebagai dasar rujukannya. Tidak digunakannya TAP MPR sebagai dasar rujukan mengakibatkan TAP MPR yang masih berlaku menjadi mubadzir, seolah-olah tidak ada manfaat hukum dan manfaat politiknya, sehingga terdapat konsekuensi hukum dan konsekuensi politik terhadap pengabaian terhadap TAP MPR yang masih berlaku tersebut. MPR sebagai lembaga negara yang senyatanya ada dan keberadaaannya diatur di dalam UUD NRI Tahun 1945. Purpose: tulisan ini ingin memaparkan tujuan dari pembentukan TAP MPR dan menyumbangkan peta solusi secara politik untuk MPR sendiri dapat mengevaluasi TAP MPR yang masih berlaku. Design/Methodology/Approach: Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif berupa pendekatan studi pustaka dan perspektif politis. Findings: berdasar hasil temuan penelitian, ditemukan bahwa seharusnya MPR memiliki kegiatan bersifat rutin sebagaimana lembaga-lembaga negara yang lain dalam hal pelaksanaan tugas dan wewenangnya. Kewenangan MPR yang bersifat rutin saat ini hanya melantik Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, dan Sidang Tahunan MPR, sedangkan kewenangan lain yaitu mengubah dan menetapkan UUD serta memberhentikan Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden dalam masa jabatannya menurut UUD bersifat insidental. Sedangkan salah satu tugas MPR untuk Meninjau dan Mengevaluasi Pelaksanaan Ketetapan MPR RI untuk ditindaklanjuti oleh DPR dan Pemerintah belum pernah dilaksanakan. Originality/Value: Kajian tentag Ketetapan MPR banyak ditulis dalam perspektif hukum, sehingga masih belum ada yang mengkaji dari sudut pandang politik.
{"title":"Perspektif dan Langkah Politik Penyelesaian Ketetapan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat dalam Sistem Ketatanegaraan Indonesia","authors":"Otto Trengginas Setiawan","doi":"10.59066/jmi.v2i1.274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v2i1.274","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: TAP MPR merupakan produk hukum yang dibentuk oleh MPR sejak adanya lembaga MPR. Produk hukum TAP MPR memang tidak dinyatakan secara tegas dalam UUD 1945. Penggunaan nomenklatur “Ketetapan” merupakan penafsiran terhadap ketentuan Pasal 3 UUD NRI 1945. Saat ini, terdapat 14 (empat belas) Ketetapan MPRS dan TAP MPR yang dinyatakan masih berlaku berdasarkan TAP MPR Nomor I/MPR/2003, baik berlaku dengan ketentuan maupun berlaku sampai dengan terbentuknya undang-undang. Berbagai Ketetapan MPRS/MPR yang dinyatakan masih berlaku tersebut merupakan haluan negara, memiliki kekuatan hukum yang mengikat, dan memiliki fungsi untuk menegakkan mekanisme checks and balances dalam penyelenggaraan kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Akan tetapi dalam praktiknya, DPR dan Presiden ketika membentuk undang-undang seringkali tidak menjadikan TAP MPR sebagai dasar hukumnya. Banyak lembaga-lembaga negara lainnya dalam membuat kebijakan juga tidak menggunakan TAP MPR yang masih berlaku sebagai dasar rujukannya. Tidak digunakannya TAP MPR sebagai dasar rujukan mengakibatkan TAP MPR yang masih berlaku menjadi mubadzir, seolah-olah tidak ada manfaat hukum dan manfaat politiknya, sehingga terdapat konsekuensi hukum dan konsekuensi politik terhadap pengabaian terhadap TAP MPR yang masih berlaku tersebut. MPR sebagai lembaga negara yang senyatanya ada dan keberadaaannya diatur di dalam UUD NRI Tahun 1945. Purpose: tulisan ini ingin memaparkan tujuan dari pembentukan TAP MPR dan menyumbangkan peta solusi secara politik untuk MPR sendiri dapat mengevaluasi TAP MPR yang masih berlaku. Design/Methodology/Approach: Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif berupa pendekatan studi pustaka dan perspektif politis. Findings: berdasar hasil temuan penelitian, ditemukan bahwa seharusnya MPR memiliki kegiatan bersifat rutin sebagaimana lembaga-lembaga negara yang lain dalam hal pelaksanaan tugas dan wewenangnya. Kewenangan MPR yang bersifat rutin saat ini hanya melantik Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, dan Sidang Tahunan MPR, sedangkan kewenangan lain yaitu mengubah dan menetapkan UUD serta memberhentikan Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden dalam masa jabatannya menurut UUD bersifat insidental. Sedangkan salah satu tugas MPR untuk Meninjau dan Mengevaluasi Pelaksanaan Ketetapan MPR RI untuk ditindaklanjuti oleh DPR dan Pemerintah belum pernah dilaksanakan. Originality/Value: Kajian tentag Ketetapan MPR banyak ditulis dalam perspektif hukum, sehingga masih belum ada yang mengkaji dari sudut pandang politik.","PeriodicalId":152825,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135314064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: The Covid-2019 pandemic has caused Surabaya's economy to experience a slowdown in growth. The poverty rate for the City of Surabaya increased from the previous year in 2020 of 5.02%, increasing to 5.23% or 152,489 poor people in the City of Surabaya (2021) with 314,837 families registered as MBR. One of the programs in the city of Surabaya in facilitating the poor and unemployed to be competitive and independent in improving their welfare is to establish a Work-Intensive Program designed to involve Low-Income Communities (MBR) in managing assets owned by the Surabaya City Government. Purpose: This study aims to provide views and legal accountability in optimizing the implementation of the 2023 Surabaya City Revenue and Expenditure Budget (APBD) through the Padat Karya Program in alleviating poverty and reducing the open unemployment rate in the City of Surabaya. Design/Methodology/Approach: Research methods uses normative juridical research methods based on juridical aspects such as: norms, laws and regulations, and legal theories related to the authority to allocate the education budget obtained from scientific works, books, online media, and so on related to the object the research studied. Findings: Problems arise because development issues or problems in the City of Surabaya are in addition to continuing to handle and recover the economic and social impacts due to the Covid-19 Pandemic, the problem of the City of Surabaya is that the fulfillment of employment opportunities and employment has not been optimal in reducing unemployment and poverty rates exists so that a local government policy is needed by establishing the Labor Intensive Program using APBD funds. Originality/Value: This research attempts to discuss the legal reasons for the Surabaya City Government in allocating the Padat Karya program using APBD funds in the City of Surabaya as well as the legal responsibility for the Surabaya City government for allocating the Padat Karya program using APBD funds in the City of Surabaya based on Government Regulation Number 12 of 2019.
{"title":"Politik Hukum Pengalokasian Program Padat Karya Dengan Menggunakan Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Daerah di Kota Surabaya","authors":"Ovi Shinta Mayasari","doi":"10.59066/jmi.v2i1.426","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v2i1.426","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The Covid-2019 pandemic has caused Surabaya's economy to experience a slowdown in growth. The poverty rate for the City of Surabaya increased from the previous year in 2020 of 5.02%, increasing to 5.23% or 152,489 poor people in the City of Surabaya (2021) with 314,837 families registered as MBR. One of the programs in the city of Surabaya in facilitating the poor and unemployed to be competitive and independent in improving their welfare is to establish a Work-Intensive Program designed to involve Low-Income Communities (MBR) in managing assets owned by the Surabaya City Government. Purpose: This study aims to provide views and legal accountability in optimizing the implementation of the 2023 Surabaya City Revenue and Expenditure Budget (APBD) through the Padat Karya Program in alleviating poverty and reducing the open unemployment rate in the City of Surabaya. Design/Methodology/Approach: Research methods uses normative juridical research methods based on juridical aspects such as: norms, laws and regulations, and legal theories related to the authority to allocate the education budget obtained from scientific works, books, online media, and so on related to the object the research studied. Findings: Problems arise because development issues or problems in the City of Surabaya are in addition to continuing to handle and recover the economic and social impacts due to the Covid-19 Pandemic, the problem of the City of Surabaya is that the fulfillment of employment opportunities and employment has not been optimal in reducing unemployment and poverty rates exists so that a local government policy is needed by establishing the Labor Intensive Program using APBD funds. Originality/Value: This research attempts to discuss the legal reasons for the Surabaya City Government in allocating the Padat Karya program using APBD funds in the City of Surabaya as well as the legal responsibility for the Surabaya City government for allocating the Padat Karya program using APBD funds in the City of Surabaya based on Government Regulation Number 12 of 2019.","PeriodicalId":152825,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135314071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is the concept of social responsibility of companies that invest in an area to be able to overcome problems that occur in a region. However, in the concept of CSR itself, there are many debates, especially regarding the relationships built between local government actors, companies, and communities in the management of CSR programs. Purpose: The objectives of this research activity are: (1) To determine state involvement in CSR programs, and (2) To determine the determination of CSR programs through political patronage. Design/Methodology/Approach: This study uses a literature review method with a qualitative research approach. The qualitative research approach is a process of research and understanding based on methods that investigate social phenomena and problems. Findings: Within the framework of the corporate social responsibility pyramid, the higher dimensions of responsibility are built on top of the lower ones, reflecting different levels of priorities and expectations in CSR practices. Originality/Value: The results prove that several forms of state involvement are common in CSR programs: (1) Arrangements and Policies that can influence companies to pay attention to social and environmental issues in their operations; (2) Incentives and Subsidies; (3) Public-Private Partnerships; (4) Law Enforcement and Supervision, the Government can supervise and monitor the implementation of CSR programs to ensure compliance and feasibility of practices carried out by the company; and (5) Community Empowerment. Here are some ways in which political patronage can influence the determination of CSR programs: (1) Resource Allocation: Political patronage can affect a company's allocation of resources to a particular CSR program. (2) Program Priorities: Political patronage can also influence the priorities of CSR programs chosen by the company. (3) Personal Gain; and (4) Creating a Positive Image: Political patronage can be used by companies to gain a positive image or public legitimacy.
摘要：企业社会责任（Corporate Social Responsibility，CSR）是指在某一地区投资的公司为解决该地区出现的问题而承担的社会责任。然而，就企业社会责任这一概念本身而言，还存在许多争论，尤其是在企业社会责任项目的管理过程中，地方政府行为者、企业和社区之间所建立的关系。目的：本研究活动的目标是(1）确定国家在企业社会责任项目中的参与程度；（2）确定通过政治庇护对企业社会责任项目的决定作用。设计/方法/途径：本研究采用文献综述法和定性研究法。定性研究方法是一种基于调查社会现象和问题的方法进行研究和理解的过程。研究结果：在企业社会责任金字塔的框架内，较高的责任维度建立在较低的责任维度之上，反映了企业社会责任实践中不同层次的优先事项和期望。原创性/价值：研究结果证明，在企业社会责任项目中，国家参与的几种形式很常见：（1）安排和政策，可以影响企业在运营中关注社会和环境问题；（2）激励和补贴；（3）公私合作伙伴关系；（4）执法和监督，政府可以监督和监测企业社会责任项目的实施，以确保企业实施的做法合规可行；以及（5）社区赋权。以下是政治庇护影响企业社会责任项目决策的几种方式：（1）资源分配：政治庇护会影响公司对特定企业社会责任项目的资源分配。(2) 计划的优先次序：政治庇护也会影响公司选择的企业社会责任项目的优先顺序。(3) 个人收益；以及 (4) 树立正面形象：公司可以利用政治庇护获得正面形象或公众合法性。
{"title":"Patronase Politik: Respon Bisnis Terhadap Program Tanggung Jawab Sosial Perusahaan","authors":"Intan Ravanza Rindiana","doi":"10.59066/jmi.v2i1.397","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v2i1.397","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is the concept of social responsibility of companies that invest in an area to be able to overcome problems that occur in a region. However, in the concept of CSR itself, there are many debates, especially regarding the relationships built between local government actors, companies, and communities in the management of CSR programs. Purpose: The objectives of this research activity are: (1) To determine state involvement in CSR programs, and (2) To determine the determination of CSR programs through political patronage. Design/Methodology/Approach: This study uses a literature review method with a qualitative research approach. The qualitative research approach is a process of research and understanding based on methods that investigate social phenomena and problems. Findings: Within the framework of the corporate social responsibility pyramid, the higher dimensions of responsibility are built on top of the lower ones, reflecting different levels of priorities and expectations in CSR practices. Originality/Value: The results prove that several forms of state involvement are common in CSR programs: (1) Arrangements and Policies that can influence companies to pay attention to social and environmental issues in their operations; (2) Incentives and Subsidies; (3) Public-Private Partnerships; (4) Law Enforcement and Supervision, the Government can supervise and monitor the implementation of CSR programs to ensure compliance and feasibility of practices carried out by the company; and (5) Community Empowerment. Here are some ways in which political patronage can influence the determination of CSR programs: (1) Resource Allocation: Political patronage can affect a company's allocation of resources to a particular CSR program. (2) Program Priorities: Political patronage can also influence the priorities of CSR programs chosen by the company. (3) Personal Gain; and (4) Creating a Positive Image: Political patronage can be used by companies to gain a positive image or public legitimacy.","PeriodicalId":152825,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139357588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Indonesia is a unitary state, where within the framework of the unitary state, power is divided between the central government and regional governments. The regional government is divided into three levels, namely provincial, district, and city regional government. The division of powers to local governments is interpreted as the principle of autonomy. In the NA RUU-Pemda as well as the General Elucidation of the UU-Pemda, it is implied and stated that the autonomy that exists in an autonomous region is a gift. Meanwhile, from the point of view of its establishment, regional autonomy is original, not granted, and is a regional right based on its principle. In principle, the regional right to regulate and manage it is an original right and is not a gift from the central government. From this principle, provisions were born which stated that provincial, regency, and city regional governments regulate and manage their own government affairs according to the principles of autonomy and co-administration. Purpose: The purpose of this study is to explain that regional autonomy is not a gift from the central government but the original authority possessed by the regional government. Design/Methodology/Approach: This research is legal research. The approach method used in this study is to use a statutory approach, historical approach, and conceptual approach. Findings: In principle, the right of the region to regulate and manage it is an original right and is not a gift from the central government. From this principle, the provisions of Article 18 paragraph (2) were born which states that provincial, regency, and city regional governments regulate and manage their own government affairs according to the principles of autonomy and co-administration. Originality/Value: This research tries to explain that regional autonomy in Indonesia is a regional original right, not the result of a gift from the central government. because in several studies that raise regional autonomy, it is always explained that the autonomy obtained by the regional government is the result of a gift from the central government. The difference in point of view is what makes this research a novelty.
{"title":"Principle of Original Authority In Territorial Decentralization","authors":"Sultoni Fikri, Rizky Bangun Wibisono","doi":"10.59066/jmi.v2i1.387","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v2i1.387","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Indonesia is a unitary state, where within the framework of the unitary state, power is divided between the central government and regional governments. The regional government is divided into three levels, namely provincial, district, and city regional government. The division of powers to local governments is interpreted as the principle of autonomy. In the NA RUU-Pemda as well as the General Elucidation of the UU-Pemda, it is implied and stated that the autonomy that exists in an autonomous region is a gift. Meanwhile, from the point of view of its establishment, regional autonomy is original, not granted, and is a regional right based on its principle. In principle, the regional right to regulate and manage it is an original right and is not a gift from the central government. From this principle, provisions were born which stated that provincial, regency, and city regional governments regulate and manage their own government affairs according to the principles of autonomy and co-administration. Purpose: The purpose of this study is to explain that regional autonomy is not a gift from the central government but the original authority possessed by the regional government. Design/Methodology/Approach: This research is legal research. The approach method used in this study is to use a statutory approach, historical approach, and conceptual approach. Findings: In principle, the right of the region to regulate and manage it is an original right and is not a gift from the central government. From this principle, the provisions of Article 18 paragraph (2) were born which states that provincial, regency, and city regional governments regulate and manage their own government affairs according to the principles of autonomy and co-administration. Originality/Value: This research tries to explain that regional autonomy in Indonesia is a regional original right, not the result of a gift from the central government. because in several studies that raise regional autonomy, it is always explained that the autonomy obtained by the regional government is the result of a gift from the central government. The difference in point of view is what makes this research a novelty.","PeriodicalId":152825,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139358589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Under the leadership of President Joko Widodo, Indonesia carried out a massive escalation and acceleration of development. The development configuration that focuses on infrastructure is directly proportional to economic growth at 5.31%. However, this has resulted in various fundamental problems and implications for dependence on foreign countries. This study analyzes development policies in Indonesia and their impacts and implications for various sectors. This study uses qualitative research methods with a literature study approach and the paradigm of modernization and dependency as an analytical framework. This research reveals that infrastructure-oriented development in Indonesia has left several problems in social, culture, economic and environmental aspects. Besides that, the linear implication of development in Indonesia is the occurrence of dependence between Indonesia and foreign countries along with the high amount of debt and investment. Purpose: This study aims to analyze in depth about development in Indonesia using two paradigms, namely the modernization paradigm and the dependency paradigm. Design/Methodology/Approach: This study used a qualitative research method with a literature study approach. Findings: This research found that the reality of infrastructure-oriented development in Indonesia gave birth to various problems in social, culture, economic and environmental aspects. In addition, this development coherently has implications for dependence between Indonesia and foreign countries in line with the high amount of debt and investment. Originality/Value: This research explains comprehensively the impacts and implications of infrastructure development in Indonesia in terms of social, economic and environmental dimensions. Then, this study conducts an in-depth analysis using two development paradigms, namely modernization and dependency.
{"title":"Dilema Pembangunan di Indonesia: Analisis Mengenai Dampak dan Implikasi Kebijakan Pembangunan Era Presiden Joko Widodo","authors":"Rafi Aufa Mawardi","doi":"10.59066/jmi.v2i1.246","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v2i1.246","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Under the leadership of President Joko Widodo, Indonesia carried out a massive escalation and acceleration of development. The development configuration that focuses on infrastructure is directly proportional to economic growth at 5.31%. However, this has resulted in various fundamental problems and implications for dependence on foreign countries. This study analyzes development policies in Indonesia and their impacts and implications for various sectors. This study uses qualitative research methods with a literature study approach and the paradigm of modernization and dependency as an analytical framework. This research reveals that infrastructure-oriented development in Indonesia has left several problems in social, culture, economic and environmental aspects. Besides that, the linear implication of development in Indonesia is the occurrence of dependence between Indonesia and foreign countries along with the high amount of debt and investment. Purpose: This study aims to analyze in depth about development in Indonesia using two paradigms, namely the modernization paradigm and the dependency paradigm. Design/Methodology/Approach: This study used a qualitative research method with a literature study approach. Findings: This research found that the reality of infrastructure-oriented development in Indonesia gave birth to various problems in social, culture, economic and environmental aspects. In addition, this development coherently has implications for dependence between Indonesia and foreign countries in line with the high amount of debt and investment. Originality/Value: This research explains comprehensively the impacts and implications of infrastructure development in Indonesia in terms of social, economic and environmental dimensions. Then, this study conducts an in-depth analysis using two development paradigms, namely modernization and dependency.","PeriodicalId":152825,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136310916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Legal subjects who are believed to be the holders of rights and obligations in fact, over time always experience expansion or development. After women were recognized as having legal status and corporations as non-human legal subjects, a new legal subject emerged, namely: nature. Ecuador gave the rights to nature that were embedded in the 2008 constitutional amendments, the Whanganui River in New Zealand was recognized as a legal subject with representatives of the Maori tribe, and the Ganges and Yamuna Rivers and their attributes through a decision in HC Uttarakhand India established them as legal subjects. These three legal precedents are important breakthroughs in the concept of "legal entity". Apart from that, it is also an alternative to the stalemate problem of natural destruction and environmental crisis, so that with this the determination of nature as a legal subject cannot be avoided. Purpose: Research with the aim of knowing how to determine nature as a legal subject. Where this writing should be able to contribute to the uniqueness of the science of law especially in international law moreover this research can also contribute ideas so that it can become input and/or reference for practitioners, and public officials in decision-making, environmental activists, and all human beings who care for the balance of nature. Design/Methodology/Approach: This legal research is normative legal research. The approach used is a statute approach, a case approach, and a comparative approach. Findings: Based on historical facts, the subject of law has always been and will continue to experience expansion. After women and corporations were recognized as legal subjects several decades ago, it is now nature's turn to gain recognition as an entity holding rights and obligations. This is due to a paradigm shift in the relationship between humans and nature. The view of humans as the center of nature "anthropocentrism" is replaced with a view of deep ecology represented by ecocentrism and biocentrism environmental ethics. In essence, this view leads to the recognition of equality for every living thing or ecological justice. Originality/Value: There is no research that discusses nature as a legal subject, so this is new research.
{"title":"Penetapan Alam Sebagai Subjek Hukum","authors":"Miftakhul Shodikin","doi":"10.59066/jmi.v2i1.219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v2i1.219","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Legal subjects who are believed to be the holders of rights and obligations in fact, over time always experience expansion or development. After women were recognized as having legal status and corporations as non-human legal subjects, a new legal subject emerged, namely: nature. Ecuador gave the rights to nature that were embedded in the 2008 constitutional amendments, the Whanganui River in New Zealand was recognized as a legal subject with representatives of the Maori tribe, and the Ganges and Yamuna Rivers and their attributes through a decision in HC Uttarakhand India established them as legal subjects. These three legal precedents are important breakthroughs in the concept of \"legal entity\". Apart from that, it is also an alternative to the stalemate problem of natural destruction and environmental crisis, so that with this the determination of nature as a legal subject cannot be avoided. Purpose: Research with the aim of knowing how to determine nature as a legal subject. Where this writing should be able to contribute to the uniqueness of the science of law especially in international law moreover this research can also contribute ideas so that it can become input and/or reference for practitioners, and public officials in decision-making, environmental activists, and all human beings who care for the balance of nature. Design/Methodology/Approach: This legal research is normative legal research. The approach used is a statute approach, a case approach, and a comparative approach. Findings: Based on historical facts, the subject of law has always been and will continue to experience expansion. After women and corporations were recognized as legal subjects several decades ago, it is now nature's turn to gain recognition as an entity holding rights and obligations. This is due to a paradigm shift in the relationship between humans and nature. The view of humans as the center of nature \"anthropocentrism\" is replaced with a view of deep ecology represented by ecocentrism and biocentrism environmental ethics. In essence, this view leads to the recognition of equality for every living thing or ecological justice. Originality/Value: There is no research that discusses nature as a legal subject, so this is new research.","PeriodicalId":152825,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia","volume":"135 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135050636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Indonesia's Diplomatic Resilience is an interesting subject to discuss, in this study the authors attempted to conduct a comparative study between Indonesia's national resilience compared to countries in ASEAN. The author takes 3 samples of countries through countries in ASEAN, namely countries with the highest GDP in ASEAN, middle, and low. This disaggregation of GDP per capita will have an impact on economic and military data which will be combined to become an important variable in the influence of Indonesian Diplomacy in realizing National Defense. The author tries to describe how Indonesia's diplomacy works to achieve national resilience, an example is how Indonesia can become a country among the G20, whereas if you look at the poverty in Indonesia, it is not as low as countries like Singapore or Malaysia. The theory that will be used in this research is the rational choice theory to explain the tendency of interaction between one country and another. In particular, the concept of rational choice theory will depart from economic, geopolitical, and military capital as well as the position of the state in the region to determine the strategic policy of a state. Purpose: The purpose of this research is to provide novelty to the study of National Resilience which rarely influences diplomacy in realizing Indonesia's national resilience. Design/Methodology/Approach: This research will use a literature study approach which will also be explored through case studies and comparisons of key variables from countries in ASEAN in determining the influence of diplomacy. Findings: There is strong power in the formulation of foreign policy to solve a problem. The instruments to carry it out are not only military and economic power, but many other factors such as territory and bargaining position as well as diplomacy. The existence of diplomacy is very important to provide further communication of national interests which can be rationalized through the power of appeal. Therefore, Indonesia can make a lot of progress in getting through the Covid-19 pandemic, especially compared to other ASEAN countries. Of course, Indonesia only lost the power of vaccine diplomacy with Singapore, which had obtained Pfizer and Moderna first. However, when compared to other countries such as Malaysia, Vietnam, and the Philippines, Indonesia has stronger diplomatic powers. Originality/Value: This research will become a new milestone in the study of national security, especially in the sphere of diplomatic resilience which is rarely used as the main variable in national security. The research indicator that will be used by the first author is the success index of diplomatic efforts both within the military and economic frameworks. This data can be obtained from the ministry of foreign affairs or related agencies of the Indonesian government. The second indicator is the national interest of the Indonesian government or the priority of negotiation and diplomacy, especial
{"title":"Advancements in Diplomatic Efforts of Indonesia in Combating Covid-19 Compared to ASEAN Countries in Achieving National Pandemic Resilience","authors":"Agung Tri Putra","doi":"10.59066/jmi.v2i1.104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v2i1.104","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Indonesia's Diplomatic Resilience is an interesting subject to discuss, in this study the authors attempted to conduct a comparative study between Indonesia's national resilience compared to countries in ASEAN. The author takes 3 samples of countries through countries in ASEAN, namely countries with the highest GDP in ASEAN, middle, and low. This disaggregation of GDP per capita will have an impact on economic and military data which will be combined to become an important variable in the influence of Indonesian Diplomacy in realizing National Defense. The author tries to describe how Indonesia's diplomacy works to achieve national resilience, an example is how Indonesia can become a country among the G20, whereas if you look at the poverty in Indonesia, it is not as low as countries like Singapore or Malaysia. The theory that will be used in this research is the rational choice theory to explain the tendency of interaction between one country and another. In particular, the concept of rational choice theory will depart from economic, geopolitical, and military capital as well as the position of the state in the region to determine the strategic policy of a state. Purpose: The purpose of this research is to provide novelty to the study of National Resilience which rarely influences diplomacy in realizing Indonesia's national resilience. Design/Methodology/Approach: This research will use a literature study approach which will also be explored through case studies and comparisons of key variables from countries in ASEAN in determining the influence of diplomacy. Findings: There is strong power in the formulation of foreign policy to solve a problem. The instruments to carry it out are not only military and economic power, but many other factors such as territory and bargaining position as well as diplomacy. The existence of diplomacy is very important to provide further communication of national interests which can be rationalized through the power of appeal. Therefore, Indonesia can make a lot of progress in getting through the Covid-19 pandemic, especially compared to other ASEAN countries. Of course, Indonesia only lost the power of vaccine diplomacy with Singapore, which had obtained Pfizer and Moderna first. However, when compared to other countries such as Malaysia, Vietnam, and the Philippines, Indonesia has stronger diplomatic powers. Originality/Value: This research will become a new milestone in the study of national security, especially in the sphere of diplomatic resilience which is rarely used as the main variable in national security. The research indicator that will be used by the first author is the success index of diplomatic efforts both within the military and economic frameworks. This data can be obtained from the ministry of foreign affairs or related agencies of the Indonesian government. The second indicator is the national interest of the Indonesian government or the priority of negotiation and diplomacy, especial","PeriodicalId":152825,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia","volume":"198 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136216203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Efforts to break the patriarchy must be done by breaking down the political system that works in it. The issue of politics and women in an effort to achieve women's identity as a political being, an identity that is naturally owned by women but is not owned or recognized by them. Political issues are not only about the right to vote or the existence of women in the legislature but also drag on the private space and identity of women and their citizenship status. One of the efforts to achieve women's political identity is to provide space for women's representation in parliament. The presence of women is expected to be able to bring the interests of women in the nation and state. Therefore, a proposal for the RUU KKG emerged which was considered a proposal that actually came from women and would later be used for the benefit of women. However, along the way, efforts to achieve identity through the RUU KKG have not been able to show results due to the weak representation of women in the DPR and the mechanism of political party representation. Purpose: This article attempts to review efforts to form the RUU KKG. Design/Methodology/Approach: This article uses qualitative research methods. Findings: This article finds that the achievement of women's political identity cannot be achieved through struggles in parliament and will be more effective when giving more portions to extra-parliamentary institutions. Originality/Value: The novelty of this article is the author's attempt to explain the process of forming the RUU KKG from the point of view of political identity.
{"title":"Pencapaian Identitas Politik Perempuan di Indonesia","authors":"R. Wibisono","doi":"10.59066/jmi.v1i1.61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v1i1.61","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Efforts to break the patriarchy must be done by breaking down the political system that works in it. The issue of politics and women in an effort to achieve women's identity as a political being, an identity that is naturally owned by women but is not owned or recognized by them. Political issues are not only about the right to vote or the existence of women in the legislature but also drag on the private space and identity of women and their citizenship status. One of the efforts to achieve women's political identity is to provide space for women's representation in parliament. The presence of women is expected to be able to bring the interests of women in the nation and state. Therefore, a proposal for the RUU KKG emerged which was considered a proposal that actually came from women and would later be used for the benefit of women. However, along the way, efforts to achieve identity through the RUU KKG have not been able to show results due to the weak representation of women in the DPR and the mechanism of political party representation.\u0000Purpose: This article attempts to review efforts to form the RUU KKG.\u0000Design/Methodology/Approach: This article uses qualitative research methods.\u0000Findings: This article finds that the achievement of women's political identity cannot be achieved through struggles in parliament and will be more effective when giving more portions to extra-parliamentary institutions.\u0000Originality/Value: The novelty of this article is the author's attempt to explain the process of forming the RUU KKG from the point of view of political identity.","PeriodicalId":152825,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130252793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: This research focuses on what is the role of the Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat of South Sulawesi Province in the implementation of political education based on the existing problems related to these activities. In this study, it was found that the role of the Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat in the implementation of political education in South Sulawesi Province had not been carried out properly, and there were several obstacles in the implementation process. Therefore, based on the research results, political education has not been implemented optimally due to several inhibiting factors. However, Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat of South Sulawesi Province have tried to overcome these obstacles so that later these activities can be carried out properly. Purpose: The purpose of this study was to analyze the role of the Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat of South Sulawesi Province in organizing political education facilitation whether it has been running optimally or at a minimum. Design/Methodology/Approach: The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative with an inductive approach. The data collection techniques by means of interviews, observation, and documentation. Findings: In this study, it was found that the role of the Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat in organizing political education in South Sulawesi Province had not been carried out properly, and there were several obstacles in the implementation process. Originality/Value: The context of this research is then more focused on the implementation of the duties, principles, and functions of the Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat of South Sulawesi Province in the administration of political education facilities when viewed from the aspects of norms, organization, and social structure.
摘要:本研究主要针对南苏拉威西省的“巴丹·克萨图邦萨、政治丹·佩林顿安·马萨拉卡”活动中存在的问题，探讨其在实施政治教育中的作用。本研究发现，在南苏拉威西省的政治教育实施中，Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat的作用没有得到很好的发挥，在实施过程中存在一些障碍。因此，根据研究结果，由于几个抑制因素，政治教育没有得到最优的实施。然而，南苏拉威西省的Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat试图克服这些障碍，以便以后这些活动能够适当地进行。目的:本研究的目的是分析南苏拉威西省的政治院在组织政治教育促进方面的作用，它是处于最佳状态还是处于最低水平。设计/方法论/方法:本研究使用的研究方法是描述性定性与归纳方法。通过访谈、观察和文件收集数据的技术。研究结果:本研究发现，在南苏拉威西省组织政治教育中，Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat的作用没有得到很好的发挥，并且在实施过程中存在一些障碍。原创性/价值:从规范、组织和社会结构的角度来看，本研究的背景则更侧重于南苏拉威西省巴丹·克萨图邦萨、政治学院(Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat)在政治教育设施管理中的职责、原则和职能的实施。
{"title":"Pemerintahan Daerah dan Fasilitas Pendidikan Politik: Peluang dan Tantangan Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat","authors":"Teguh Ahmad Asparill","doi":"10.59066/jmi.v1i2.126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v1i2.126","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: This research focuses on what is the role of the Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat of South Sulawesi Province in the implementation of political education based on the existing problems related to these activities. In this study, it was found that the role of the Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat in the implementation of political education in South Sulawesi Province had not been carried out properly, and there were several obstacles in the implementation process. Therefore, based on the research results, political education has not been implemented optimally due to several inhibiting factors. However, Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat of South Sulawesi Province have tried to overcome these obstacles so that later these activities can be carried out properly.\u0000Purpose: The purpose of this study was to analyze the role of the Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat of South Sulawesi Province in organizing political education facilitation whether it has been running optimally or at a minimum.\u0000Design/Methodology/Approach: The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative with an inductive approach. The data collection techniques by means of interviews, observation, and documentation.\u0000Findings: In this study, it was found that the role of the Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat in organizing political education in South Sulawesi Province had not been carried out properly, and there were several obstacles in the implementation process.\u0000Originality/Value: The context of this research is then more focused on the implementation of the duties, principles, and functions of the Badan Kesatuan Bangsa, Politik dan Perlindungan Masyarakat of South Sulawesi Province in the administration of political education facilities when viewed from the aspects of norms, organization, and social structure.","PeriodicalId":152825,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia","volume":"179 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122979198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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