At the end of 2020, cases of religious violence in Indonesia reappeared. Such as the case of the destruction of musala Al-Hidayah building in Perum Agape, Tumaluntung Village, Kauditan Subdistrict, North Minahasa Regency, North Sulawesi Province. This study uses a descriptive-analytical approach. To analyze every socio-religious case that occurred in Indonesia. Meanwhile, the Hermeneutic method interprets socio-religious issues with the theoretical framework of Jurgen Habermas' thought. The results of this study need to build dialogue between religious communities in Indonesia without any intervention from one particular religion so that the dialogue space can run well and peacefully. By emphasizing communicative rationality in understanding religious differences or beliefs in establishing harmonious relations between religious communities in Indonesia and prioritizing the three principles of religious harmony supported by implementing the values of Pancasila and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika as unity and oneness in knitting religious tolerance.
{"title":"Building a Dialog Room: Protecting Minorities in Indonesia","authors":"S. Kirom","doi":"10.30984/kijms.v2i2.60","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30984/kijms.v2i2.60","url":null,"abstract":"At the end of 2020, cases of religious violence in Indonesia reappeared. Such as the case of the destruction of musala Al-Hidayah building in Perum Agape, Tumaluntung Village, Kauditan Subdistrict, North Minahasa Regency, North Sulawesi Province. This study uses a descriptive-analytical approach. To analyze every socio-religious case that occurred in Indonesia. Meanwhile, the Hermeneutic method interprets socio-religious issues with the theoretical framework of Jurgen Habermas' thought. The results of this study need to build dialogue between religious communities in Indonesia without any intervention from one particular religion so that the dialogue space can run well and peacefully. By emphasizing communicative rationality in understanding religious differences or beliefs in establishing harmonious relations between religious communities in Indonesia and prioritizing the three principles of religious harmony supported by implementing the values of Pancasila and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika as unity and oneness in knitting religious tolerance.","PeriodicalId":157805,"journal":{"name":"Kawanua International Journal of Multicultural Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134072920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Amar Muhyi Dinis Sipa, Hopizal Wadi, F. Fahrurrazi
Politics and religion have become inseparable these days. Politicians or political parties' piety and religiosity have become a necessity. A Strong religion as a doctrine, even politics, requires religion as a tool of legitimacy to achieve existence, power and attract votes and sympathy from the masses. Finally, spirituality and religious symbols become political products and domains that become the identity of politicians and political parties and are then introduced to the public, known as political marketing. This article aims to understand further political discourse with religious symbolic packaging on PKS candidate posters used as campaign tools to influence public choice. The approach in this article uses semiotic analysis to analyze the symbols in the political campaign posters of candidates on social media. So, Semiotics tries to dismantle signs that have meaning in social life and political life. The method used in this article is a qualitative method that is descriptive-analytical, with a data collection technique analyzing campaign posters on Instagram social media on the @pkstangerang account. The result of this article is that religious politics exists because of the role of religion that can touch the emotional side of humans. In the account @pkstangerang, most of his posts are inseparable from religious spirituality and religious doctrine elements. While campaigning in legislative elections also can not be separated from religious symbols and narratives or symbols of piety, for example, candidates who wear peci, koko clothes, and hold the book of fiqh. For this reason, the term religious politics in politics or legislative elections is a religious campaign term that describes religiosity in politics as a way of political marketing.
{"title":"Religion and Politics: Symbolization of Religion in the contestation of legislative elections 2019","authors":"Amar Muhyi Dinis Sipa, Hopizal Wadi, F. Fahrurrazi","doi":"10.30984/kijms.v2i2.63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30984/kijms.v2i2.63","url":null,"abstract":"Politics and religion have become inseparable these days. Politicians or political parties' piety and religiosity have become a necessity. A Strong religion as a doctrine, even politics, requires religion as a tool of legitimacy to achieve existence, power and attract votes and sympathy from the masses. Finally, spirituality and religious symbols become political products and domains that become the identity of politicians and political parties and are then introduced to the public, known as political marketing. This article aims to understand further political discourse with religious symbolic packaging on PKS candidate posters used as campaign tools to influence public choice. The approach in this article uses semiotic analysis to analyze the symbols in the political campaign posters of candidates on social media. So, Semiotics tries to dismantle signs that have meaning in social life and political life. The method used in this article is a qualitative method that is descriptive-analytical, with a data collection technique analyzing campaign posters on Instagram social media on the @pkstangerang account. The result of this article is that religious politics exists because of the role of religion that can touch the emotional side of humans. In the account @pkstangerang, most of his posts are inseparable from religious spirituality and religious doctrine elements. While campaigning in legislative elections also can not be separated from religious symbols and narratives or symbols of piety, for example, candidates who wear peci, koko clothes, and hold the book of fiqh. For this reason, the term religious politics in politics or legislative elections is a religious campaign term that describes religiosity in politics as a way of political marketing.","PeriodicalId":157805,"journal":{"name":"Kawanua International Journal of Multicultural Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124386897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abdolkarim Soroush has emerged as one of the world's leading moderate revisionist thinkers. He and his contemporaries in other Muslim countries formed what might be the equivalent of the Islamic Reformation of Christianity: the period of questioning traditional practices and beliefs that ultimately became an upheaval. Soroush's thoughts include the freedom of Muslims to interpret the Qur'an, the necessity of change in religion, the necessity of freedom of belief, and the compatibility of Islam and democracy. Soroush emphasized the rights of individuals in their relations with government and God, explaining that an ideal Islamic state can only be defined by the belief and will of the majority. The foundation always used by Soroush to explain his political theory is reason. It is the reason behind the modern man to do all his actions. Soroush distinguishes traditional man from modern man is using all his ability to change the world. Traditional people are more passive and deterministic, so they are pessimistic about the life of this world. Reason can not be sustainable if there is no freedom, faith under pressure and compulsion of religion is irrational. One will not be considered religious if he is irrational because it is rational and reason will manifest in the absence of coercion and restraint from religion
{"title":"The Abdolkarim Soroush's Perspective: Relationship of Reason, Freedom, and Islamic Democracy","authors":"Fu'ad Arif Noor","doi":"10.30984/kijms.v2i2.62","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30984/kijms.v2i2.62","url":null,"abstract":"Abdolkarim Soroush has emerged as one of the world's leading moderate revisionist thinkers. He and his contemporaries in other Muslim countries formed what might be the equivalent of the Islamic Reformation of Christianity: the period of questioning traditional practices and beliefs that ultimately became an upheaval. Soroush's thoughts include the freedom of Muslims to interpret the Qur'an, the necessity of change in religion, the necessity of freedom of belief, and the compatibility of Islam and democracy. Soroush emphasized the rights of individuals in their relations with government and God, explaining that an ideal Islamic state can only be defined by the belief and will of the majority. The foundation always used by Soroush to explain his political theory is reason. It is the reason behind the modern man to do all his actions. Soroush distinguishes traditional man from modern man is using all his ability to change the world. Traditional people are more passive and deterministic, so they are pessimistic about the life of this world. Reason can not be sustainable if there is no freedom, faith under pressure and compulsion of religion is irrational. One will not be considered religious if he is irrational because it is rational and reason will manifest in the absence of coercion and restraint from religion","PeriodicalId":157805,"journal":{"name":"Kawanua International Journal of Multicultural Studies","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134150302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study seeks to reveal the progression of pesantren in the development of the pesantren environment in the era industry through the Roan Akbar Movement. This research uses an interactive analysis method. Data sourced from interviews, field observations, and documentation. The research location is in Pekalongan. Research shows, through the Roan Akbar Movement, pesantren have progressive development in the environment of students. It can be seen from two things. First, the acceptance of the presence of era Industry. Second, by eradicating the negative values of the era of disruption such as reduced social sense, solidarity, and caring. The acceptance was reflected in at least three things: activities' implementation, documentation of activities, and communication patterns formed in the Roan Akbar Movement. The eliminating of negative values is realized by the massive movement of the Roan Akbar Movement, which has a positive impact on the environment in pesantren.
{"title":"The Phenomenon of Islamic Life in the Movement of \"Roan Akbar Pesantren\" into the Industrial Era","authors":"Muhammad Akrom Adabi, Neny Muthi’atul Awwaliyah","doi":"10.30984/kijms.v2i2.41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30984/kijms.v2i2.41","url":null,"abstract":"This study seeks to reveal the progression of pesantren in the development of the pesantren environment in the era industry through the Roan Akbar Movement. This research uses an interactive analysis method. Data sourced from interviews, field observations, and documentation. The research location is in Pekalongan. Research shows, through the Roan Akbar Movement, pesantren have progressive development in the environment of students. It can be seen from two things. First, the acceptance of the presence of era Industry. Second, by eradicating the negative values of the era of disruption such as reduced social sense, solidarity, and caring. The acceptance was reflected in at least three things: activities' implementation, documentation of activities, and communication patterns formed in the Roan Akbar Movement. The eliminating of negative values is realized by the massive movement of the Roan Akbar Movement, which has a positive impact on the environment in pesantren.","PeriodicalId":157805,"journal":{"name":"Kawanua International Journal of Multicultural Studies","volume":"163 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134452305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Polygamy is still a debatable topic. It is founded on QS An- Nisa's which permits having more than one wife under fair conditions. Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd was one of the mufassir figures who attempted to revise the previous mufassir figures' beliefs or interpretations. He tries to elaborate the polygamy verse's implicit meaning using his hermeneutic method. Abu Zayd's technique is divided into two parts; importance and maghza. The significance meaning things can be determined by recalling the time. Maghza is a word that does not appear in the stanza. Hence, the underlying meaning of the text is that monogamy exists because a husband's justice is unachievable.
一夫多妻制仍然是一个有争议的话题。它建立在QS - Nisa的基础上，允许在公平的条件下拥有一个以上的妻子。纳斯尔·哈米德·阿布·扎伊德(Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd)是试图修改之前穆法希尔人物的信仰或解释的穆法希尔人物之一。他试图用他的解释学方法来阐述一夫多妻诗的隐含意义。阿布·扎伊德的技术分为两部分;重要性和maghza。事物的意义可以通过回忆时间来确定。Maghza这个词在这一节中没有出现。因此，这篇文章的潜在含义是，一夫一妻制的存在是因为丈夫的正义是无法实现的。
{"title":"Polygamy in Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd’s Perpective","authors":"Siti Robikah","doi":"10.30984/kijms.v2i2.46","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30984/kijms.v2i2.46","url":null,"abstract":"Polygamy is still a debatable topic. It is founded on QS An- Nisa's which permits having more than one wife under fair conditions. Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd was one of the mufassir figures who attempted to revise the previous mufassir figures' beliefs or interpretations. He tries to elaborate the polygamy verse's implicit meaning using his hermeneutic method. Abu Zayd's technique is divided into two parts; importance and maghza. The significance meaning things can be determined by recalling the time. Maghza is a word that does not appear in the stanza. Hence, the underlying meaning of the text is that monogamy exists because a husband's justice is unachievable.","PeriodicalId":157805,"journal":{"name":"Kawanua International Journal of Multicultural Studies","volume":"182 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131798629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Misbahul Munir Makka, Rezki As Albatati, Faradila Hasan, S. Alting
This study aims to see the process of conversing the clan of adopted children by the community in Tumbak Village Posumaen District and the reasons they adopt children and to analyze them in terms of Islamic law. This research method is field research in Tumbak Village using interview analysis to the actors of the clan conversion and their biological parents. The results of the study revealed that parents conversed their clan after adopting a child to make the adopted child feel like their biological child and, most of the local people adopted a child because the couple had no children. However, in this incident, it turned out that there was a change in the name or surname of the adopted children since the adoptive parents intent to make them feel truly like biological offspring. Islam considers this a wrong affair. Even though the child is being cared for by adoptive parents, they are still not allowed to forget the biological parents, because this will have an impact on the inheritance and guardianship matters of the adopted child.
{"title":"The Conversion of the Adopted Children’s Clan in the Village of Tumbak from the Islamic Law Point of View","authors":"Misbahul Munir Makka, Rezki As Albatati, Faradila Hasan, S. Alting","doi":"10.30984/KIJMS.V2I1.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30984/KIJMS.V2I1.16","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to see the process of conversing the clan of adopted children by the community in Tumbak Village Posumaen District and the reasons they adopt children and to analyze them in terms of Islamic law. This research method is field research in Tumbak Village using interview analysis to the actors of the clan conversion and their biological parents. \u0000The results of the study revealed that parents conversed their clan after adopting a child to make the adopted child feel like their biological child and, most of the local people adopted a child because the couple had no children. However, in this incident, it turned out that there was a change in the name or surname of the adopted children since the adoptive parents intent to make them feel truly like biological offspring. \u0000Islam considers this a wrong affair. Even though the child is being cared for by adoptive parents, they are still not allowed to forget the biological parents, because this will have an impact on the inheritance and guardianship matters of the adopted child.","PeriodicalId":157805,"journal":{"name":"Kawanua International Journal of Multicultural Studies","volume":"577 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132704087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Desca Thea Purnama, Asrul Nur Iman, Alif Alfi Syahrin, Khosiruddin Khosiruddin, Nikodemus - Niko
The current COVID-19 pandemic has led to more social segregation among the world’s people, including in Indonesia. This pandemic has created social, economic, and political inequality. The turning point for getting out of this pandemic is when the COVID-19 vaccine is discovered. This article discusses how politics plays a role in the vaccination program in Indonesia. The vaccination program has already started to be implemented in January 2021, following the issues of an emergency use approval (EUA) permit by Indonesia’s Food and Drug Supervisory Agency (Indonesia: Badan Pengawas Obat dan Makanan (BPOM)) and a halal (sacred) fatwa by the Indonesian Ulema Council (Indonesian: Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI)). At some stages of policy implementation, the government has not even been able to provide valid data related to the vaccination program. In this article, researchers explore the problems emerging concerning the COVID-19 vaccination program. Furthermore, researchers analyze the political agenda that is possible to become a health, social, and economic policy intervention in the corridor of the perspective of sociology.
当前的COVID-19大流行导致世界人民之间的社会隔离加剧，包括在印度尼西亚。这一流行病造成了社会、经济和政治不平等。摆脱这场大流行的转折点是COVID-19疫苗的发现。本文讨论政治如何在印度尼西亚的疫苗接种计划中发挥作用。在印度尼西亚食品和药物监督机构(印度尼西亚:Badan Pengawas Obat dan Makanan (BPOM))颁发紧急使用批准(EUA)许可证和印度尼西亚乌里玛理事会(印度尼西亚:Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI))颁发清真(神圣)法特瓦之后，该疫苗接种计划已于2021年1月开始实施。在政策实施的某些阶段，政府甚至无法提供与疫苗接种计划有关的有效数据。在本文中，研究人员探讨了COVID-19疫苗接种计划出现的问题。此外，研究人员还从社会学的角度分析了可能成为健康、社会和经济政策干预的政治议程。
{"title":"The Socio-Political Approach in Viewing the Vaccination Programs in Indonesia","authors":"Desca Thea Purnama, Asrul Nur Iman, Alif Alfi Syahrin, Khosiruddin Khosiruddin, Nikodemus - Niko","doi":"10.30984/KIJMS.V2I1.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30984/KIJMS.V2I1.13","url":null,"abstract":"The current COVID-19 pandemic has led to more social segregation among the world’s people, including in Indonesia. This pandemic has created social, economic, and political inequality. The turning point for getting out of this pandemic is when the COVID-19 vaccine is discovered. This article discusses how politics plays a role in the vaccination program in Indonesia. The vaccination program has already started to be implemented in January 2021, following the issues of an emergency use approval (EUA) permit by Indonesia’s Food and Drug Supervisory Agency (Indonesia: Badan Pengawas Obat dan Makanan (BPOM)) and a halal (sacred) fatwa by the Indonesian Ulema Council (Indonesian: Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI)). At some stages of policy implementation, the government has not even been able to provide valid data related to the vaccination program. In this article, researchers explore the problems emerging concerning the COVID-19 vaccination program. Furthermore, researchers analyze the political agenda that is possible to become a health, social, and economic policy intervention in the corridor of the perspective of sociology.","PeriodicalId":157805,"journal":{"name":"Kawanua International Journal of Multicultural Studies","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132112914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Da'wah and technological advances are inseparable, but this is a foothold in the concept of contemporary da'wah that is easily accepted by today's society. The presence of new media is utilized by everyone who has political interests, from politicians, party people even to clerics to convey a politically weighted message. One of them is ustad Abdul Somad's discourse that uses new media to preach and package symbolically politically charged messages. In analyzing ustad Abdul Somad's political discourse on social media, especially YouTube, the author used the knife of norman fairclough's critical discourse analysis theory to dismantle the practice of lecture discourse. The results of this study show that the discourse of Ustadz Abdul Somad lectures has a political content that is discussed in a symbolic way. The clarity of the symbol is part of the message of political communication, because political communication is not only in verbal language but can be packaged with nonverbal language. Ustadz Abdul Somad on the political stage has the legitimacy to give a message that persuades the public of his choice, because Ustadz Abdul Somad is not just a da'i but not apart from social status that easily approaches and mobilizes the community. Therefore, the representation of symbols will form an identity, then the symbolic message delivered will be believed to be a political message because it is spoken in an election year. The discourse of Ustadz Abdul Somad's lectures could not be separated from the political content to influence the community packed with symbolic messages in his lectures.
“大”与技术的进步是分不开的，但这是当代“大”概念的一个立足点，很容易被当今社会所接受。新媒体的存在被每个有政治利益的人所利用，从政治家、政党成员甚至到神职人员，来传达政治加权的信息。其中之一是乌斯塔德·阿卜杜勒·索马德的话语，他利用新媒体来宣扬和包装具有象征意义的政治信息。在分析乌斯塔德·阿卜杜勒·索马德在社交媒体尤其是YouTube上的政治话语时，作者使用了诺曼·费尔克劳的批判话语分析理论的刀来拆解讲课话语的实践。本研究结果表明，乌斯塔兹·阿卜杜勒·索马德讲座的话语具有政治内容，并以象征性的方式进行讨论。符号的清晰性是政治传播信息的一部分，因为政治传播不仅是言语传播，而且可以用非言语进行包装。乌斯达兹·阿卜杜勒·索马德在政治舞台上有资格发出信息，说服公众支持他的选择，因为乌斯达兹·阿卜杜勒·索马德不仅是一名da'i，而且还具有社会地位，可以轻易接近并动员社区。因此，符号的表现会形成一种身份，那么所传递的象征性信息就会因为是在选举年所说的而被认为是一种政治信息。Ustadz Abdul Somad讲座的话语不能与政治内容分开，以影响他的讲座中充满象征性信息的社区。
{"title":"Political Communication of Ulama on Social Media: Discourse Analysis of Ustadz Abdul Somad Lecture on YouTube in the 2019 Presidential Election","authors":"Hopizal Wadi, Laesa Diniaty, F. Fahrurrazi","doi":"10.30984/KIJMS.V2I1.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30984/KIJMS.V2I1.15","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000Da'wah and technological advances are inseparable, but this is a foothold in the concept of contemporary da'wah that is easily accepted by today's society. The presence of new media is utilized by everyone who has political interests, from politicians, party people even to clerics to convey a politically weighted message. One of them is ustad Abdul Somad's discourse that uses new media to preach and package symbolically politically charged messages. In analyzing ustad Abdul Somad's political discourse on social media, especially YouTube, the author used the knife of norman fairclough's critical discourse analysis theory to dismantle the practice of lecture discourse. The results of this study show that the discourse of Ustadz Abdul Somad lectures has a political content that is discussed in a symbolic way. The clarity of the symbol is part of the message of political communication, because political communication is not only in verbal language but can be packaged with nonverbal language. Ustadz Abdul Somad on the political stage has the legitimacy to give a message that persuades the public of his choice, because Ustadz Abdul Somad is not just a da'i but not apart from social status that easily approaches and mobilizes the community. Therefore, the representation of symbols will form an identity, then the symbolic message delivered will be believed to be a political message because it is spoken in an election year. The discourse of Ustadz Abdul Somad's lectures could not be separated from the political content to influence the community packed with symbolic messages in his lectures. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":157805,"journal":{"name":"Kawanua International Journal of Multicultural Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127825711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Misbahul Munir Makka, Rosdalina Bukido, Faradila Hasan
This research aims to show the results of the issuance of Law No. 16 of 2019 and the increasing application for marriage dispensation at the Kotamobagu PA. Underage marriage is a common thing in society. Many things are a factor in underage marriage, one of which is pregnancy outside of marriage and is considered to approve the proposed marriage dispensation. This research is field research located in PA Kotamobagu. The results obtained are that although the issuance of Law Number 16 of 2019, cases of underage marriages are even increasing. This case is evidenced in PA Kotamobagu. In 2020 the application for marriage dispensation was higher than the previous year. One of the reasons for submitting a marriage dispensation made by the community is a pregnant woman out of wedlock, so the judge must approve the proposed marriage dispensation. In other words, this law has no impact on suppressing the number of underage marriages, and the increased age limit has increased the dispensation for marriage.
{"title":"Questioning about Law Number 16 of 2019 concerning Marriage Dispensation in PA Kotamobagu","authors":"Misbahul Munir Makka, Rosdalina Bukido, Faradila Hasan","doi":"10.30984/kijms.v1i2.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30984/kijms.v1i2.29","url":null,"abstract":"This research aims to show the results of the issuance of Law No. 16 of 2019 and the increasing application for marriage dispensation at the Kotamobagu PA. Underage marriage is a common thing in society. Many things are a factor in underage marriage, one of which is pregnancy outside of marriage and is considered to approve the proposed marriage dispensation. This research is field research located in PA Kotamobagu. The results obtained are that although the issuance of Law Number 16 of 2019, cases of underage marriages are even increasing. This case is evidenced in PA Kotamobagu. In 2020 the application for marriage dispensation was higher than the previous year. One of the reasons for submitting a marriage dispensation made by the community is a pregnant woman out of wedlock, so the judge must approve the proposed marriage dispensation. In other words, this law has no impact on suppressing the number of underage marriages, and the increased age limit has increased the dispensation for marriage.","PeriodicalId":157805,"journal":{"name":"Kawanua International Journal of Multicultural Studies","volume":"78 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129978655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Arabic is the richest language in the world with lots of vocabulary, so it cannot be denied that Arabic has a vocabulary with a variety of meanings which is commonly referred to as Lafzul Musytarak. Lafzul musytarak is a word or phrase that has two or more meanings. It is the same with the Qur'an which Allah sent down in Arabic containing various kinds of fiqh laws, but because of the lafaz musytarak in the Qur'an, there are differences of opinion among the scholars in establishing the law. Thus, produced legal products are also different. For example, the word Quru 'is contained in Surah Al-Baqarah verse 228. The pronunciation of Quru’ has a double meaning, It can be for the menstrual period or the holy period. Therefore, the opinion about the iddah period for women who are divorced and still have a menstrual cycle is also different. The results of this study indicate the iddah period for divorced women is different based on the inclination of the scholars in interpreting the word Quru'. Regarding this issue, Fuqaha 'ulama are divided into two opinions. Imam Malik and Shafi'i argue that the meaning of Quru' in Surah Al-Baqarah is a holy period, so the iddah period for divorced women is three times of the holy period. On the other hand, Imam Hanafi and Ahmad Bin Hanbal interpret Quru' as the period of menstruation. Therefore, the iddah period for divorced and menstrual women who are not menopausal is three menstrual periods.
{"title":"Lafaz Musytarak in Surah Al-Baqarah Verse 228 and Its Effect on Fiqh","authors":"Aspahani Aspahani, F. Fahrurrazi","doi":"10.30984/KIJMS.V2I1.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30984/KIJMS.V2I1.18","url":null,"abstract":"Arabic is the richest language in the world with lots of vocabulary, so it cannot be denied that Arabic has a vocabulary with a variety of meanings which is commonly referred to as Lafzul Musytarak. Lafzul musytarak is a word or phrase that has two or more meanings. It is the same with the Qur'an which Allah sent down in Arabic containing various kinds of fiqh laws, but because of the lafaz musytarak in the Qur'an, there are differences of opinion among the scholars in establishing the law. Thus, produced legal products are also different. For example, the word Quru 'is contained in Surah Al-Baqarah verse 228. The pronunciation of Quru’ has a double meaning, It can be for the menstrual period or the holy period. Therefore, the opinion about the iddah period for women who are divorced and still have a menstrual cycle is also different. The results of this study indicate the iddah period for divorced women is different based on the inclination of the scholars in interpreting the word Quru'. Regarding this issue, Fuqaha 'ulama are divided into two opinions. Imam Malik and Shafi'i argue that the meaning of Quru' in Surah Al-Baqarah is a holy period, so the iddah period for divorced women is three times of the holy period. On the other hand, Imam Hanafi and Ahmad Bin Hanbal interpret Quru' as the period of menstruation. Therefore, the iddah period for divorced and menstrual women who are not menopausal is three menstrual periods.","PeriodicalId":157805,"journal":{"name":"Kawanua International Journal of Multicultural Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128409540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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