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7. Greener Growth 7. 绿色增长
Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198851745.003.0007
J. Dryzek
Sustainable development became the dominant discourse in global environmental affairs in the 1980s, spurred by the landmark Brundtland report to the United Nations, and remains widely popular, embodied for example in the Sustainable Development Goals adopted by an assembly of all the world’s countries in 2015. Sustainable development combines ecological protection, economic growth, social justice, and intergenerational equity, which can be sought globally and in perpetuity. “Green growth” becomes possible, while ecological limits and boundaries fade into the background. However, it is necessary for a collective effort that involves governments, international organizations, and non-governmental organizations, and citizens to make this happen. Sustainable development is an integrating discourse that covers local and global environmental issues and a host of economic and development concerns. Beyond this shared discourse, different actors (such as corporations and environmentalists) ascribe different means to the idea. Despite its popularity as a discourse, sustainable development has not actually been achieved anywhere.
上世纪80年代,在向联合国提交具有里程碑意义的布伦特兰报告的推动下,可持续发展成为全球环境事务中的主导话语,并一直广受欢迎,例如2015年世界各国大会通过的可持续发展目标就体现了这一点。可持续发展结合了生态保护、经济增长、社会公正和代际公平,可以在全球范围内永久寻求。“绿色增长”成为可能,而生态的限制和界限则退居幕后。然而,这需要各国政府、国际组织、非政府组织和公民共同努力才能实现。可持续发展是一个综合论述,涵盖地方和全球环境问题以及一系列经济和发展问题。在这种共同的话语之外,不同的行动者(如公司和环保主义者)对这一理念赋予了不同的含义。尽管可持续发展作为一种话语很受欢迎,但实际上并没有在任何地方实现。
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引用次数: 0
6. Leave It to the Market 6. 让市场来决定吧
Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198851745.003.0006
J. Dryzek
Economic rationalism involves the intelligent deployment of market instruments to achieve public ends such as environmental protection and resource conservation. The instruments in question can involve the establishment of private property rights in land, air, and water; “cap and trade” markets in pollution rights (emissions trading); tradeable quotes in resources such as fish; green taxes, such as a carbon tax; and the purchase of offsets to compensate for environmentally damaging behavior. These instruments have been adopted in many countries, though with some resistance from those who believe there is more to life than economic reasoning.
经济理性主义涉及对市场工具的智能配置,以实现环境保护和资源节约等公共目标。所讨论的文书可能涉及建立土地、空气和水的私有财产权;排污权的“限额与交易”市场(排放权交易);可交易的资源报价,如鱼类;环保税,如碳税;购买补偿以补偿破坏环境的行为。这些工具已被许多国家采用,尽管受到一些人的抵制,这些人认为生活中有比经济推理更重要的东西。
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引用次数: 0
5. Leave It to the People 5. 让人民来决定吧
Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198851745.003.0005
J. Dryzek
This chapter treats democracy as a way of approaching problems through involving a variety of interests and actors along with citizens in interactive problem solving within the basic institutional structure of liberal capitalist democracy. It is manifested in for example public consultation, alternative dispute resolution, policy dialogue, lay citizen deliberation, and public inquiries. The turn from government to more decentralized and networked governance can be seen as a kind of democratic pragmatism, though networks do not always enhance democracy. This problem solving must be a flexible process that involves many voices and cooperation across a plurality of perspectives. The degree of participation with which pragmatists are happy often corresponds to existing liberal democracies and enables congruence between the demands of rationality in social problem solving and democratic values, though efforts exist to deepen both the democratic and problem-solving capacity of participation.
本章将民主视为在自由资本主义民主的基本制度结构中,通过涉及各种利益和行动者以及公民互动解决问题来解决问题的一种方式。它表现在公众咨询、替代性争端解决、政策对话、普通公民审议和公众询问等方面。从政府到更加分散和网络化的治理的转变可以被视为一种民主实用主义,尽管网络并不总是增强民主。这个问题的解决必须是一个灵活的过程,它涉及跨越多个视角的多种声音和合作。实用主义者乐于参与的程度往往与现有的自由民主相对应,并使解决社会问题的理性要求与民主价值观之间的一致性得以实现,尽管存在着深化参与的民主和解决问题能力的努力。
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引用次数: 0
11. Backlash 11. 强烈反对
Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198851745.003.0011
J. Dryzek
This chapter analyzes an anti-environmental discourse that can be understood as a profound reaction against environmentalism in its entirety. This anti-environmental “gray radicalism,” especially prominent under the Trump presidency in the United States, entails climate change denial, but is much more than that, drawing on populism, extreme conservatism, nationalism, and (in the US) evangelical Christianity. It is opposed to technological progress that would for example replace coal with renewable energy. This chapter locates gray radicalism in relation to right-wing partisan identity, expands on its differences with Promethean discourse, and details how it can be enmeshed in broader “culture wars.” Because gray radicalism is a matter of fundamental identity for its subscribers, it can be difficult to engage through evidence and argument.
本章分析了一种反环境话语,这种话语可以被理解为对环境主义的深刻反应。这种反环境的“灰色激进主义”,在美国特朗普总统任期内尤为突出,包括否认气候变化,但远不止于此,它利用了民粹主义、极端保守主义、民族主义和(在美国)福音派基督教。它反对技术进步,例如用可再生能源取代煤炭。本章将灰色激进主义与右翼党派身份联系起来,详述其与普罗米修斯话语的差异,并详细说明它如何卷入更广泛的“文化战争”。由于灰色激进主义是其订阅者的基本身份问题,因此很难通过证据和辩论来参与其中。
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引用次数: 0
12. Encountering the Anthropocene 12. 遇到人类世
Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198851745.003.0012
J. Dryzek
This chapter examines environmental discourses in light of recognition of humanity’s entry into the Anthropocene, an emerging geological epoch that dramatizes what is at stake in the politics of the Earth. The Anthropocene is the successor to the unusually benign and stable Holocene of the previous 12,000 years, during which human civilization evolved. The human institutions, practices, ideas, and discourses that still dominate the politics of the Earth all took shape under perceived Holocene conditions. The most important quality demanded of the configuration of environmental discourses is now a capacity to generate critical reflection on the trajectory of human societies in the context of an unstable Earth system. This will require meaningful deliberative and democratic engagement across discourses.
本章根据对人类进入人类世的认识来考察环境话语,人类世是一个新兴的地质时代,它戏剧化了地球政治的利害关系。人类世是人类文明进化的12000年前异常温和稳定的全新世的继承者。人类的制度、实践、思想和话语仍然支配着地球的政治,这些都是在全新世的条件下形成的。环境论述的结构所要求的最重要的素质现在是在不稳定的地球系统的背景下对人类社会的轨迹进行批判性反思的能力。这需要有意义的协商和民主参与。
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引用次数: 0
10. New Society 10. 新的社会
Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198851745.003.0010
J. Dryzek
The more political dimension of green radicalism analyzed in this chapter believes that ecological limits and boundaries can only be confronted, and the path to a better society charted, though political activism and thoroughgoing change in dominant institutions and practices. It finds its most conventional form of organization in green political parties that have been part of the electoral landscape since the 1980s, and that have in several countries (especially in Europe) joined governing coalitions and provided government ministers. However, social movements such as Occupy, Extinction Rebellion, Transition Initiatives, and those for environmental justice and sustainable materialism matter just as much. Movements for global environmental justice and the environmentalism of the global poor, and radical summits, have taken radical green politics to different parts of the world and to the global stage. An eco-anarchist disposition is associated with social ecology, and some radicals seek to link green politics and socialism. Green radicalism takes on economics in “doughnut economics” and proposals for a “Green New Deal”.
本章分析的绿色激进主义的更多政治维度认为,只有通过政治行动主义和主导制度和实践的彻底变革,才能面对生态限制和边界,并绘制通往更美好社会的道路。绿党发现其最传统的组织形式是绿色政党,这些政党自20世纪80年代以来一直是选举格局的一部分,并且在一些国家(特别是在欧洲)加入了执政联盟并担任政府部长。然而,社会运动,如占领、灭绝叛乱、过渡倡议,以及环境正义和可持续物质主义也同样重要。全球环境正义运动和全球穷人的环境保护主义,以及激进的峰会,将激进的绿色政治带到了世界各地,并登上了全球舞台。生态无政府主义倾向与社会生态学有关,一些激进分子试图将绿色政治与社会主义联系起来。绿色激进主义以“甜甜圈经济学”和“绿色新政”的提议来看待经济学。
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引用次数: 0
9. Changing People 9. 改变人们
Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198851745.003.0009
J. Dryzek
This chapter delves into the world of radical green discourse, which is a diverse and lively place, home to a wide variety of ideologies, parties, movements, groups, and thinkers that befits imaginative and radical leanings. Those that stress green consciousness believe the way people experience and regard the world in which they live is the key to green change and confronting ecological crisis. This prioritization of consciousness is widespread in the green movement, among deep ecologists, ecological justice and citizenship advocates, bioregionalists, ecofeminists, ecotheologists, and lifestyle greens. Critics stress that consciousness change will not produce the desired results so long as environmentally destructive structures such as states and capitalist markets continue to dominate.
这一章深入探讨了激进绿色话语的世界,这是一个多样化和充满活力的地方,是各种各样的意识形态、政党、运动、团体和思想家的家园,适合富有想象力和激进的倾向。那些强调绿色意识的人认为,人们体验和看待他们所生活的世界的方式是绿色变革和应对生态危机的关键。这种意识的优先次序在绿色运动中广泛存在,在深层生态学家,生态正义和公民倡导者,生物地域主义者,生态女权主义者,生态学家和生活方式绿色主义者中。批评人士强调,只要国家和资本主义市场等破坏环境的结构继续占主导地位,意识的改变就不会产生预期的结果。
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引用次数: 0
8. Industrial Society and Beyond 8. 工业社会及以后
Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198851745.003.0008
J. Dryzek
Countries such as Denmark, Finland, Germany, Japan, The Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and Switzerland have apparently turned in some of the most successful environmental policy performance in recent decades. The reason has much to do with their adoption of ecological modernization discourse. This discourse is most at home in prosperous consensual democracies, though it has spread to many countries, including developing ones, as well as to global governance. Ecological modernization sees environmental protection and conservation implemented by government as good for business, and so economic growth. The slogan “pollution prevention pays” is prominent. Ecological modernization is largely a moderate technocratic discourses that stresses green re-tooling of the capitalist economy, though more radical “strong” versions exist that would contemplate thoroughgoing structural change that moves beyond the liberal capitalist status quo.
最近几十年来,丹麦、芬兰、德国、日本、荷兰、挪威、瑞典和瑞士等国显然在环境政策方面取得了一些最成功的成绩。其原因与他们采用生态现代化话语有很大关系。这种话语在繁荣的共识民主国家最为普遍,尽管它已经传播到许多国家,包括发展中国家,以及全球治理。生态现代化认为,政府实施的环境保护和节约有利于企业,从而有利于经济增长。“污染防治有回报”的口号非常突出。生态现代化在很大程度上是一种温和的技术官僚话语,强调资本主义经济的绿色重组,尽管存在更激进的“强大”版本,它将考虑彻底的结构变革,超越自由资本主义的现状。
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引用次数: 0
3. Growth Unlimited 3.无限制的增长
Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198851745.003.0003
J. Dryzek
This chapter covers a response to the discourse of limits which stresses the unlimited capacity of ingenious humans to overcome ecological limits, especially when they are organized in capitalist markets. For Prometheans, long term trends show environmental improvement and declining resource scarcity, such that economic growth can therefore go on forever. This Promethean discourse has often been advanced by market economists, and has often been highly influential in government, especially in the United States. More recently a Promethean environmentalism looks forward to a ‘good Anthropocene’ in which government too plays a role in bringing natural systems under benign human control, so that technologies such as geoengineering can be used effectively against problems such as climate change. In the background of Promethean argument is an older cornucopian discourse that stresses natural abundance of resources and the capacity of ecosystems to absorb pollutants. Ecologists and Earth systems scientists are not convinced and remain critical of Promethean discourse.
这一章涵盖了对限制话语的回应,这些话语强调了有创造力的人类克服生态限制的无限能力,特别是当他们在资本主义市场中组织起来时。对于普罗米修斯主义者来说,长期趋势是环境改善和资源稀缺性下降,因此经济增长可以永远持续下去。这种普罗米修斯式的论述通常由市场经济学家提出,并在政府中具有很大的影响力,尤其是在美国。最近,普罗米修斯式的环保主义者期待着一个“美好的人类世”,在这个世界上,政府也将发挥作用,把自然系统置于人类的良性控制之下,这样地球工程等技术就可以有效地用于应对气候变化等问题。普罗米修斯论证的背景是一种古老的丰饶论,强调自然资源的丰富性和生态系统吸收污染物的能力。生态学家和地球系统科学家不相信普罗米修斯的话语,并且仍然持批评态度。
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引用次数: 0
2. Looming Tragedy 2. 即将到来的悲剧
Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198851745.003.0002
J. Dryzek
Ecologists have applied the concept of “carrying capacity”, the population of a species that an ecosystem can support, to human populations. Ecological limits to growth in population and the economy dominated environmental concern in the 1970s and beyond. More recently they have been supplanted by the idea of planetary boundaries, based on the stresses that the earth system is capable of absorbing, several of which (including biosphere integrity and climate change) have already been transgressed, suggesting the system is in grave peril. This chapter also considers the points of critics of the idea that there can be limits, then analyzes the political implications of limits and boundaries, from the authoritarianism associated with some 1970s thinkers to the need for cooperative global action to the more democratic possibilities that could be associated with degrowth and planetary boundaries.
生态学家将“承载能力”的概念应用于人类种群,即生态系统所能支持的物种数量。20世纪70年代及以后,人口和经济增长的生态限制主导了环境问题。最近,它们已被行星边界的概念所取代,该概念基于地球系统能够吸收的压力,其中一些压力(包括生物圈完整性和气候变化)已经被超越,表明该系统处于严重危险之中。本章还考虑了对存在限制这一观点的批评者的观点,然后分析了限制和边界的政治含义,从与一些20世纪70年代思想家相关的威权主义到合作全球行动的需要,再到可能与去增长和全球边界相关的更民主的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
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The Politics of the Earth
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