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Pub Date : 2020-08-27 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198208334.003.0006
R. Colls
Chapter 5 sees the parish as a platform for belonging, and sport and custom as celebrations of that belonging. It opens with Edwin Butterworth, a well-connected journalist working for Edward Baines, the radical newspaper owner, who was writing a history of Lancashire. Charged in 1835 with surveying a county deep in the throes of industrialization, and keen to establish the state of ‘Customs, Habits, &c’, Butterworth’s findings do not show the sudden death of parochial custom any more than they show the rising up of a great new factory system. Instead, they show parochial culture dying in some places but flourishing (and changing) in others. The chapter goes on to look more widely at how this old parochial culture had bound people to their sense of place—what the old Poor Law called ‘settlement’. At the same time the chapter notes how from the 1830s to the 1880s, the welfare functions that had underpinned settlement were being removed and given to quasi-national bodies. Apart from Church of England clergy who were not quite insiders or outsiders, the parish had insiders who were enemies as well. Primitive Methodists were anti-sport and counter-parochial for all of the nineteenth century. They brought disruption with a new kind of belonging.
第五章将教区视为归属感的平台,而体育和习俗则是对归属感的庆祝。故事以埃德温·巴特沃斯(Edwin Butterworth)开篇,他是一位人脉广泛的记者,为激进的报纸老板爱德华·贝恩斯(Edward Baines)工作,后者正在撰写兰开夏郡的历史。1835年,巴特沃斯被委托对一个深陷工业化阵痛的郡进行调查,并渴望建立一个“风俗习惯等”的国家。他的调查结果既没有显示出一个伟大的新工厂制度的兴起,也没有显示出地方习俗的突然消亡。相反,它们显示出教区文化在一些地方正在消亡,但在另一些地方却在蓬勃发展(并不断变化)。这一章将更广泛地探讨这种古老的教区文化是如何将人们束缚在他们的地方意识上的——旧《济贫法》称之为“定居”。与此同时,本章还指出,从19世纪30年代到80年代,作为定居基础的福利职能如何被移除,并被赋予准国家机构。除了英格兰国教的神职人员既不是内部人员也不是外部人员,教区内部人员也是敌人。原始卫理公会教徒在整个十九世纪都是反对运动和反对教区化的。他们带来了一种新的归属感。
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引用次数: 0
Land of Liberty 自由之地
Pub Date : 2020-08-27 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198208334.003.0002
R. Colls
Chapter 1 describes the gentry’s love of fox-hunting and how important it was to their self-image as riders and rulers. It opens by going out with Minna and Algernon Burnaby of The Quorn in 1909. Along the way, it unpicks the complex relationship between fox-hunting and land management, fox-hunting and county networks, and fox-hunting and the wider and inter-connected roles of Master of Fox Hounds and Tory grandee. From the aristocracy down to the minor gentry, devotion to horse and hound was almost a calling. To be able to ride well and look good mattered, and loaned authority. The middle and working class hardly came near a horse, except for work. Leicestershire as the prime ornament of English fox-hunting features strongly in the chapter, as does the part equestrianism played in how the landed class saw their role as English freeborn men and women. Chapter 1 also considers the part riding and hunting played in the liberation (or non-liberation depending on how you look at it) of uppity class young women.
第一章描述了绅士们对猎狐的热爱,以及这对他们作为骑手和统治者的自我形象有多么重要。它以1909年与Quorn乐队的Minna和Algernon Burnaby的约会开始。在这一过程中,它剖析了猎狐与土地管理、猎狐与县域网络、猎狐与猎狐大师与托利党魁之间的复杂关系。从贵族到下层贵族,对马和猎犬的热爱几乎是一种使命。能骑得好,看起来好,这很重要,也能带来威信。除了工作,中产阶级和工人阶级几乎不接触马。莱斯特郡作为英国猎狐的主要点缀在这一章中表现得很突出,马术在地主阶级如何看待他们作为英国自由男女的角色中所起的作用也是如此。第一章还考虑了骑马和狩猎在贵族阶级年轻女性的解放(或非解放取决于你怎么看)中所起的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Conclusion 结论
Pub Date : 2020-08-27 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198208334.003.0010
R. Colls
The Conclusion sums up and looks tentatively forward. By 1960, competitive sport was a vital and irreplaceable part of modern life. The older understanding of ‘sport’ as fun or showing off had lost some of its meaning. For most British history, the heroes had been military or naval, often posthumous. By the 1930s, they were increasingly sporting. From the 1950s, they were increasingly female and, from the 1960s, with the advent of television, they were increasingly seen as ‘personalities’ or ‘celebrities’ rather than heroes or champions. This experience was not unique to the British. All twentieth-century nation-states raised competitive sport as the mark of their success, nowhere more so than the Modern Olympiad, revived in 1896. In our own day, the commercialization of elite sport threatens to unhinge it from its roots in everyday life. But away from the glamour and the money, this sporting life still goes deeper than the agencies of the state and mass media. Although the meanings of sport have shifted, the shift has not been absolute, with no sharp divide between the traditional and the modern. The sporting life remains closely connected to liberty, to heart, to custom and practice, to a sense of belonging and to the bonds of friendship.
结语部分对全文进行了总结和初步展望。到1960年,竞技体育已经成为现代生活中不可替代的重要组成部分。以前对“运动”的理解是娱乐或炫耀,现在已经失去了一些意义。在大多数英国历史上,英雄都是军人或海军,通常是死后的。到了20世纪30年代,他们越来越喜欢运动。从20世纪50年代开始,他们中的女性越来越多,从60年代开始,随着电视的出现,他们越来越被视为“名人”或“名人”,而不是英雄或冠军。这种经历并非英国独有。20世纪所有的民族国家都将竞技体育作为其成功的标志,1896年复兴的现代奥林匹克运动会更是如此。在我们这个时代,精英体育的商业化有可能使其脱离日常生活的根源。但是,除了魅力和金钱,这种体育生活仍然比国家机构和大众媒体更深入。虽然体育的意义发生了变化,但这种变化并不是绝对的,传统与现代之间并没有明显的区别。体育生活始终与自由、心灵、习俗和实践、归属感和友谊紧密相连。
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引用次数: 0
Bonny Moor Hen 美丽的沼泽母鸡
Pub Date : 2020-08-27 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198208334.003.0003
R. Colls
Chapter 2 looks at poor men’s hunting. Poor men went hunting too, only their masters call it poaching and, under the game laws, they could transport you for it. This chapter starts with events in the northern Pennines between 1797 and 1822 when poachers went toe to toe with game keepers over the right to take ‘The Bonny Moor Hen’. The Bishop of Durham and a conglomerate of landowners claimed the red grouse for themselves and built up an army of keepers to defend their right. Local people saw it the other way. Up on the moors, opinions seemed not to apply either way. It was more a question of what you could take and who you could defy. Chapter 2 includes the so-called ‘Battle of Stanhope’ recorded in song and story. There were two such battles in Weardale, one in October 1818 and the other in the December, when leadminers rescued comrades after a gun battles with the constables. The whole of the county magistracy were up in arms over these humiliations, literally so, and called in the Hussars. Leadminers thought they lived in a land of liberty and took game accordingly. Landowners thought the same. The chapter considers how eighteenth-century sporting art featured horses and hounds and parkland not simply as ‘pictures of record’ but ideal expression of the landed class’ right to possess and command.
第二章关注穷人的狩猎。穷人也去打猎,只是他们的主人称之为偷猎,根据狩猎法,他们可以因此把你送走。本章从1797年至1822年间发生在奔宁山脉北部的事件开始,当时偷猎者与猎场看守人就“美丽的沼泽母鸡”的所有权发生了激烈的冲突。达勒姆主教和一群土地所有者声称红松鸡属于他们自己,并组建了一支看守军队来捍卫他们的权利。当地人却有不同的看法。在荒原上,意见似乎并不适用于任何一方。更重要的是,你能接受什么,你能反抗谁。第二章包括以歌曲和故事记录的所谓的“斯坦霍普之战”。在韦尔代尔发生过两次这样的战斗,一次是在1818年10月,另一次是在12月,当时主要矿工在与警察枪战后救出了同志。整个县里的行政长官都对这种侮辱愤愤不平,毫不夸张地说,他们把骠骑兵召了进来。采矿者认为他们生活在一片自由的土地上,并相应地进行狩猎。地主们也有同样的想法。这一章考虑了18世纪的体育艺术如何将马、猎犬和公园不仅仅作为“记录的图片”,而是对地主阶级拥有和指挥权利的理想表达。
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引用次数: 0
‘Bottom’
Pub Date : 2020-08-27 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198208334.003.0004
R. Colls
Chapter 3 explores the violent world of prize-fighting in London and New York. It starts with a fight in a field in Hampshire in 1860. A lot of people have come down on the train from London to see a young Irish American hard man called John Heenan take on the considerably older, and smaller, English champion Tom Sayers. The fight is serious, not fraudulent, but ends in farce, paving the way for a sport already in decline to be over and done with by the end of the century. The chapter spreads out from Sayers Heenan to take on the part prize-fighters played in a plebeian way of seeing the English in their history. The ‘Fancy’, so-called, saw themselves as keepers of the boxing constitution. The ‘Bloods’, so called, saw themselves as defenders of the country’s honour. No sport aroused as much popular excitement. Boxing was a literary subject too. It developed a way of speaking all of its own and, in essay and metaphor, fighters’ unique ability to fight fair (no knives) under rules while giving and taking no quarter (‘Bottom’) either in battle or the ring, were highly prized expressions of liberty. The chapter ends with the Queensberry Rules and the birth of modern boxing as a mainly Anglo-American affair, now performed in theatres not fields.
第三章探讨了伦敦和纽约的职业拳击的暴力世界。故事始于1860年汉普郡的一场打斗。许多人从伦敦乘火车来观看一个名叫约翰·希南的年轻爱尔兰裔美国硬汉与年龄大得多、身材矮小得多的英国冠军汤姆·塞耶斯的比赛。这场比赛是严肃的,不是欺诈性的,但最终以闹剧告终,为一项已经衰落的运动在本世纪末结束铺平了道路。这一章从塞耶斯·希南展开,以平民的方式看待英国人的历史,来看待职业拳击手所扮演的角色。所谓的“幻想派”,认为自己是拳击章程的守护者。这些所谓的“热血战士”把自己看作是国家荣誉的捍卫者。没有一项运动能像它那样引起如此多的群众兴奋。拳击也是一个文学主题。它发展了一种表达自己的方式,在散文和隐喻中,战士们在战斗或拳击场上都能在规则下公平战斗(没有刀),同时不给也不取(“底”),这是对自由的高度珍视。这一章以《昆斯伯里规则》和现代拳击的诞生结束,现代拳击主要是英美人的运动,现在在剧院而不是在田野里进行。
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引用次数: 0
New Moral Worlds 新的道德世界
Pub Date : 2020-08-27 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198208334.003.0007
R. Colls
Chapter 6 brings the history of modern sport and the modern school together. In the Uppingham School Archives there’s a photograph of the school cricket team gathered round its ambitious and reforming headmaster Rev. Edward Thring. At this moment (1858) Thring was involved in painful disputes with these boys, trivial struggles that confirmed in his mind if not theirs the need to build a network of powerful schools committed to reforming the character of elite young men. He and his brother headmasters spent their lives reinventing these so called ‘public’ schools as new moral worlds. Chapter 6 looks also at the Girls Public Day School Company (1872) and its work towards the proper education of middle-class young women. Sport and gender was vital to both campaigns although how vital rather depended on the extent to which girls won a new independent voice and the boys retained their old one. Public schools were seen by their inventors as new moral worlds but they could be new immoral worlds as well. Or, to put it another way, the schools were reconfigured as closed institutions deliberately designed to influence the character and behaviour of the young. By the beginning of the twentieth century the leading public schools were seen as uniquely successful enterprises, obsessed with the athletic body, significant and forceful in the definition of what a ‘school’ should be, stately and beautiful, and surrounded almost by definition by playing fields. A new set of national icons had been created.
第六章将现代体育和现代学校的历史联系在一起。在乌平厄姆学校档案中有一张照片,照片中学校板球队聚集在雄心勃勃的改革派校长爱德华·斯特林牧师身边。此时此刻(1858年),特林正与这些男孩陷入痛苦的争论,这些琐碎的斗争在他(如果不是他们)的脑海中证实了建立一个强大的学校网络的必要性,这些学校致力于改革精英年轻人的性格。他和他的兄弟校长们一生都在把这些所谓的“公立”学校改造成新的道德世界。第六章还考察了女子公立走读学校公司(1872年)及其为中产阶级年轻女性提供适当教育的工作。体育和性别对这两场运动都至关重要,尽管重要程度取决于女孩在多大程度上赢得了新的独立的声音,而男孩则保留了原来的声音。公立学校的发明者将其视为新的道德世界,但也可能是新的不道德世界。或者,换句话说,学校被重新配置为有意影响年轻人性格和行为的封闭机构。到20世纪初,顶尖的公立学校被视为独一无二的成功企业,它们痴迷于运动身体,在定义“学校”应该是什么时显得重要而有力,庄严而美丽,并且几乎被运动场所包围。一套新的国家标志诞生了。
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引用次数: 0
Bloods 血液
Pub Date : 2020-08-27 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198208334.003.0008
R. Colls
Chapter 7 gets away from the school side of things to the boys’ and girls’ side. Bloods’ is an old word for a certain kind of aristocratic young man taken up by the public schools to mean a leading man of fashion, or a captain of sport, or both. It never applied to girls but it is quite clear that there were sporty girls who could take the daring part and all girls’ schools, like all boys’ schools, were periodically rocked over what to wear and the best way to wear it. Sport was the main inspiration for fashion, and sporting fashion was the key to the true standing of a ‘Blood’. In all these things, schools had to negotiate with their pupils. The extent to which they were able to do so determined the sort of school it was and the boys and girls side of things led, first in the 1920s and again in the 1960s, to the creation of the modern university as a place where students enjoyed boarding-house life and the liberty to play and have fun. Chapter 7 also describes the crisis in elite masculinity in the 1850s, a crisis over military failure but also to do with perceived failings in the character and personality of elite young men. Sport was never far away from this crisis, both as the cause and the solution.
第七章从学校的角度转到了男孩和女孩的角度。“血”是一个古老的词,指的是某类贵族年轻人,在公立学校里被用来指时尚界的领军人物,或体育运动的队长,或两者兼而有之。这从来没有适用于女孩,但很明显,有些爱运动的女孩可以承担大胆的角色,所有的女校,就像所有的男校一样,定期在穿什么和最好的穿法上摇摆不定。运动是时尚的主要灵感来源,运动时尚是“血脉”真正立足的关键。在所有这些事情上,学校必须与学生协商。他们能够这样做的程度决定了这所学校的类型,男孩和女孩方面的事情首先在20世纪20年代和60年代导致了现代大学的创建,作为一个学生享受寄宿生活和自由玩耍和娱乐的地方。第七章还描述了19世纪50年代精英男子气概的危机,一场军事失败的危机,但也与精英年轻人在性格和个性上的失败有关。体育从未远离这场危机,无论是作为原因还是作为解决方案。
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引用次数: 0
Moderns
Pub Date : 2020-08-27 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198208334.003.0009
R. Colls
Chapter 8 examines the zeal for Association Football as the game moderns play. It starts by leaving the playing fields of Eton to describe an altogether different sort of sporting life on the streets of industrial Britain. Jack London remarked in People of the Abyss (1902) that a whole new sub race had grown up there, ‘the pavement people’ he called them, and although he doesn’t mention it, they were playing football far more than they were suffering from racial degeneration. For many working-class boys, football was a passion, their first craze, like rock n’ roll it was a way of feeling free in another otherwise hostile environment. Football for the workers was released by the factory acts in 1853 and by the 1880s it was an integral part of ‘the weekend’—a consumer economy that ushered in a new kind of urban life. Boys played football almost anytime anywhere. The chapter asks why the girls wouldn’t, or couldn’t. In the 1960s Arthur Hopcraft said football was ‘inherent in the people’ and so it was. Along with cinema, dancing, and popular music, it created new liberties and belongings. England won the World Cup in 1966. This was the pinnacle of footballing achievement by a class and a country that had given the world its favourite sport. Very soon after however, British football was in the doldrums, and it was violence that seemed inherent now.
第八章考察了人们对现代足球运动的热情。它从伊顿公学的运动场开始,描述了一种完全不同的英国工业街道上的体育生活。杰克·伦敦在《深渊的人》(1902)中说,一个全新的次种族在那里成长起来,他称他们为“人行道上的人”,尽管他没有提及,但他们踢足球的时间远远超过了他们遭受种族退化的时间。对许多工人阶级的男孩来说,足球是一种激情,是他们最初的狂热,就像摇滚一样,它是在另一个充满敌意的环境中感受自由的一种方式。工人足球在1853年由工厂法案推出,到19世纪80年代,它已成为“周末”的一个组成部分——一种引领新型城市生活的消费经济。男孩们几乎随时随地都踢足球。这一章问女孩们为什么不愿意,或者不能。在20世纪60年代,阿瑟·霍普克拉夫特说足球是“人们与生俱来的”,事实也确实如此。与电影、舞蹈和流行音乐一起,它创造了新的自由和财产。英格兰赢得了1966年的世界杯。这是一个阶级和一个国家的足球成就的顶峰,它给了世界最喜爱的运动。然而,不久之后,英国足球陷入了低迷,暴力似乎成为了一种固有的现象。
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引用次数: 1
Custom 自定义
Pub Date : 2000-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9780203793930
R. Colls
Chapter 4 looks at ‘custom’ from the point of view of the Poor who by and large saw it as a vital part of who they were and where they lived. Between 1833 and 1840 the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals’ sought to ban the annual bull-running in the Lincolnshire market town of Stamford. The rougher end of Stamford, including the magistrates’ bench, resisted. The nicer end stayed neutral, at least in public. Metropolitan liberals, meanwhile, pressed for a ban with the powerful backing of the Home Office, the NSPCA, and a young Queen. The issue was finally resolved by a court judgment backed by Dragoons and detachments of the Metropolitan Police who finally stopped the running in 1840. On the face of it, this was a simple matter of whether to torture or not to torture a bull. But the chapter takes Stamfordians at their word in their claim that the sport was an ancient custom, that custom was part of the constitution, and that the constitution was a vital part of their identity as free men and women (women featured prominently). Custom and practice was ingrained in the everyday lives of the people. ‘Being the People’ at festivals and fairs was a political as well as a sporting performance with a strong physical presence and plenty of showing off.
第四章从穷人的角度来看"习俗"穷人将"习俗"视为他们身份和居住地的重要组成部分。在1833年到1840年间,国家防止虐待动物协会试图禁止每年在林肯郡斯坦福德集镇举行的奔牛活动。斯坦福德较为粗暴的一方,包括地方法官在内,都表示反对。好的一方保持中立,至少在公开场合是这样。与此同时,在内政部、英国防止虐待动物协会(NSPCA)和一位年轻的女王的大力支持下,大都会的自由派人士要求颁布禁令。1840年,在龙骑兵和伦敦警察分队的支持下,法院的判决最终解决了这个问题。从表面上看,这是一个要不要折磨公牛的简单问题。但这一章采纳了斯坦福人的说法,即这项运动是一种古老的习俗,这种习俗是宪法的一部分,而宪法是他们作为自由男女(女性突出)身份的重要组成部分。风俗习惯在人们的日常生活中根深蒂固。节日和集市上的“为民”既是一种政治表演,也是一种体育表演,有着强大的身体存在感和大量的炫耀。
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引用次数: 1
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This Sporting Life
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