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Food Politics and the Paradigm Shift in the Parliamentary Debate on Food Security 粮食政治和粮食安全议会辩论中的范式转变
Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.54313/journalmp.v3i.95
Mohd Zulhelmi, Syafuddin Tan, Ahmad Naqiyuddin Bakar, Y. Ahmad, Quratul Ain, A. Razak, Izzat Azri, Ahmad Kharul Anuar, Dr. Ahmad Naqiyuddin Bakar
Food security has become a pertinent issue that is constantly being discussed in the mass media and even in parliamentary debates among the politicians. The topic of food security is political; hence, it should be handled with care within a confined aspect known as food politics.  This paper is a preliminary stage study to examine which facets of food security that were most prominently debated among the members of the House of Representatives and whether the discussions were in line with and accurately portrayed the actual situation on the ground among the public. Hansards from the Parliament of Malaysia seatings in 2019 and 2022 were obtained as secondary data for analysis. The finding showed that the question of food availability was frequently mentioned in parliamentary debates as availability was the precursor to the other dimensions of food security. Additionally, food security issues raised by our politicians correspond with current major global issues that are affecting the public; collectively known as the 3C-shock: COVID-19, Climate Change and Conflict (Russia-Ukraine War). 
食品安全已经成为一个相关的问题,在大众媒体中不断被讨论,甚至在政治家的议会辩论中。粮食安全的话题是政治性的;因此,它应该在一个被称为食品政治的有限方面小心处理。本文是一项初步研究,旨在研究众议院议员对食品安全的哪些方面进行了最突出的辩论,以及这些讨论是否符合并准确地描绘了公众的实际情况。获得2019年和2022年马来西亚国会的会议记录作为分析的辅助数据。调查结果表明,粮食供应问题在议会辩论中经常被提及,因为粮食供应是粮食安全其他方面的前兆。此外,我们的政治家提出的粮食安全问题与当前影响公众的主要全球问题是一致的;统称为3c冲击:COVID-19、气候变化和冲突(俄乌战争)。
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引用次数: 0
Pengukuhan Perkhidmatan Penyelidikan Bagi Keberkesanan Parlimen
Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.54313/journalmp.v3i.84
Siti Fahlizah Padlee, Norlizawaty Abdu Samad
The Malaysian Parliamentary Research and Library Division is a division of the Parliament Malaysia that offers research services and informational resources to parliamentary members across political parties. Strengthening the service of this research division by ensuring that accessing the research service with non-partisan, timely and facilitating quality information in providing more effectiveness of parliament as a legislative body in this country. This study explores the functions and research products introduced by this division to further strengthen its function and role in the parliamentary institution. Exploration of the similarities and differences in functions and products was also conducted involving the research section in three foreign parliaments, namely the UK Parliament, Parliament House of Australia, and New Zealand Parliament. The selection of these three countries is the main reference of Parliament Malaysia since its establishment in 1959. Data collection was done through the official websites of the House of Commons Library, Parliamentary Library-Parliament of Australia, and Parliamentary Library-New Zealand Parliament as well as written responses sent via emails by officials from the House of Commons Library, UK Parliament, Parliamentary Library, Parliament House of Australia, and Parliamentary Information Service, New Zealand Parliament. The findings showed that the Research and Library Division of the Parliament of Malaysia has improved its service and competency with the addition of new products such as opinions and editorial writings in local newspaper and article journal. Furthermore, strengthening this research division also involves external participation, particularly by the academicians and civil society, in various academic activities organised by this division. The findings further suggest the need to increase the number of research officers working at the Research and Library Division of the Parliament of Malaysia to meet the high workload and product output.
马来西亚国会研究和图书馆司是马来西亚国会的一个部门,为各政党的国会议员提供研究服务和信息资源。通过确保获得无党派、及时和便利的高质量信息的研究服务,加强该研究部门的服务,以提高议会作为该国立法机构的有效性。本研究探讨该学部的功能与研究成果,以进一步强化其在议会制度中的功能与作用。研究部门还在英国议会、澳大利亚议会大厦和新西兰议会这三个外国议会进行了功能和产品的异同探索。这三个国家的选择是马来西亚议会自1959年成立以来的主要参考。通过下议院图书馆、澳大利亚议会图书馆、新西兰议会图书馆的官方网站以及英国议会下议院图书馆、澳大利亚议会图书馆和新西兰议会信息服务处的官员通过电子邮件发送的书面回复进行数据收集。调查结果表明,马来西亚国会的研究和图书馆部门已经提高了其服务和能力,增加了新的产品,如在当地报纸和文章期刊上发表意见和社论。此外,加强这一研究部门还涉及外部参与,特别是由院士和民间社会参与该部门组织的各种学术活动。调查结果进一步表明,需要增加在马来西亚议会研究和图书馆司工作的研究干事人数,以应付高工作量和产品产出。
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引用次数: 0
Sistem Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas di Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Malaysia: Penilaian Kritikal terhadap Instrumen Semak dan Imbang Legislatif
Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.54313/journalmp.v3i.96
Muthanna Saari
The core functions of parliament, namely, legislative, oversight and representative, reflect the significant contribution of parliament institutions to the overall governance of the country. These roles add value to the Executive’s activities while at the same time legitimising their actions. The role of parliament in ensuring good governance is manifested through the representation function and the government’s accountability in parliament. This paper aims to examine the role of checks and balances in the legislature through the Special Select Committee System in the Dewan Rakyat, Parliament of Malaysia. The paper first gives a brief overview of the background of the establishment of the current Special Select Committee System in the Dewan Rakyat, followed by a comparison with select committee systems in the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. Next, this paper analyses the strength and possible improvements of the Special Select Committee System before concluding with serious considerations for its strengthening as a way forward for the realisation of the Special Select Committee System for legislative bodies in Malaysia.
议会的核心职能,即立法、监督和代表,反映了议会机构对国家整体治理的重要贡献。这些角色为行政人员的活动增加价值,同时使其行动合法化。议会在确保善治方面的作用体现在议会的代表职能和政府问责制上。本文旨在探讨通过马来西亚国会特别委员会制度在立法机构中的制衡作用。本文首先简要概述了目前在下议院设立特别委员会制度的背景,然后与英国、澳大利亚和新西兰的特别委员会制度进行了比较。接下来,本文分析了特别委员会制度的优势和可能的改进,最后认真考虑了加强特别委员会制度作为实现马来西亚立法机构特别委员会制度的前进道路。
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引用次数: 1
'Yang Indah-Indah', Bahasa dan Ideologi dalam Pantun Perbahasan Parlimen Ke-14
Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.54313/journalmp.v3i.88
Muhammad Qhidir Bin Mat Isa
As the oldest Malay literary art form, Pantun aspires to the creation of ‘yang indah-indah’. In addition to the harmonious musical elements, vivid alternate rhymes that are both perceived, the beauty of a Pantun lies in its ability to convey deductive meanings using solid and transcendental allegory. For this reason, politicians are inclined to make use of this art form as a discursive strategy in political discussions despite its brevity due to its accurate, concise, and captivating quality and its deep effect on readers.  Consequently, discourse Pantun becomes one of the important sources of explanation of the phenomena of language and power that take place in political discourse. Therefore, this study aims to elucidate the relationship between language and power that exist in Pantun forms, as well as to analyse the principles that support the aesthetics of Pantun recited in the Fourteenth Parliament of Senate Assembly’s Hansard text.  Van Djik’s Ideological Square Scheme within the Critical Discourse Analysis is applied, along with Muhammad Haji Salleh’s literary theory Puitika Sastera Melayu (PSM). In short, in addition to its procedural function, it was found that poetry plays an important role in generating binary polarization through various discursive strategy such as Evidentiality, Self-Glorification, Victimisation, Burden, Lexicalisation, Illustration, Argumentation, Generalisasion and Metaphore. The selection of Pantun in this study dynamically and relatively fulfilled all six principles of ‘yang indah-indah’ of PSM theory. 
作为马来最古老的文学艺术形式,盘顿渴望创造“扬indah-indah”。除了和谐的音乐元素和生动的交替韵律外,盘图的美还在于它能够用坚实的、先验的寓言来传达演绎意义。因此,政治家们倾向于在政治讨论中使用这种艺术形式作为一种话语策略,尽管它短小精悍,但由于其准确、简洁、迷人的品质和对读者的深刻影响。因此,话语盘顿成为解释政治话语中语言和权力现象的重要来源之一。因此,本研究旨在阐明盘顿形式中存在的语言与权力之间的关系,并分析第十四届参议院会议的议事录文本中支持盘顿美学的原则。本文运用了范·吉克的批评话语分析中的意识形态广场方案,以及穆罕默德·哈吉·萨勒的“普提卡·萨斯特拉·梅拉尤”文学理论。总之,除了程序功能外,诗歌还通过证据化、自我美化、受害化、负担化、词汇化、例证化、论证化、概括化和隐喻化等话语策略在产生二元分化中发挥了重要作用。本研究对盘屯的选择是动态的,相对地满足了PSM理论的“阳因达-因达”六个原则。
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引用次数: 0
Hak Negeri Melayu ke Atas Pelantar Benua: Kajian Kes Malaysia Mengikut Analisis Jurisprudens Watan
Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.54313/journalmp.v3i.94
Wan Ahmad Fauzi Wan Husain
The sovereign rights of a country over territorial waters are not a new issue. As an independent State, it has sovereignty within its territory and external sovereignty in the form of international recognition. Disputes over territorial rights remain between one State and another today, resulting in tensions in political relations. A local issue close to this subject that still arises is the right of a state in the Federation over petroleum production.  Hence, this paper aims to analyse the rights of a Malay State over the territory of the Continental shelf of Malaysia, as it is there that petroleum resources are explored. This study is a legal analysis using a case study design promoting the method of watanic jurisprudence to analyse a few primary legislation, including UNCLOS, the Continental Shelf Act 1966, and the Territorial Sea Act 2012. This paper found that the territorial waters of the Malay State in the Federation cannot be limited to 3 nautical miles from the low tide line in pursuance of the Territorial Sea Act 2012 without strict compliance with Article 2 of the Federal Constitution. The legitimacy of the territorial limits of the State’s waters is essential as it determines the State’s rights to the Continental shelf and its petroleum production recognised for a coastal state by International Law.
一个国家的领海主权不是一个新问题。作为一个独立国家,它在其领土内拥有主权,并以国际承认的形式拥有对外主权。今天,一国与另一国之间仍然存在领土权利争端,导致政治关系紧张。与这个问题密切相关的一个地方问题是联邦中一个州对石油生产的权利。因此,本文旨在分析马来国家对马来西亚大陆架领土的权利,因为石油资源是在那里勘探的。本研究采用案例研究设计的法律分析方法,推广海洋法学的方法来分析一些主要立法,包括《联合国海洋法公约》、《1966年大陆架法》和《2012年领海法》。本文发现,在没有严格遵守联邦宪法第2条的情况下,根据2012年领海法令,联邦中马来州的领海不能被限制在退潮线3海里以内。一国水域领土界限的合法性至关重要,因为它决定了该国对大陆架及其石油生产的权利,而国际法承认其为沿海国。
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引用次数: 0
Parliamentarians & Multi-Stakeholder Partnerships in Implementing SDGs: In 57 Parliamentary Constituencies (Between 2020 and 2022) during the 14th Parliamentary Session 国会第十四届会议期间在57个议会选区(2020年至2022年)实施可持续发展目标的议员和多利益攸关方伙伴关系
Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.54313/journalmp.v3i.92
Prof. Datuk Dr. Denison Jayasooria, N. Othman
Parliamentarians in Malaysia have been very active in localising Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) at the constituency level since the establishment of the All-Party Parliamentary Group Malaysia on Sustainable Development Goals (APPGM-SDG). Between October 2019 (when the APPGM-SDG was established) and October 10, 2022 (when the Parliament was dissolved), the 14th Parliament launched a truly bipartisan initiative. It is a significant establishment of a formal structure and mechanism for engagement between parliamentarians and non-parliamentarians. It was the first of the APPGMs and remained very active in the 14th parliament. This article reviews these three years noting achievements, challenges, and the way forward for the 15th parliamentary session over the next four to five years.  Through the localisation process, we have recognised the importance of partnerships between parliamentarians, civil society activists, and academicians from universities and policy think tank groups. This partnership has a direct impact at both the grassroots at the micro level through SDG micro solution projects and policy advocacy on the macro national and cross-cutting concerns. Both dimensions have good scope for citizens’ participation in grassroots decentralised delivery of services on the one hand, as well as macro national level policy formulation. This process has definitive lessons for the global community.
自从马来西亚可持续发展目标跨党派议会小组(APPGM-SDG)成立以来,马来西亚议员一直非常积极地在选区层面将可持续发展目标(SDG)本地化。从2019年10月(APPGM-SDG成立之日)到2022年10月10日(议会解散之日),第14届议会发起了一项真正的两党倡议。它为议员和非议员之间的接触建立了一个正式的结构和机制,意义重大。这是第一个APPGMs,在第14届议会中仍然非常活跃。本文回顾了这三年取得的成就、面临的挑战以及今后四五年内第十五届国会的前进方向。通过本地化过程,我们认识到议员、公民社会活动家、大学学者和政策智库团体之间伙伴关系的重要性。这种伙伴关系通过可持续发展目标微观解决方案项目和宏观国家和跨领域关注的政策倡导,在基层和微观层面产生直接影响。一方面,这两个维度都为公民参与基层分散式服务提供以及宏观国家层面的政策制定提供了良好的空间。这一进程对国际社会具有明确的教训。
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引用次数: 0
Reforming the Dewan Negara: Its Evolution and Options for Reform 改革国会议员:演变与改革选择
Pub Date : 2022-07-27 DOI: 10.54313/journalmp.v2i.55
Ren Ming Fong
Despite its prominent position as the upper House of the Malaysian Parliament, the inherent structural and operational weaknesses of the Dewan Negara culminates in a chamber that fails to inspire public attention and confidence. This is a significant contrast with the attention that the lower House, the Dewan Rakyat usually draws and is a departure from the original vision that it should be an influential forum of debate and discussion. Nonetheless, the general apathy with which the public may perceive the chamber should not distract from the benefits that serious reform of the chamber may provide. As attention paid to parliamentary reform in Malaysia increasingly focuses overwhelmingly on the Dewan Rakyat, it is equally important that the Dewan Negara be considered as an integral element to any parliamentary reform efforts. In dealing with this issue, this paper explores the historical evolution of the Dewan Negara and the current issues it faces. It then performs a comparative study of the Australian and Canadian Senates to glean usable lessons, culminating in a discussion of possible reform options for the Dewan Negara.
尽管它是马来西亚议会上院的显赫地位,但国会内部固有的结构和运作弱点使其无法激发公众的关注和信心。这与下议院(下议院)通常引起的关注形成鲜明对比,背离了它应该成为一个有影响力的辩论和讨论论坛的最初愿景。尽管如此,公众对众议院的普遍冷漠不应使人们忽视对众议院进行认真改革可能带来的好处。由于对马来西亚议会改革的关注日益压倒性地集中在国会议员身上,同样重要的是,将国会议员视为任何议会改革努力的一个组成部分。针对这一问题,本文探讨了国会的历史演变及其面临的问题。然后,它对澳大利亚和加拿大参议院进行了比较研究,以收集可用的经验教训,最后讨论了国会可能的改革方案。
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引用次数: 0
Parliamentary Oversight to Uphold Accountability in the Review Process of Sustainable Development Goals 议会监督在可持续发展目标审查过程中坚持问责制
Pub Date : 2022-07-27 DOI: 10.54313/journalmp.v2i.57
Amy Tam
The 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development recognises the contribution of multi-stakeholders in the process of conducting regular and inclusive reviews of progress at the national and sub-national levels. Parliaments have an essential role in supporting the process through the enactment of legislation and the adoption of budget. The role of parliament includes ensuring accountability for the effective implementation of the 2030 Agenda. A regular follow-up and review with an accountability structure would support a comprehensive assessment and oversight of SDG implementation. In adopting a whole-of-nation approach and ensuring effective law and policy implementation, oversight of SDG implementation actions would ensure that resources, policies, and programmes produce the intended outcome. The SDG Goal 16 supports good governance as an enabler to the other 16 goals. The good governance process enhances accountability, transparency, and participatory decision-making for an inclusive SDG implementation. This paper sheds light on the measures taken by parliaments around the world in placing accountability into their work on implementing the SDG. It would draw on lessons learned from the experiences of these parliaments as a way forward for parliaments to be involved in the SDG implementation.
《2030年可持续发展议程》肯定了多方利益攸关方在国家和国家以下各级定期开展包容性进展审查过程中的贡献。议会在通过立法和通过预算来支持这一进程方面发挥着重要作用。议会的作用包括确保有效执行《2030年议程》的问责制。建立问责制结构的定期跟进和审查将有助于全面评估和监督可持续发展目标的实施情况。在采取全国方针和确保有效实施法律和政策的过程中,对可持续发展目标实施行动的监督将确保资源、政策和方案产生预期的结果。可持续发展目标16支持善治,将其作为其他16个目标的推动者。善治进程加强问责制、透明度和参与性决策,促进包容性可持续发展目标的实施。本文阐述了世界各国议会在落实可持续发展目标的工作中实施问责制所采取的措施。它将借鉴这些议会的经验教训,作为议会参与落实可持续发展目标的前进道路。
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引用次数: 0
Patriarki, Politik Malaysia dan Pilihan Raya Umum
Pub Date : 2022-07-27 DOI: 10.54313/journalmp.v2i.65
Sharifah Syahirah Syed Sheikh
This article aims to analyse the situation of women as leaders and candidates in Malaysian politics, especially during the 14th General Election (GE14). The patriarchy practice is chosen as an analytical concept in reviewing how this system has impacted women who want to actively engage as leaders and representatives of the people in Malaysian politics. So far, Malaysia has recorded a disappointing world ranking for the number of female leaders, especially in the legislature, ranking 143rd out of 187 countries. This ranking position illustrates the country’s democratic setback in providing opportunities and space to half of Malaysians, namely women. There are three objectives of this article, which are (i) discussing women’s background and Malaysian politics, (ii) identifying the practices of the patriarchal system in Malaysian politics, and (iii) analysing the initiatives undertaken during GE14 that have challenged this patriarchal system. This article is written on a qualitative basis by analysing data obtained from secondary data, official documents, and observations during the GE14 period, including during the nomination of candidates as well as the month after GE14. This article found that the patriarchal system has clearly undermined and negated women’s potential as leaders in Malaysian politics and that it is strengthened through the cultural practices of political parties such as UMNO, PAS, PKR, DAP and BERSATU. In GE14, the practice of enhancing the hegemony of masculinity continued with a minimal number of female candidates, and female party members were still considered more suitable as party voters. However, there are efforts that have been carried out by various parties, especially the women’s wings of political parties, civil society, the media, and government agencies, that have challenged this system and have voiced the importance of women as leaders of the country.
这篇文章的目的是分析妇女作为领导人和候选人在马来西亚政治的情况,特别是在第14届全国大选(GE14)。在审查这一制度如何影响希望积极参与马来西亚政治的领导人和人民代表的妇女时,选择父权制做法作为一个分析概念。到目前为止,马来西亚在女性领导人数量方面的世界排名令人失望,尤其是在立法机构,在187个国家中排名第143位。这一排名表明该国在为一半的马来西亚人,即妇女提供机会和空间方面的民主挫折。本文有三个目标,即(i)讨论妇女的背景和马来西亚政治,(ii)确定马来西亚政治中的父权制度的做法,以及(iii)分析第14届全国大选期间采取的挑战这种父权制度的举措。这篇文章是在定性的基础上,通过分析从第14届全国大选期间,包括候选人提名期间以及第14届全国大选后一个月的二手数据、官方文件和观察中获得的数据而写的。这篇文章发现,父权制度显然已经破坏和否定了女性在马来西亚政治中作为领导者的潜力,并通过巫统、伊斯兰党、公正党、民主行动党和BERSATU等政党的文化实践得到加强。在第14届大选中,加强男性霸权的做法继续存在,女性候选人的数量很少,女性党员仍然被认为更适合作为政党选民。然而,各党派,特别是政党中的妇女派别、公民社会、媒体和政府机构,都在努力挑战这一制度,并表达了妇女作为国家领导人的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Lim Kit Siang dan Reformasi Parlimen Malaysia
Pub Date : 2022-07-27 DOI: 10.54313/journalmp.v2i.72
Chin Tong Liew, Mohammad Fakhrurrazi Mohd Rashid
The domination of the ruling party, Barisan Nasional (BN), in Parliament since the early 1970s have stifled the function of Parliament as a check and balance towards the government. The domination of the executive and the rigid nature of Parliament caused the ineffectiveness of the role of Parliament. This ineffectiveness gave birth to the idea for the reformation of Parliament to ensure that Parliament performs its role in scrutinizing the executive and fulfilling the aspirations of the rakyat. Among the Members of Parliament who were committed to advocate for the reformation of Parliament is Kit Siang who is known widely as a statesman and Malaysiandemocrat. This paper examines the ideas for reforming Parliament as discussed by Kit Siang since the 1970s that have brought a significance to the transformation of Parliament into a more democratic and balanced institution. The ideas for reforming Parliament should be disseminated and Parliamentary procedures should be strengthened for the good for the coming generation.
自20世纪70年代初以来,执政党国阵(Barisan Nasional, BN)在议会中的统治地位,扼杀了议会对政府进行制衡的功能。行政机关的统治和议会的刚性造成了议会作用的无效性。这种无能产生了改革议会的想法,以确保议会在审查行政和实现人民愿望方面发挥作用。在致力于倡导国会改革的国会议员中,Kit Siang是一位广为人知的政治家和马来西亚民主主义者。本文考察了自20世纪70年代以来由Kit Siang讨论的改革议会的想法,这些想法对将议会转变为一个更加民主和平衡的机构具有重要意义。为了下一代的利益,应该传播改革议会的思想,加强议会程序。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of the Malaysian Parliament
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