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Lincoln and Citizenship 林肯与公民
Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.10
Glenna R. Schroeder-Lein
The Concise Lincoln Library series, published by Southern Illinois University Press since 2011, now contains about twenty-eight volumes. One of the most recent is Mark E. Steiner's Lincoln and Citizenship, which follows the series format of a short book intensely focused on a particular Lincoln-related topic.Steiner sets the stage for his study by posing the following question: Whom did Abraham Lincoln mean when he addressed a crowd as “fellow citizens”? Did it mean the same thing to him as when he said “ladies and gentlemen”? Taking a chronological approach, Steiner shows how Lincoln's concept of citizenship changed over time.In his first comment about citizenship, a campaign statement published in the Sangamo Journal on June 18, 1836, Lincoln seems to have taken a step back from the then-popular universal white male suffrage, already a feature of the 1818 Illinois state constitution. He would offer suffrage only to whites who met obligations to the state, such as militia duty and paying taxes, and, in an aside, mentioned that this could include taxpaying women, although Lincoln was never an advocate of woman suffrage. Steiner explains this viewpoint as part of a Whig campaign against Democratic presidential candidate Martin Van Buren in 1836 and 1840, although other Whigs did not want to return to limiting white male suffrage. Lincoln did not continue to advocate taxpayer suffrage.In the antebellum period, nativism was very strong in the United States, particularly in the Northeast. The effort to restrict the rights of recent immigrants led to the founding of the American or “Know-Nothing” party in the 1850s. Lincoln always opposed nativism, and welcomed naturalized white males to citizenship, particularly German immigrants who supported the Republican Party.Lincoln was anti-slavery in his opinions, opposed to the extension of slavery into the territories, but not an abolitionist, favoring the immediate end of slavery. A moderate and gradualist, Lincoln favored voluntary colonization of freed blacks through late 1862, but he was not an active member of a colonization society.The issue of possible black citizenship, disallowed by the Dred Scott decision in 1857 and then made possible by the Civil War, as well as Lincoln's changing views on the subject, occupy the final two chapters of the book. In his campaign statements during some of the 1858 Lincoln-Douglas debates, Lincoln proclaimed his opposition to black political and social equality. He nevertheless believed, and stated, that blacks were equal in their rights to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” as found in the Declaration of Independence. In other words, blacks had “natural” rights and should also have some civil rights (to improve their condition, to own property, and to testify in court, for example). These complicated and sometimes contradictory opinions by Lincoln have been the subject of much discussion in a number of previous books. Steiner provides a clear and concis
《林肯图书馆简明丛书》自2011年起由南伊利诺伊大学出版社出版,目前约有28卷。最近的一本是马克·e·斯坦纳的《林肯与公民身份》,它遵循了一个短篇丛书的形式,专注于一个与林肯有关的特定主题。斯坦纳通过提出以下问题为他的研究奠定了基础:当亚伯拉罕·林肯对一群人说“同胞”时,他指的是谁?对他来说,这和他说的“女士们先生们”是一样的意思吗?采用时间顺序的方法,斯坦纳展示了林肯的公民概念是如何随着时间的推移而变化的。1836年6月18日,在Sangamo Journal上发表的一份竞选声明中,林肯对公民身份的第一次评论中,他似乎从当时流行的白人男性普选权后退了一步,这已经是1818年伊利诺伊州宪法的一个特点。他只向那些对国家有义务的白人提供选举权,比如民兵义务和纳税,顺便说一句,他提到这可能包括纳税的妇女,尽管林肯从来都不是妇女选举权的倡导者。斯坦纳将这一观点解释为辉格党在1836年和1840年反对民主党总统候选人马丁·范布伦的运动的一部分,尽管其他辉格党不想回到限制白人男性选举权的时代。林肯没有继续提倡纳税人的选举权。在南北战争前的时期,本土主义在美国非常强烈,尤其是在东北部。限制新移民权利的努力导致了19世纪50年代美国人或“一无所知”党的成立。林肯一直反对本土主义,并欢迎入籍的白人男性成为美国公民,尤其是支持共和党的德国移民。林肯在他的观点中是反对奴隶制的,反对奴隶制在领土上的扩张,但不是一个废奴主义者,他赞成奴隶制的立即结束。作为一个温和的渐进主义者,林肯在1862年后期支持自由黑人的自愿殖民,但他并不是殖民社会的积极成员。黑人可能成为公民的问题,在1857年德雷德·斯科特案的判决中被否决,然后在内战中成为可能,以及林肯对这个问题的看法的改变,占据了这本书的最后两章。在1858年林肯和道格拉斯辩论期间的竞选声明中,林肯宣布他反对黑人的政治和社会平等。然而,他相信并声明,黑人在“生命、自由和追求幸福”的权利上是平等的,正如《独立宣言》所写的那样。换句话说,黑人有“自然”权利,也应该有一些公民权利(例如,改善他们的状况,拥有财产,在法庭上作证)。林肯的这些复杂的,有时是矛盾的观点在之前的一些书中已经成为很多讨论的主题。斯坦纳对这些问题进行了清晰而简洁的考察。在南北战争期间,亚伯拉罕·林肯从倡导和敦促有偿解放和自由黑人的自愿殖民到建议黑人男性选举权,至少是那些在军队服役或明显“聪明”的男性。废奴主义者和自由黑人本身都不支持殖民的想法,大多数拉丁美洲国家拒绝允许在他们的土地上建立这样的殖民地,并且几次开始这些殖民地的尝试都是灾难。林肯最初反对使用黑人士兵,因为他担心这会把边境州赶出联邦,把其他一些联邦士兵赶出军队。然而,对更多士兵的需求——军事上的需要——让黑人加入了军队,尽管林肯担心他们会被证明是懦弱的。然而,黑人作为士兵的忠诚态度和令人印象深刻的表现,以及与弗雷德里克·道格拉斯和其他有资格和有文化的黑人的会面,鼓励林肯认为至少有一些黑人男性已经为公民身份和选举权做好了准备。当斯坦纳审视林肯关于公民身份的每一个观点时,他仔细地为这些观点提供了背景。除此之外,他还将林肯的观点与其他伊利诺斯州人的观点以及辉格党、一无所知者和共和党人的国家态度进行了比较和对比。斯坦纳总结说,虽然林肯在1836年落后于更具包容性的辉格党和国家对公民身份的看法,但他后来的观点在内战前的剩余时间和内战的大部分时间里都是典型的辉格党和共和党人的观点。然而,到1865年初,林肯已经领先于公众舆论,他提议为退伍军人和聪明的黑人提供选举权。正是这些观点害死了他。斯坦纳清楚地解释了他的观点,尽管偶尔有些重复。总的来说,这本书做了它应该做的事情。
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引用次数: 0
Editor's Note 编者按
Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.01
Editorial| October 01 2023 Editor's Note Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) (2023) 116 (2-3): 5–7. https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.01 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Editor's Note. Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) 1 October 2023; 116 (2-3): 5–7. doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.01 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressJournal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) Search Advanced Search THIRTY YEARS AGO, while plunging into the culture, society, and politics of Jacksonian America, searching for insights into those who lived those times, I encountered daguerreotypes, the first form of photography. The silvered, copperplate images stared into my eyes—a crusty John Quincy Adams, a trace of patrician superiority on his lips and eyes hungering for the next fight. Or an aged and battered Andrew Jackson, only a month or so before his death, his dimmed eyes swollen, the stiff mane of white hair and a toothless mouth signaling energy spent, but the determined line of his jaw kindling memories of January 8, 1815, as he peered over the barrier of mud and cotton bales toward the approaching British troops outside New Orleans.Other portraits, often enclosed in metal or wood, velvet-lined cases, were equally affecting. “Regular” people—a druggist smiling as he sorted pills, an enslaved person whose face hints... You do not currently have access to this content.
社论| 2023年10月1日编者注:伊利诺伊州历史学会学报(1998-)(2023)116(2-3):5-7。https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.01查看图标查看文章内容图表和表格视频音频补充数据同行评审分享图标分享Facebook Twitter LinkedIn电子邮件工具图标工具权限引用图标引用搜索网站引文编者注。伊利诺伊州历史学会学报(1998-)2023年10月1日;116(2-3): 5-7。doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.01下载引文文件:Zotero参考资料管理器EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex工具栏搜索搜索下拉菜单工具栏搜索搜索输入搜索输入自动建议过滤您的搜索所有学术出版集体伊利诺伊大学出版社伊利诺伊州历史学会杂志(1998-)搜索高级搜索三十年前,同时陷入文化,社会和政治的杰克逊美国,寻找那些生活在那个时代的人的见解,我遇到了达盖尔银版照相法,摄影的第一种形式。那些镀银的铜版照片凝视着我的眼睛——一个冷酷的约翰·昆西·亚当斯,嘴唇上有一丝贵族优越感,眼睛渴望下一场战斗。再比如年迈的安德鲁·杰克逊,就在他去世前一个月左右,他暗淡的眼睛肿胀,僵硬的白发和没有牙齿的嘴巴表明他精力耗尽,但他坚定的下巴线条点燃了1815年1月8日的记忆,当他越过泥土和棉花捆的障碍,凝视着新奥尔良外正在逼近的英国军队。其他的肖像画,通常被包裹在金属或木制的天鹅绒衬里的盒子里,也同样动人。“普通人”——一个药剂师在整理药片时微笑着,一个被奴役的人脸上暗示着……您目前没有访问此内容的权限。
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引用次数: 0
Swedish Chicago: The Shaping of an Immigrant Community, 1880–1920 瑞典芝加哥:移民社区的形成,1880-1920
Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.12
Cinda Klickna
As immigrants came to America during the late 1800s and early 1900s, they often settled in specific areas. Thus, the early records of a city can identify the various ethnic enclaves—German, Irish, Italian, and Swedish, to name a few—who lived in close-knit groups. As the immigrants gained work and flourished in their financial well-being, many moved to other areas of the city. Many times, the dispersion of people weakened their immigrant ties.Anita Olson Gustafson in Swedish Chicago: The Shaping of an Immigrant Community, 1880–1920 focuses strictly on the Swedes in Chicago who settled between 1880 and 1920 and challenges the view that the community life “eroded” when people moved to other areas. Gustafson argues that even as Swedes moved, the Swedish ties remained, establishing a strong Swedish presence throughout the city.The many Swedish churches and newly formed organizations and clubs were the catalysts of the Swedish influence in many neighborhoods of Chicago. Even though there were often divisive views in religious dogma and social mores, the result, Gustafson writes, “was a very dynamic, diverse, divided and dispersed Swedish community, rooted solidly on the proliferating and changing neighborhoods in which Swedish immigrants lived.”Gustafson traces the trend of Swedish immigration to America. Some made the journey alone; some in groups, joining others already living in the city; women often were accompanied by a male member of the family. The women often took domestic work, considered respectable; men worked in factories.By 1910, one-fifth of all people born in Sweden lived in the United States. The Swedish population in Chicago was larger than any other city in the United States and second in the world only to Stockholm.With the advent of elevated train lines in Chicago, people began moving to the outskirts of the city; truck farms were established, specializing in produce that could be taken into the city. By 1920, Gustafson says, “the Swedish enclaves, no longer as centralized as they had been in 1880, spread throughout the city.” Swedish businesses popped up.Letters between the immigrants and those back home created transatlantic ties. Excerpts from letters and journals showcase the pains, joys, health, homesickness, and struggles they faced. Gustafson claims the rural Swedes may have known more about Chicago than Stockholm.As people settled in new areas of Chicago, they built churches. These created a network where people spoke in their native language and shared in social events. The churches offered new immigrants a feeling of family. Several denominations—Augustana Lutheran, Mission Covenant, Swedish Baptist, and Swedish Methodist—each held differing views, often splintering groups apart, but establishing churches in newly settled areas was always a focus of the people. Gustafson provides an in-depth look at each of these denominations and their development, including a list of all the churches, the year established and location i
移民在19世纪末和20世纪初来到美国,他们通常在特定的地区定居。因此,一个城市的早期记录可以识别出不同的种族飞地——德国人、爱尔兰人、意大利人和瑞典人,仅举几例——他们生活在紧密联系的群体中。随着移民们找到了工作,经济状况也越来越好,许多人搬到了城市的其他地区。很多时候,人们的分散削弱了他们的移民联系。安妮塔·奥尔森·古斯塔夫森在《瑞典芝加哥:移民社区的形成,1880 - 1920》一书中严格关注1880年至1920年间在芝加哥定居的瑞典人,并挑战了人们搬到其他地区时社区生活“被侵蚀”的观点。古斯塔夫森认为,即使瑞典人搬走了,瑞典人的联系仍然存在,在整个城市建立了强大的瑞典形象。许多瑞典教堂和新成立的组织和俱乐部是瑞典在芝加哥许多社区影响的催化剂。古斯塔夫森写道,尽管在宗教教义和社会习俗方面经常存在分歧,但结果是“形成了一个非常有活力、多样化、分裂和分散的瑞典社区,它牢固地植根于瑞典移民居住的激增和变化的社区。”古斯塔夫森追溯了瑞典移民到美国的趋势。有些人独自旅行;有些人成群结队,加入已经生活在这座城市的其他人;妇女通常由一名男性家庭成员陪同。妇女经常做家务,被认为是体面的;男人在工厂工作。到1910年,瑞典出生的人口中有五分之一生活在美国。芝加哥的瑞典人口比美国其他任何城市都多,仅次于斯德哥尔摩,位居世界第二。随着芝加哥高架铁路的出现,人们开始搬到城市的郊区;卡车农场建立起来,专门生产可以带入城市的农产品。古斯塔夫森说,到1920年,“瑞典人的飞地不再像1880年那样集中,而是遍布整个城市。”瑞典企业如雨后春笋般涌现。移民和家乡之间的信件建立了跨大西洋的联系。信件和日记的节选展示了他们所面临的痛苦、快乐、健康、思乡和挣扎。古斯塔夫森声称,瑞典农村居民可能比斯德哥尔摩更了解芝加哥。当人们在芝加哥的新地区定居时,他们建造了教堂。这创造了一个网络,人们用母语说话,分享社会活动。教堂给新移民一种家的感觉。有几个教派——奥古斯塔路德教派、传教盟约教派、瑞典浸信会教派和瑞典卫理公会教派——各自持有不同的观点,经常使团体分裂,但在新定居的地区建立教堂一直是人们关注的焦点。古斯塔夫森对这些教派及其发展进行了深入的研究,包括所有教堂的名单,建立的年份和在芝加哥的位置。除了教堂,社会组织也统一了瑞典人:在1880年到1920年之间,瑞典建立了145个组织,提供社会互动、智力讨论和娱乐活动,同时保持了民族身份。成立了一些团体:圣殿骑士(通过节制和教育改善生活)、维京人(探索维京神话)、Svithiod(帮助生病的成员)。瑞典的协会都是围绕一个特定的焦点建立的——音乐、体育、戏剧。大多数都是男性,除了辅助人员之外不包括女性;妇女们自行组织了自己的社会团体和分会。古斯塔夫森在另一章中进行了充分的研究和记录,帮助展示了瑞典组织不仅对芝加哥,而且对世界其他地区的影响。一些在这里起家的团体在瑞典发展壮大。在美国其他地区成立的美国斯堪的纳维亚兄弟会于1915年在芝加哥合并为一个团体。在芝加哥的瑞典人赢得了良好的声誉。早在1895年,《芝加哥论坛报》就宣称:“在土生土长的美国人心目中,没有哪个民族比瑞典人更受重视。”古斯塔夫森断言,瑞典人并没有分裂,而是形成了一个网络,改变了芝加哥的部分地区,这在她研究充分、文献翔实、易于阅读的论文中是正确的。
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引用次数: 1
When Cinderella Ran the Show: Bertha Duppler Baur in Chicago 当灰姑娘主宰一切:伯莎·杜普勒·鲍尔在芝加哥
Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.04
Michelle Killion Morahn
HOLLYWOOD COULD NOT WRITE A BETTER SCRIPT than the real-life story of Bertha Duppler Baur. This small-town Cinderella used intelligence and determination to make her way in the world before marrying her Prince Charming. The fairy tale might have ended there, but Bertha continued to live as a wealthy, independent woman after her husband's untimely death. She was presented to the Queen of England and entertained European royalty in her home. Her daughter married a Canadian nobleman, securing a place in society. Truly a fairy tale story. But, in this Cinderella story, the Republican Party served as her fairy godmother, and the US post office in Chicago became her ballroom.Bertha Duppler Baur's story is more than a fairy tale, however. A truly modern woman, she moved in some of the highest political circles of her day. She was comfortable in the male world of politics and business, where she excelled, and she did this before women had the right to vote or held seats in the board rooms of corporate America. All this derived from her years in the Chicago post office.Bertha Duppler was born October 22, 1874, in Mineral Point, Wisconsin, to German Catholic parents who had immigrated to the United States in 1848. Her father Sebastian began his American life in Milwaukee, where he worked for the Pabst Brewing Company.1 In Sauk City, Wisconsin, he married Mary Fuhr in 1863. The couple moved to Mineral Point, a mining community in southwestern Wisconsin, where Sebastian operated a “sample room,” with the family living above. A sample room was a licensed saloon that provided space for traveling salesmen to display their wares.2 The local newspaper noted he carried “wines, liquors, and cigars,” but also a temperance drink known as Spruce Beer, and liquors for “medicinal, mechanical, scientific, or harvesting purposes,”3 suggesting recognition of the power of temperance and respect for it. This practical approach to alcohol would later influence Bertha's run for Congress.Bertha's mother Mary died when she was just six years old, leaving her father with four children, two boys and two girls, with Bertha being the youngest. He never remarried. Bertha's older sister Rosa married a boy from a nearby town, and moved to Iowa just five months after their mother's death, leaving Bertha without a female presence in her daily life.4 Many years later, after her marriage to Jacob Baur, Bertha took a course in home management at Chicago's School of Domestic Arts and Science to learn how to supervise a household, since this knowledge was not passed to her.5 Today known as “home economics,” the course of study was designed to bring scientific rigor to domestic labor,6 creating “domestic engineers.”7Bertha attended public schools in Mineral Point, graduating from High School with honors in 1889.8 Eager to assert her independence and make a name in the world, after graduation at age seventeen, she moved to Chicago by herself and studied at the Metropolitan Business College wher
好莱坞不可能写出比伯莎·杜普勒·鲍尔的真实故事更好的剧本了。这个小镇上的灰姑娘在嫁给她的白马王子之前,用她的智慧和决心在这个世界上取得了成功。童话也许就此结束了,但伯莎在丈夫英年早逝后,继续作为一个富有、独立的女人生活着。她被介绍给英国女王,并在家中招待欧洲皇室成员。她的女儿嫁给了一位加拿大贵族,在社会上获得了一席之地。真是一个童话故事。但是,在这个灰姑娘的故事中,共和党是她的仙女教母,芝加哥的美国邮局成了她的舞厅。然而,伯莎·杜普勒·鲍尔的故事不仅仅是一个童话故事。作为一个真正的现代女性,她进入了当时一些最高的政治圈子。她在男性的政治和商业世界里游手好脚,在那里她表现出色,而且她在这方面做得很好,当时女性还没有投票权或在美国公司的董事会中拥有席位。这一切都源于她在芝加哥邮局的岁月。伯莎·杜普勒于1874年10月22日出生在威斯康星州的矿物点,父母是德国天主教徒,他们于1848年移民到美国。她的父亲塞巴斯蒂安在密尔沃基开始了他的美国生活,在那里他为帕布斯特酿造公司工作。1在威斯康星州的索克市,他于1863年与玛丽·富尔结婚。这对夫妇搬到了威斯康星州西南部的矿业社区Mineral Point,塞巴斯蒂安在那里经营着一个“样品室”,一家人住在上面。样品室是有执照的酒馆,为旅行的推销员提供展示商品的空间当地报纸指出,他带了“葡萄酒、烈酒和雪茄”,但也带了一种名为云杉啤酒(Spruce Beer)的节制饮料,以及“药用、机械、科学或收获用途”的酒,这表明他认识到节制的力量,并尊重它。这种对待酒精的实际做法后来影响了伯莎竞选国会议员。伯莎的母亲玛丽在她6岁时就去世了,留给父亲四个孩子,两男两女,伯莎是最小的。他从未再婚。伯莎的姐姐罗莎嫁给了附近小镇的一个男孩,并在母亲去世五个月后搬到了爱荷华州,这使得伯莎的日常生活中没有了一个女性的存在许多年后,在她嫁给雅各布·鲍尔之后,伯莎参加了芝加哥家庭艺术与科学学院的家庭管理课程,学习如何管理一个家庭,因为这方面的知识并没有传给她这门课程今天被称为“家政学”,其目的是将科学的严谨性引入家政劳动,培养“家政工程师”。伯莎就读于矿物点的公立学校,并于1889年以优异成绩从高中毕业。17岁毕业后,她渴望维护自己的独立,在世界上扬名立万,于是独自搬到芝加哥,在大都会商学院学习速记和打字截至1890年,大都会商学院是芝加哥28所商学院之一。伯莎是19世纪末涌入芝加哥的数千名年轻女性中的一员。随着工作性质的变化,对办公室职员的需求也在增加。工业资本主义需要一套新的技能来满足日益增长的经济对簿记、秘书和其他办公室工作的需求。传统上是男人的工作,随着打字机和商业机器的出现,秘书工作变成了女人的工作。大都会学院90%的学生是女性,大多数是中产阶级。一个人可以白天打工交学费,晚上上课,在六个月内完成学业所学到的技能可以让年轻女性挣到足够的钱来养活自己,或者在经济上帮助她的家庭,而且这种工作被认为比工厂工作或零售工作更可取,收入更高。根据1892年伊利诺斯州劳工统计局的一项研究,“所有文职人员的平均工资……为每周8.79美元,而非办公室雇员的平均工资为每周5.71美元。人们认为,中产阶级妇女具备必要的语言技巧和礼仪,以适应办公室的环境。伯莎具备了所有的条件——她博览百书,谈吐得体,这从她的高中成绩就可以看出来,而且由于她父亲的职业,她知道如何与男人相处。伯莎利用速记和打字的技能进入了男性主导的铁路行业。她成为了w·s·帕克赫斯特的秘书,为印第安纳州安德森的米德兰铁路公司提供客运和货运代理。在一份被称为“利润丰厚”的工作中,她真正学会了如何经营铁路在这个职位上学到的物流知识后来在芝加哥邮局派上了用场。 在安德森的那段时间里,伯莎成了镇上受欢迎的年轻女子。她家乡的报纸指出,在她离开之前,“安德森俱乐部的几位成员将举行招待会并跳舞……向伯莎·迪普勒小姐致敬。”该报指出,她“在安德森结识了很多朋友,在社交圈很受欢迎”。她搬回芝加哥后,又到安德森来过几次。1891年米德兰铁路公司卖给亨利·克劳福德后,伯莎回到芝加哥,并在1893年的哥伦比亚博览会上工作。她的确切职位不详,但博览会管理部门雇佣了数千人,很可能她运用了速记技巧在博览会最繁忙的几个月里,仅总干事办公室就雇用了大约20人,但最终报告没有列出速记员或秘书的详细情况她聪明勤奋的名声引起了一些有影响力的人的注意,这使她在芝加哥的共和党全国委员会获得了一个职位。她是1896年共和党全国代表大会之后保留下来的最后一名速记员,尽管由于总部关闭,“速记员和打字员被彻底清理”。在共和党总部,她遇到了来自全国各地的共和党政治家。她会见了共和党的领袖人物,如俄亥俄州的造王者马克·汉纳(Mark Hanna),并会见了在全国共和党妇女协会(women’s National Republican Association)总部占据四间房间的杰出女性。这个有影响力的团体成立于1888年,在美国各地建立了俱乐部,以促进妇女参政。美国全国步枪协会的领导人朱迪思·艾伦·福斯特在党内行使庇护权,并为她的朋友和家人在政府中谋得职位福斯特是爱荷华州克林顿市的一名训练有素的律师,她和许多其他妇女一样,从禁酒运动中加入了共和党伯莎对国家政治的接触将为她的余生设定一个方向。她将继续为争取妇女选举权而工作,并参加了几次国际妇女选举权大会她是1920年芝加哥妇女在全国选举中获得投票权后第一批投票的妇女之一。她曾两次作为共和党候选人竞选国会议员,并在共和党全国委员会任职超过24年。她亲自会见了共和党总统,如威廉·麦金利、西奥多·罗斯福、卡尔文·柯立芝、沃伦·g·哈丁和赫伯特·胡佛,并定期参加总统就职典礼。由于伯莎的“勤奋和非凡的智慧”,她于1897年被任命为芝加哥邮局的一名职员,这是为数不多的担任这一职务的女性之一,年薪900美元,相当于今天的约29,500美元第二年,她被提升为邮政局长查尔斯·u·戈登的助理秘书,薪水增加了33%,达到1,200.24美元。她在后来的三位邮政局长弗雷德里克·科因、弗雷德·布塞和丹尼尔·坎贝尔的手下继续担任这个职位。在当选芝加哥市长之前,布斯只担任了很短的一段时间。但在担任邮政局长期间,他卷入了一场铁路事故,使他受了重伤,并被限制在家中。大家都说,伯莎接替了邮政局长的职务,直到他回来,这一事实通过美联社的一篇新闻报道被全国新闻界注意到了她会定期去布斯家签名并听取简报,但她负责日常运作。灰姑娘才是真正的掌舵人。伯莎的邮局工作要求她认识并记住每一个人。由于邮政局长负责6000多个工作岗位,她不得不应付那些想要与他会面的心怀不满、野心勃勃的人。伯莎彬彬有礼、彬彬有礼地处理了这件事。此外,她过于奉承的传记中写道,她总是“感激”并忠于在任者。她认识所有的官员,每一个办事员和一大队搬运工,就像她认识大多数县市官员一样,更不用说在银行业、法律界和日益扩大的州级和国家级政界人士圈子里工作的男女了。她还是一个机构知识的源泉,每一位新上任的邮政局长都认为这是无价之宝在邮局工作的11年里,她运用自己的专业技能和在男性办公室里学到的“人际交往能力”,确保了自己作为芝加哥最著名的“女商人”之一的地位。伯莎靠她的薪水过着舒适的生活。她在芝加哥黄金海岸的阿斯特广场16号的一家酒店
{"title":"When Cinderella Ran the Show: Bertha Duppler Baur in Chicago","authors":"Michelle Killion Morahn","doi":"10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.04","url":null,"abstract":"HOLLYWOOD COULD NOT WRITE A BETTER SCRIPT than the real-life story of Bertha Duppler Baur. This small-town Cinderella used intelligence and determination to make her way in the world before marrying her Prince Charming. The fairy tale might have ended there, but Bertha continued to live as a wealthy, independent woman after her husband's untimely death. She was presented to the Queen of England and entertained European royalty in her home. Her daughter married a Canadian nobleman, securing a place in society. Truly a fairy tale story. But, in this Cinderella story, the Republican Party served as her fairy godmother, and the US post office in Chicago became her ballroom.Bertha Duppler Baur's story is more than a fairy tale, however. A truly modern woman, she moved in some of the highest political circles of her day. She was comfortable in the male world of politics and business, where she excelled, and she did this before women had the right to vote or held seats in the board rooms of corporate America. All this derived from her years in the Chicago post office.Bertha Duppler was born October 22, 1874, in Mineral Point, Wisconsin, to German Catholic parents who had immigrated to the United States in 1848. Her father Sebastian began his American life in Milwaukee, where he worked for the Pabst Brewing Company.1 In Sauk City, Wisconsin, he married Mary Fuhr in 1863. The couple moved to Mineral Point, a mining community in southwestern Wisconsin, where Sebastian operated a “sample room,” with the family living above. A sample room was a licensed saloon that provided space for traveling salesmen to display their wares.2 The local newspaper noted he carried “wines, liquors, and cigars,” but also a temperance drink known as Spruce Beer, and liquors for “medicinal, mechanical, scientific, or harvesting purposes,”3 suggesting recognition of the power of temperance and respect for it. This practical approach to alcohol would later influence Bertha's run for Congress.Bertha's mother Mary died when she was just six years old, leaving her father with four children, two boys and two girls, with Bertha being the youngest. He never remarried. Bertha's older sister Rosa married a boy from a nearby town, and moved to Iowa just five months after their mother's death, leaving Bertha without a female presence in her daily life.4 Many years later, after her marriage to Jacob Baur, Bertha took a course in home management at Chicago's School of Domestic Arts and Science to learn how to supervise a household, since this knowledge was not passed to her.5 Today known as “home economics,” the course of study was designed to bring scientific rigor to domestic labor,6 creating “domestic engineers.”7Bertha attended public schools in Mineral Point, graduating from High School with honors in 1889.8 Eager to assert her independence and make a name in the world, after graduation at age seventeen, she moved to Chicago by herself and studied at the Metropolitan Business College wher","PeriodicalId":17416,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135324759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Illinois Bound: The Orphan Trains of the New York Juvenile Asylum 《伊利诺伊之行:纽约少年收容所的孤儿列车》
Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.07
Clark Kidder
NEARLY SEVEN THOUSAND CHILDREN WERE LOADED ON TRAINS by the New York Juvenile Asylum (NYJA) in New York City and indentured in Illinois during the years 1854 to 1906.1 The trains they rode, now known as orphan trains, were collectively a part of what historians refer to as the orphan train movement. An estimated two hundred thousand children rode such trains to nearly every state in the US.2 Excluding New York State itself, it was the Midwest that received the vast majority of children, with Illinois holding the distinction of having received the highest number—followed closely by Iowa.3It was New York City that gave birth to the orphan train movement. The city became overwhelmed by thousands of immigrants arriving from Europe—primarily Ireland and Germany—many fleeing hardships such as religious persecution or Ireland's infamous potato famine. Crime rates began to soar as a result of overcrowding and poverty. In 1848, it was estimated that between ten and thirty thousand children were roaming the city's streets.4 By 1850, the city's population swelled to 515,477.5New York City's chief of police, George Washington Matsell, described the situation as a “deplorable and growing evil.” In his report to city officials, he warned of “the constantly increasing numbers of vagrant, idle and vicious children of both sexes, who infest our public thoroughfares, hotels, docks.”6New Yorkers were horrified by a subsequent grand jury report on serious crimes: “Of the higher grades of felony, four-fifths of the complaints examined have been against minors. And two-thirds of all complaints acted on during the term have been against persons between the ages of 19 and 21.”7The city began building institutions to hold the thousands of children arrested for vagrancy, truancy, or petty crimes—many of whom were placed in adult prisons for lack of juvenile institutions to hold them. Some were full orphans, others were half-orphans, having lost just one parent. Many were the offspring of intemperate parents. Yet others were the children of parents who were simply destitute and unable to provide basic food and shelter for them, forcing them onto the streets, and in many cases, into begging or prostitution.It was not long before the available orphan asylums were overcrowded or completely filled. Several of New York City's Protestant clergymen decided the wide expanse and farms of the West would provide the wholesome and religious atmosphere required to reform the children, teach them a trade, and at the same time, alleviate the shortage of farm laborers.The NYJA, which was incorporated in 1851,8 held hundreds of such children. Asylum officials partnered with Charles Loring Brace, president of the newly formed New York Children's Aid Society (CAS), to send what is considered the United States’ first orphan train west. A company of thirty-six children, most of whom were furnished by the NYJA, were sent by train and steamboat to Dowagiac, Michigan, on September 28, 1854.9 The ve
如果雇主和孩子双方都满意,就签署契约文件。很少有关于NYJA儿童分配的第一手资料流传下来——大多数现在都永远消失在历史的阁楼里了。一个名叫约翰·邓拉普(John Dunlap)的男孩在1896年向西发送的一份报告表明,分发过程并不总是令人愉快的:少管所的女特工在车站等着我们。她把我们带到镇上主要的旅馆。吃过晚饭后,我们洗了个澡,然后被带到客厅,坐在椅子上。折叠门打开了,一群农民和他们的妻子从方圆三十英里的地方开车进来。他们表达了不满和厌恶,因为我们太小了。他们期望得到充分发展的男人和女人为他们无偿工作。他们走来走去,对我们拳打脚踢,就像我后来在赶集日看到他们踢牛一样。一个叫埃利斯的农民担保了我。他是一个严厉的主人,但他的妻子更严厉。我不得不在冬天和夏天一样努力工作。我做雇工的一切工作,虽然那时我只有十四岁。这样的儿童分配通常进行得很顺利。有一个值得注意的例外——1875年9月9日在伊利诺斯州的秘鲁举行的一次分发。收容所的代理人埃比尼泽·赖特(Ebenezer Wright)是负责人。有几个天主教徒(其中一些是农民)申请领养孩子。带领这群天主教徒的是史密斯神父和格雷神父,他们是附近著名的天主教牧师。公司里的四个天主教徒孩子中有三个被安置在天主教徒的养父母那里,但正当第四个天主教徒孩子即将被安置在伊利诺伊州拉萨尔的约翰·c·轩尼诗那里时,以史密斯和格雷神父为首的天主教徒团体强行占有了六到八个孩子,包括路易斯和奥古斯特·西蒙、亚历山大·林赛和两个姐妹,南希和格特鲁德·威尔斯。孩子们被迅速送到圣玛丽中学去了。几个天主教儿童申请人显然很沮丧,因为他们的申请被赖特拒绝了(拒绝的原因没有给出)。赖特立即发电报给纽约的精神病院,询问如何继续进行。9月14日,伊利诺斯州布卢明顿的《Pantagraph》刊登了赖特就这次惨败致编辑的信。他在结尾写道:“天主教徒在秘鲁的行动是草率和轻率的,因此陷入困境的是他们,而不是我自己。33 .有几个孩子后来被送回赖特先生那里。记录显示,林赛的男孩和威尔斯的一个姐妹于10月1日被送回,威尔斯的另一个姐妹于11月6日被送回——他们都被送回了收容所的西方机构。据报道,截至9月30日,路易斯·西蒙住在伊利诺伊州乔利埃特的一家酒店。多年前,天主教社区的成员一直反对他们认为新教组织(如NYJA和CAS)对天主教信仰儿童的传教,因为他们将天主教儿童安置在西方新教家庭的做法。这种担忧可能是1863年在纽约市建立天主教保护国的一个重要因素;然而,几乎没有证据表明天主教机构在这种做法上比新教机构少犯了什么罪。在早期,天主教儿童进入NYJA的人数远远超过新教徒。这至少在一定程度上是由于1845年至1850年间,估计有50万移民从爱尔兰涌入美国(主要是纽约市和马萨诸塞州的波士顿),其中许多人受到了臭名昭著的马铃薯饥荒的影响。例如,1854年,被收容的儿童中有576人被认定为罗马天主教徒,只有292人被认定为新教徒。随着时间的推移,天主教保护会的建立在改变这种动态方面发挥了重要作用,最终,在纽约大多数儿童机构中,新教徒的人数超过了天主教徒。传教从来都不是任何相关机构的书面或官方政策——无论是新教还是天主教。这只是任何特定机构的最初创始人所信奉的宗教的一个例子。他们认为他们有权利,不管是否正确,把孩子们安置在与该机构认同的信仰相同的家庭中。 具有讽刺意味的是,1875年,也就是伊利诺斯州秘鲁事件发生的那一年,纽约立法机构(显然认识到这个问题是争论的根源)通过了《儿童法》,其中部分内容如下:“在将任何此类儿童安置在任何此类机构时,安置该儿童的官员、司法人员或人员有责任将该儿童安置在孤儿收容所、慈善机构或其他改造机构,该机构应尽可能由与该儿童的父母具有相同宗教信仰的官员或人员管理或控制。1897年5月5日,纽约州州长布朗就一项法案举行了听证会,该法案将增加一项规定,即贫困儿童或孤儿也应被安置在有相同信仰的家庭中。CAS辩称,由于他们的组织安置的许多人是希伯来人,有些人是天主教徒,如果“进行宗教测试”,就不可能为他们找到家,并补充说,找不到犹太农民收养犹太孩子——是“美国农民愿意收养男孩”。NYJA主席莫奈·威廉姆斯(Mornay Williams)反对该法案,因为他认为执行该法案的条款会遇到困难。他解释说,收容所里收容了大量的俄罗斯和波兰犹太人,犹太人“不是农业民族”。他宣称:“我们无法为这些孩子找到完全相同宗教信仰的家庭……因此,我们应该放弃这项工作。其他国家没有这样的条件。这个州为什么要这么做?36一个叫安·哈里森的火车上的孤儿,在她还是个婴儿的时候,就被天主教开办的纽约弃婴医院送到了内布拉斯加州。她把这一切总结得很好:“你进来的时候是什么并不重要,出去的时候你将是一个天主教徒。”在被送往西部几十年后,安在纽约拿到了一份她的出生证明副本,并得知她是犹太血统——莫·科恩和珍妮·鲁宾的女儿。37 .契约在美国并不是一个新概念。1607年,弗吉尼亚公司在詹姆斯敦定居后的十年里,契约劳工第一次来到美国。契约奴役的概念产生于对廉价劳动力的需求。最早的定居者很快意识到,他们有很多土地需要照管,但照管这些土地的人却很少。男人、女人和孩子们签订这些最早的契约,以换取前往美国的旅费。nyja的男孩主要与农民签约,但也与铁匠和其他商人签约。女孩们通常被委以契约学习“家务”。契约的条款规定,孩子们必须同意“不破坏……也不要看到别人这样做,而不防止同样的事情发生。”孩子也不能“不经主人允许,不分昼夜地不为主人服务”,也不能经常到门房、酒馆、游戏室或赌场去。" 39 . NYJA的契约条款多年来略有波动。1887年,收容所写信给西部所有契约儿童,询问他们是否考虑将男孩的年龄从21岁降至18岁,以便与女孩的年龄相匹配。一个名叫乔治·h·米勒(George H. Miller)的十五岁男孩非常精明,他对这个问题发表了自己的看法:“孩子们来到西部时,对工作的了解就像牛对星期日的了解一样,他们要花好几年的时间才能学会所有的务农知识,而在十八岁的时候,十几个人中没有一个知道什么对自己是最好的,也不知道如何珍惜一个美好的家庭。在那个年龄,他们往往有一个大脑袋,如果让他们自己,他们中的许多人会成为流浪汉。我还可以多说些,但我想你会领会我的意思的。40事实证明,精神病院也有同样的意见,没有选择改变年龄,他们也从来没有质疑过这样做。1861.41年2月18日,伊利诺斯州立法机构通过了一项法案,使纽约少年收容所的契约变得“有效和有约束力”。发起该法案的两位伊利诺斯州参议员与他们试图保护的儿童有着非常私人的联系。他们自己在1860年2月从一家被派往西部的公司收容了收容所的孩子,亲眼目睹了收容所的契约制度是如何互惠互利的,因为它教会了孩子们一种职业,同时为他们的契约主人提供了急需的帮助。卡莱尔的詹姆斯·m·罗杰斯法官收留了一个叫约翰·沙利文的男孩,贝尔维尔的威廉·h·安德伍德收留了一个叫约翰娜·法雷尔的女孩。1898年,精神病院决定是时候把重点放在爱荷华州而不是伊利诺伊州的童工身上了。他们解释了这样做的原因:“伊利诺伊州本身也开始受到纽约市的影响…… 失去其作为大部分人民拥有自己住房的国家之一的地位,成为一个许多人只是他们所占据的住所的租户的国家
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引用次数: 0
Willa Beatrice Brown and Chicago's Aviation Legacy 威拉·比阿特丽斯·布朗和芝加哥的航空遗产
Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.03
Theresa L. Kraus
WHEN HISTORIANS AND BIOGRAPHERS WRITE ABOUT CHICAGO AVIATOR WILLA BROWN, they generally recount tales of her role as one of the first licensed female Black pilots in the United States and her indefatigable efforts to open military aviation to Black pilots. They often overlook, however, her personal struggles to obtain a pilot license in a White, male-dominated aviation community, and incorrectly identify her as being the first Black female to earn a federal pilot's license. Most rarely examine her inspiration and motivation for fighting established norms and advocating for the acceptance of Black pilots into the aviation community at large.1 Why, for example, did moving to Chicago and meeting the city's pioneering Black aviators result in a career change from teacher to aviator? What in her background drove her passion to become a spokesperson and lobbyist for change? In an age of racial injustice, segregation, and denied opportunities in many professions, Willa Brown's indomitable spirit and her extraordinary courage helped prove both Black men and women had the right stuff to take to the air.The well-educated Brown simply refused to take no for an answer. Outspoken and fighting for what she believed was right, she was one of a handful of Black women who made a difference for their sex and race in the early twentieth century. As one writer explained, Black women like Brown “didn't care what people thought of them, they didn't let racism stop them, they didn't let the threat of violence, didn't let social structures, stop them.”2 They did not give up in their fight for equality.Willa Brown's early life helped define the woman she would become later in life—educated, driven, and an advocate for equal rights. She was born on January 22, 1906, in Glasgow, Kentucky, the second child and only daughter of Hallie May Carpenter Brown, a Native American, and Eric Brown, an African American.3 In 1915, Eric and Hallie moved Willa, her four brothers, and a nephew from their farm in Kentucky first to Indianapolis, Indiana. The couple subsequently had a fifth son. As the only girl in a household of boys, she certainly learned early how to defend herself and speak up for what she wanted.Like many of their generation, the Brown's had joined the migration north in search of better employment and educational opportunities for their children, and to escape Kentucky's Jim Crow laws. In Indianapolis, Eric Brown worked as a laborer for the Citizens Gas Company. In Indianapolis, however, the Browns found little relief from discrimination, where schools and businesses were also largely segregated and the African American community remained small. The city proved fairly inhospitable to Black migrants. The Black population was isolated socially and economically, jobs were hard to find, and increasing Ku Klux Klan activity, especially in the political arena, made it difficult for Black residents to succeed.4 In fact, one historian described Indianapolis as having “the unen
当历史学家和传记作家写到芝加哥飞行员威拉·布朗时,他们通常会讲述她作为美国第一批获得执照的黑人女飞行员之一的角色,以及她为向黑人飞行员开放军用航空而做出的不懈努力。然而,他们往往忽视了她在白人男性主导的航空界获得飞行员执照的个人挣扎,并错误地认为她是第一位获得联邦飞行员执照的黑人女性。大多数人很少审视她的灵感和动机,她反对既定的规范,倡导接受黑人飞行员进入航空界例如,为什么搬到芝加哥并与该市的黑人先驱飞行员会面导致了从教师到飞行员的职业转变?她的背景是什么促使她热衷于成为变革的代言人和说客?在那个种族不平等、种族隔离、许多职业机会被剥夺的年代,威拉·布朗不屈不挠的精神和非凡的勇气证明了黑人男女都有能力登上天空。受过良好教育的布朗拒绝接受否定的回答。她直言不讳,为自己认为正确的事情而奋斗,是20世纪初为数不多的改变性别和种族的黑人女性之一。正如一位作家所解释的那样,像布朗这样的黑人女性“不在乎人们对她们的看法,她们不让种族主义阻止她们,不让暴力威胁阻止她们,不让社会结构阻止她们。他们没有放弃争取平等的斗争。威拉·布朗的早年生活帮助定义了她后来的生活,她受过教育,有进取心,是一名平等权利的倡导者。她于1906年1月22日出生在肯塔基州的格拉斯哥,是印第安人哈莉·梅·卡彭特·布朗和非裔美国人埃里克·布朗的第二个孩子,也是唯一的女儿。1915年,埃里克和哈莉首先将威拉,她的四个兄弟和一个侄子从肯塔基州的农场搬到了印第安纳州的印第安纳波利斯。这对夫妇随后又有了第五个儿子。作为一个男孩家庭中唯一的女孩,她当然很早就学会了如何保护自己,为自己想要的东西大声疾呼。像他们这一代的许多人一样,布朗一家加入了向北移民的行列,为他们的孩子寻找更好的就业和教育机会,并逃避肯塔基州的吉姆·克劳法。在印第安纳波利斯,埃里克·布朗是公民天然气公司的一名工人。然而,在印第安纳波利斯,布朗一家并没有从歧视中解脱出来,那里的学校和企业也在很大程度上实行种族隔离,非裔美国人社区仍然很小。这个城市对黑人移民相当不友好。黑人在社会和经济上被孤立,工作很难找到,三k党的活动越来越多,尤其是在政治舞台上,使得黑人居民很难取得成功事实上,一位历史学家将印第安纳波利斯描述为“美国种族主义最严重的城市之一,这一点令人羡慕。”1919年,他们全家搬到了印第安纳州的特雷霍特。特雷霍特的情况也好不到哪里去,布朗一家在印第安纳波利斯面临的种族歧视也没有得到多少缓解。在20世纪早期,特雷霍特有58157人口,其中只有2593名黑人居民。到1920年,该市总人口增加到66,083人,其中黑人居民3,646人就像在印第安纳波利斯一样,黑人在很大程度上仍然与白人隔离,专业白领工作基本上是他们无法企及的。埃里克·布朗(Eric Brown)在一家杂酚油工厂找到了工作,这是一份工资低而且往往很危险的工作。威拉的哥哥也在工厂找了份工作来补贴家用。威拉上的是威利高中,这是一所位于特雷霍特南部的废除种族隔离的高中。然而,她只是威利学校不到15名非裔美国人中的一员,他们大多数是男性,因为他们的运动能力而获得了一些认可参加学校的运动队并不能完全保护他们免受种族歧视。例如,1923年,威拉毕业的那一年,特雷霍特的全白人加菲尔德高中拒绝和威利一起参加橄榄球比赛,如果黑人球员穿上比赛服的话在学校期间,布朗兼职做家务——这是为数不多的对黑人妇女开放的职业之一。高中毕业后,布朗决心继续深造,进入位于特雷霍特的印第安纳州立师范学校就读,1929年更名为印第安纳州立师范学院,后来又更名为印第安纳州立大学。这所学院开放招生,并没有将教室和图书馆隔离开来。学校确实在餐厅、宿舍、会议场所和社会活动中实行种族隔离黑人入学人数仍然相当少,20世纪20年代,在550多名学生中,黑人学生不超过40人。布朗主修商务,辅修法语。 她还加入了黑人姐妹会Alpha Kappa Alpha,并继续做兼职家政以支付大学费用。毕业前,她接受了一份在印第安纳州加里市实行种族隔离的罗斯福附属学校教书的工作。这所学校最初是一所小学,1925年开始教授中学课程。1930年,该校第一批高中毕业生毕业。布朗在该校教授打字和速记。她赞助了写作俱乐部,并担任校报的指导老师在暑假期间,她回到特雷霍特的大学完成她的本科学位,她于1931年获得学士学位。她教书不久,加里的种族紧张局势爆发了。1927年9月,在18名黑人学生转到已经有6名非洲裔学生的爱默生高中后,爱默生高中的1500名白人学生和其他地区学校的学生拒绝上课。当学校董事会同意在90天内将黑人学生转移到临时建筑后,学生们又回到了教室毫无疑问,这次事件以及她之前的经历,帮助布朗认识到为所有人提供平等机会和机会的必要性。布朗的第一任丈夫威尔伯·j·哈达威(Wilbur J. Hardaway)也激发了她促进平等权利的愿望。在加里市工作期间,布朗遇到了该市第一位也是唯一一位黑人市议员哈达威。他在市议会中代表该市第五区他是全国有色人种协进会(NAACP)当地分会的积极成员。他毕业于塔斯基吉学院,是加里最早的黑人消防员之一。布朗和哈达威于1929年11月24日在该市的有色卫理公会教堂结婚。这段婚姻没有维持多久。布朗于1931年提出离婚。她很早就知道自己不是那种典型的中产阶级黑人妻子。意志坚强的布朗不愿打理家务,也不愿积极支持丈夫的政治生涯,她更喜欢在家庭之外从事职业。正如她后来解释的那样,“我不是做家庭主妇的料,他(哈达威)很快就发现了这一点。这对夫妇没有孩子。当哈达威提出反诉,指控布朗“与她以前的一名学生有不正当关系”时,离婚诉讼引起了公众的关注。在审判中,双方都向法官提供了证据,哈达威在法院的建议下撤回了他的申诉,法院批准了离婚。1933年,哈达威与厄玛·惠特勒-朗兹结婚。厄玛离过婚,育有两个成年子女。芝加哥是中西部最大的城市,人口约300万,其中23万是非裔美国人。芝加哥和特雷霍特一样,在很大程度上仍然实行种族隔离,大多数非洲裔美国人居住在芝加哥南区,那里被称为“黑带”或“布朗兹维尔”。种族主义猖獗,全国有色人种协进会(NAACP)和全国城市联盟(National Urban League)等黑人组织呼吁种族正义。到20世纪30年代初,民权运动已成为一个全国性的问题,黑人媒体,尤其是拥有全国读者的黑人报纸《芝加哥捍卫者》(Chicago Defender),在这场新生的运动中发挥了关键作用。芝加哥也成为美国黑人寻求更好生活的圣地。布朗到达芝加哥时,芝加哥的黑人文艺复兴运动正在进行中。黑人妇女在黑人运动和民权运动中发挥了重要作用,她们支持黑人艺术和文学,促进黑人教育和历史,努力确保公平的住房和就业,并作为积极分子结束种族隔离正如一位历史学家所解释的那样,“芝加哥的女性改革者是全国最有组织、最成熟的改革者之一,她们的领导人建立了安置所、孤儿院和全国第一个少年法庭。”不久,威拉·布朗就在这场社会运动中确立了自己的角色。作为一名大萧条时期的黑人女性,布朗出人意料地在新城市毫不费力地找到了工作。她向芝加哥教育委员会申请了一份教师工作,该委员会把她列入了候补名单在等待教师职位期间,她在沃尔格林(Walgreen’s)找到了一份收银员的工作,然后在私营和联邦部门担任了许多行政职务。1937年
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引用次数: 0
Until Justice Be Done: America's First Civil Rights Movement, from the Revolution to Reconstruction 直到正义得到伸张:美国第一次民权运动,从革命到重建
Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.09
Joseph Rathke
In the antebellum era, abolitionists, politicians, and Black activists in the United States fought to end slavery and demand racial justice. Along with renowned abolitionists and politicians, a diverse base of local activists and free Black people organized at the grassroots and agitated for legal rights at the state level. These proponents of civil rights formed organizations, produced publications, and created political parties to demand change in the face of fierce, often violent opposition.Earlier scholars of abolitionism and civil rights have worked to give agency to abolitionists and Black communities in this period, but a more complex problem remained. Historians have rarely interrogated the substantive mechanisms by which the fringe politics of abolitionism and racial equality worked their way into public consciousness and policy. In Until Justice Be Done, Kate Masur provides a stunning, provocative intervention to address this question: she argues that struggles to demand legal rights for African Americans in the antebellum era constituted America's first civil rights movement.While American federalism and political opposition made efforts to achieve legal equality impractical on the national stage, Masur shows that activists waged remarkable campaigns for civil rights at the state level long before the Civil War and Reconstruction. Civil rights proponents demanded rights premised on the citizenship of free Black people in northern states. They challenged state laws that restricted the legal status and rights of Black residents, producing influential campaigns that made inroads into state politics. In the mid-nineteenth century, Illinois became a significant epicenter for local movement-building that confronted the state's Black Laws. Masur shows how political organizing to demand citizenship rights for Black people in Illinois fed into the broader ascendance of the Republican Party as an antislavery coalition, both locally and nationally. Going further, Masur demonstrates how local movements for civil rights expanded to confront unequal laws across state lines. Abolitionists and their allies drew on legal protections and principles of citizenship in free states to confront the legal abuse and wrongful imprisonment of free Black sailors passing through slave states.In her final chapters, Masur uses her analysis of this antebellum civil rights movement to forge a continuity between the struggles for liberation and equal rights that took place before the Civil War and in its aftermath. She notes how activist pressure exploited new opportunities for civil rights advancement created by the war, taking the fight against black codes and support for the right to vote to places like Washington, DC, where slavery had once been firmly established, even as the war raged on. In the aftermath of the war, the Republican coalition that pushed through the 1866 Civil Rights Act and the Fourteenth Amendment represented a continuation of this long civil ri
在南北战争前,美国的废奴主义者、政治家和黑人活动家为结束奴隶制和要求种族正义而斗争。除了著名的废奴主义者和政治家之外,由当地活动家和自由黑人组成的多元化基础在基层组织起来,在州一级为争取合法权利而奔走。这些民权运动的支持者成立组织,出版出版物,成立政党,在激烈的、经常是暴力的反对面前要求变革。在这一时期,早期的废奴主义和民权学者一直致力于为废奴主义者和黑人社区提供代理,但一个更复杂的问题仍然存在。历史学家很少探究废奴主义和种族平等的边缘政治如何进入公众意识和政策的实质机制。在《直到正义得到伸张》一书中,凯特·马苏尔(Kate Masur)提出了一个令人惊叹的、具有煽动性的介入来解决这个问题:她认为,内战前为非裔美国人争取合法权利的斗争构成了美国的第一次民权运动。虽然美国的联邦制和政治反对派使得在国家舞台上实现法律平等的努力变得不切实际,但马苏尔表明,早在内战和重建之前,活动家们就在州一级开展了引人注目的民权运动。民权倡导者要求以北方各州自由黑人的公民权为前提的权利。他们挑战限制黑人居民法律地位和权利的州法律,发起了有影响力的运动,并进入了州政治。在19世纪中期,伊利诺斯州成为当地运动建设的重要中心,反对该州的黑人法律。马苏尔展示了为伊利诺伊州黑人争取公民权的政治组织是如何在地方和全国范围内推动共和党作为反奴隶制联盟的广泛优势的。更进一步,马苏尔展示了地方民权运动是如何扩展到对抗各州不平等法律的。废奴主义者和他们的盟友利用自由州的法律保护和公民原则,来对抗对经过蓄奴州的自由黑人水手的法律虐待和非法监禁。在她的最后几章中,马苏尔用她对内战前民权运动的分析,在内战前和内战后的解放和平等权利斗争之间建立了一个连续性。她注意到激进分子的压力是如何利用战争带来的民权进步的新机会,将反对黑人法典的斗争和对投票权的支持带到了像华盛顿特区这样的地方,在那里,即使战争肆虐,奴隶制也曾经牢固地建立起来。战争结束后,共和党联盟推动通过了1866年的《民权法案》(Civil Rights Act)和《第十四修正案》(14th Amendment),延续了要求种族平等的民权传统。Masur的介入之所以引人注目,部分原因在于它超越了将社会运动概念化为一种抽象的力量。通过将内战前的民权运动作为一种社会运动的传统,马苏尔在积极的政治斗争实践中建立了关于公众意识变化的抽象概念。她关注的是基层围绕政治变革的具体要求而建立起来的行动主义的证据。允许全国转向民权和废奴的政治意识本身没有抽象的机构,而是植根于抗议、请愿和组织的物质行为,这些行为往往非常不受欢迎,甚至是危险的。通过这种基于社会行动的镜头,直到正义得到伸张,将运动建设的宝贵证据带入了历史经典。马苏尔表明,民权运动不仅仅是通过广泛要求废除种族隔离和法律平等来建立力量,而是通过与黑人公民的权利和地位有关的实质性法律紧张关系的冲突,活动家和政治家策略性地利用这些冲突来要求在任何可能的地方实现公民权利。要求地方公民权、废除黑人法律和保护黑人移民的运动代表了民权支持者通过行动建立新政治的连贯、可实现的要求。由于在国家舞台上对废奴主义和民权的关注,这些地方性的斗争被推到了次要地位,但马苏尔表明,它们是组织和行动主义过程中不可或缺的一部分,正是这些过程使美国民权政治得以形成。
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引用次数: 0
Uneasy Partners: The Coming Together of Lindsay-Schaub Newspapers 不安的伙伴:林赛-绍布报业的合并
Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.06
Robert E. Hartley
AT THE BEGINNING OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY, the owners, editors, and managers of the Decatur Review and Decatur Herald could not have dreamed of a future that would make them wealthy and influential. It was enough just to survive the publishing challenges that claimed so many rivals and competitors in the 1800s.Their stories are in many ways reflective of the downstate newspaper fortunes that developed across the state of Illinois in such locations as Springfield, Kankakee, Rockford, and Peoria. The Decatur newspapers story is important in terms of the personalities involved, their willingness to bury individual pride and ambition to stay in business, not to mention their impact on communications across the lower half of the state.Most newspaper companies serving large downstate Illinois communities began in the 1800s as independently owned operations published weekly or less frequently. One study of the business states the first print edition, named the Illinois Herald, occurred before statehood in 1814, at Kaskaskia, the state's first capital.1 By 1827, the Sangamo Spectator appeared in Springfield. In the mid-nineteenth century, there were about three hundred newspapers in Illinois. The number grew rapidly. The 1880 census recorded 1,017 newspapers.2Similar patterns of development followed: weekly papers came and went; survivors started publishing daily before 1900; early in the twentieth century, more stable operations took shape as communities grew in population and technology improved profits. After World War I, survivors soon found merger or consolidation necessary to survive changing economic conditions and reader interests.The Great Depression of the 1930s further reduced the number of locally owned papers, with the first national newspaper conglomerates snatching up weakened local companies. By mid-century, further ownership changes occurred, leading to the growth of small family-owned chains. Those chains were purchased by even larger chains in the 1960s and 1970s, leading to a trend of decline in the number of papers, with most all owned by national companies headquartered outside Illinois.Throughout this evolution in publishing, the Decatur Herald and Decatur Review progressed in similar fashion, echoing developments throughout downstate Illinois. However, one distinction sets it apart from others. Eventually, through purchases beginning in 1932, Decatur Newspapers, later named Lindsay-Schaub Newspapers, Inc., at one point owned newspapers in five separate central and southern Illinois cities.In Springfield by the early 1920s, competition thrived between the Illinois State Register and the Illinois State Journal under separate ownerships. Copley Press, headquartered in California, purchased the morning State Journal in 1927. Copley bought the afternoon State Register in 1942, ending local ownership in the state capital city. Gannett is the owner today of the Journal-Register.The family of Len Small, governor of Illinois from 1921 to 1
每个社区的财务状况都会对报纸的未来产生严重的影响。该公司于1947年收购了《赫林每日新闻》、《墨菲斯伯勒每日独立报》和《卡本代尔每日自由报》,并将它们作为《南伊利诺伊州日报》和《周日报》出版。1964年,公司收购了《爱德华兹维尔情报报》(Edwardsville Intelligencer),结束了在伊利诺伊州的扩张。后来,林赛-绍布在密歇根州的米德兰和休伦购买了报纸,并在伊利诺伊州增加了广播和电视业务。1964年和1966年,收购了新里奇港和佛罗里达州威尼斯的周报。公司名称于1952年改为林赛-绍布报纸公司(LSNI)。1931年迪凯特两家报纸合并后,沃伦·f·哈代担任了《先驱报》和《评论》的编辑。作为缅因州人,哈代于1902年加入《先驱报》,并以强大的编辑声音而闻名。他只在《先驱与评论》担任了两年的编辑,直到他于1933年12月20日去世。接替哈代担任编辑的是爱德华·e·林赛,他是约翰·林赛的孙子,曾在《评论》的早期被提及。爱德华于1923年加入《先驱报》,担任广告推销员,为他的叔叔弗兰克·林赛工作。爱德华一直活跃在林赛-萧伯公司的事务中,直到1979年。林赛从1947年到1966年担任《南伊利诺伊州人》的导演和出版人,反映了他个人在卡本代尔的参与。20世纪30年代,随着迪凯特报业公司(Decatur Newspapers, Inc.)向东圣路易斯(East St. Louis)和香槟-厄巴纳(champaigne - urbana)扩张,林赛担任了报纸的编辑总监,负责挑选编辑和制定新闻编辑室预算。1935年,林赛聘请了伊利诺斯大学的毕业生大卫·费尔茨作为迪凯特报社的社论作家菲尔茨担任林赛的主播,在一个集中的新闻和编辑部的发展服务于所有林赛-肖报纸在伊利诺伊州。1958年,菲尔茨成为《先驱报》和《评论》社论版的编辑,两年后,他被任命为林赛-绍布所有报纸的编辑。他于1967年退休。林赛在组建内政部新闻部时寻找其他记者。1938年加入林赛的是o·t·杰克·班顿,他是伊利诺斯州锡安山人,曾为威斯康辛州的一家报纸报道立法机关班顿担任《评论》城市版编辑十年。1948年,林赛-肖布在迪凯特、香槟、东圣路易斯和卡本代尔都拥有报纸,林赛把班顿调到州事务记者的位置。18年来,班顿报道了州议会、州长的活动和州政府的新闻。Lindsay- schaub地点指定的具体兴趣主题包括高等教育、州立公园、娱乐和交通。最终,林赛增加了一些作家,他们扩大了对国家主题的报道范围,并为州和国家事务的社论写作带来了深度。这扩大了对全州选举活动和政治的报道。新闻每天通过租用的电报发送给报社。由于各家报纸在当地新闻报道上的预算捉襟见肘,与芝加哥以外的其他日报相比,内政部提供了一种独特的内容元素。该系统取得成功的关键是,当地编辑对使用总部提供的信息拥有最后决策权。该部门在1979年停刊时雇用了一名编辑和六名作家。31所有林赛-绍布报纸都有引人入胜的地方历史。然而,没有一个比迪凯特报业公司于1932年收购的《东圣路易斯日报》(East St. Louis Journal)更复杂或更有争议。在没有电视和大众传媒的日子里,东圣路易斯及其附近地区的公民几乎完全依靠当地的日报来获取信息和意见。市民对自家后院犯罪活动的了解是通过报纸记者和编辑的眼睛和耳朵过滤出来的。居民们可以阅读几份报纸,包括来自圣路易斯的大型都市日报。然而,当地新闻的主要来源是1889年诞生的周报《东圣路易斯日报》(East St. Louis Journal)。《华尔街日报》经历了91年的火灾、腐败、种族骚乱、诉讼、不感兴趣的老板、官方的炮轰和抨击,以及城市的金融变迁,直到1979年关门。《华尔街日报》的故事开始于1881年至1890年的十年间,当时美国正处于快速城市化的时期。在这些压力下,人们开始尝试组织东圣路易斯的工人。南方内战的余波和铁路交通的发展促使非裔美国人迁移到他们认为充满机会的北方城市。在铁路路线上,成千上万的移民在东圣路易斯停留。到19世纪80年代,这座城市已经具备了社会和政治动荡的所有因素。 他在卡本代尔做了两年记者,在迪凯特的总部新闻部做了四年,现在在斯普林菲尔德拥有并编辑《伊利诺伊时报》。他写道:“随着报业家族变得越来越老、越来越大,他们变得越来越难以取悦。他们很可能会被第二代人接管,他们更关心汽车和飞机,而不是伊利诺伊州高等教育的质量。当这种情况发生时,通常会有甘尼特(Gannett)、汤姆森(Thomson)或李氏(Lee)这样的人,随时准备将家族持有的资产转换为现金。林赛说,这些家庭出售房产是因为担心遗产税;[Fred] Schaub说,事情远不止这些。那两个人一开始就意见不合。汤姆·利特尔伍德(tom Littlewood)是《芝加哥太阳时报》(Chicago Sun-Times)在伊利诺斯州和华盛顿从事新闻报道工作的资深人士,他对林赛和绍布的交易表达了这样的看法:老林赛夫妇和绍布夫妇是特殊的报业巨头。在1931年合并了他们在迪凯特的两家报纸,然后又收购了在厄巴纳、东圣路易斯、卡本代尔和爱德华兹维尔的其他报纸之后,这些报纸的所有者一直在做一些奇怪的事情,比如出版长篇、深思熟虑、深入分析该州公共事务的文章。对大多数报纸连锁店来说,编辑质量只有在增加利润时才是重要的。现在,他的儿子和孙子们接管了公司。早期的领导人不是已经去世,就是已经退休,上世纪四五十年代的首席编辑爱德华•林赛(Edward Lindsay)就是一个例子。他们的继承人对编辑质量的要求较低;他们有其他的兴趣爱好,而且兴趣爱好太多,不方便聚在一起做决定。后来的几代人将报纸视为不那么有吸引力的商业投资。在伊利诺斯州,新闻媒体所有权的集中正在以飞快的速度进行。在利特尔伍德对新闻媒体所有权作出预言四十多年后,伊利诺斯州的大多数日报都为总部设在伊利诺斯州以外的公司所有。为了节约成本而合并编辑、制作、发行等职能,再加上面对利润减少而裁减人员,社区的报纸就业人数急剧减少。这导致用于报道地方和州政府新闻的资源减少。伊利诺斯州媒体公司的数据讲述了一个当今的故事:总部设在弗吉尼亚州的甘尼特公司拥有15份日报,分布在全州各地的社区,如罗克福德、皮奥里亚、斯普林菲尔德、马里昂、奥尔尼、庞蒂亚克、马科姆、基瓦尼、盖尔斯堡、弗里波特。总部设在爱荷华州的李企业公司出版五份日报,主要在伊利诺伊州中部和南部发行,如迪凯特、卡本代尔、布卢明顿、马顿/查尔斯顿。总部设在纽约的赫斯特集团在奥尔顿和爱德华兹维尔出版日报。远程所有权的一个例外是Shaw Media,总部位于伊利诺伊州的水晶湖,是七份日报和周报的出版商,位于伊利诺伊州北部的社区,如迪卡尔布、莫里斯、迪克森、渥太华和芝加哥郊区。在卖掉了伊利诺斯州的莫林、洛克岛、渥太华和明尼苏达州的罗切斯特的报纸后,坎卡基这个小家庭保留了当地的《每日日报》。在主要的州下日报中,它是唯一一家当地拥有的。
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引用次数: 0
A President Visits East St. Louis: The Racialized Politics of Market Talk, Enterprise Zones, and Abandonment, 1980–2010 一位总统访问东圣路易斯:1980-2010年市场言论、企业区和废弃的种族化政治
Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/23283335.116.1.05
R. Biles, M. Rose
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引用次数: 0
Contributors 贡献者
Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/23283335.116.1.02
Other| April 01 2023 Contributors Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) (2023) 116 (1): 7–8. https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.1.02 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Permissions Search Site Citation Contributors. Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) 1 April 2023; 116 (1): 7–8. doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.1.02 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressJournal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) Search Advanced Search Sean Jacobson is an Assistant Professor of Public History at the University of North Alabama. He earned a BA in History and TV/Film Production from Western Kentucky University, and he completed a PhD in Public History and American History at Loyola University ChicagoMark Flotow is an independent researcher and an adjunct research associate in Anthropology at the Illinois State Museum. He is the editor of In Their Letters, in Their Words: Illinois Civil War Soldiers Write Home, from Southern Illinois University Press.Roger Biles is Professor of History Emeritus at Illinois State University. He has written several books and articles on Illinois topics. He and Mark H. Rose are currently working on a book that deals with deindustrialization in the Calumet and Metro East regions.Mark Rose is Professor of History at Florida Atlantic University. He is the author of books and articles focused on American business, political,... You do not currently have access to this content.
其他| 2023年4月1日撰稿人:伊利诺伊州历史学会学报(1998-)(2023)116(1):7-8。https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.1.02引用图标引用共享图标分享Facebook Twitter LinkedIn电子邮件权限搜索网站引文贡献者。伊利诺伊州历史学会杂志(1998-)2023年4月1日;116(1): 7-8。doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.1.02下载引文文件:Zotero参考文献管理器EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex工具栏搜索搜索下拉菜单工具栏搜索搜索输入搜索输入自动建议过滤您的搜索所有学术出版集体伊利诺伊大学出版社伊利诺伊州历史学会杂志(1998-)搜索高级搜索Sean Jacobson是北阿拉巴马大学公共历史助理教授。他在西肯塔基大学获得历史和电视/电影制作学士学位,并在芝加哥洛约拉大学完成了公共历史和美国历史博士学位。马克·弗洛托是一名独立研究员,也是伊利诺伊州立博物馆人类学的兼职研究员。他是《在他们的信中,在他们的话语中:伊利诺伊州内战士兵写信回家》的编辑,由南伊利诺伊大学出版社出版。罗杰·拜尔斯是伊利诺伊州立大学历史学名誉教授。他写了几本关于伊利诺伊州的书和文章。他和马克·h·罗斯(Mark H. Rose)目前正在写一本关于Calumet和Metro East地区去工业化的书。马克·罗斯(Mark Rose)是佛罗里达大西洋大学历史学教授。他的著作和文章聚焦于美国商业、政治、…您目前没有访问此内容的权限。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)
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