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Minoritetspolitisk historie som profesjonskunnskap – en personlig refleksjon om «praktisk relevans»
Pub Date : 2019-03-26 DOI: 10.7577/FLEKS.3311
Cato Christensen
Working at Oslo Metropolitan University, which aspire to be a “university for professional education”, I often sense an expectation that my teaching should have “practical relevance” for the students. But does it need to, always?
在立志成为“专业教育大学”的奥斯陆城市大学工作,我经常感受到一种期望,即我的教学应该对学生有“实际意义”。但它需要一直这样做吗?
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引用次数: 0
Lone Swede in an International Military Staff Context: A Qualitative Interview Study 国际军事人员背景下的孤独瑞典人:一项定性访谈研究
Pub Date : 2018-12-05 DOI: 10.7577/fleks.2615
Aida Alvinius, S. Nilsson, C. Wallenius, G. Larsson
The purpose of this study was to gain a deeper understanding of the experience of Swedish officers when serving as the only Swedes in a multinational staff context. The methodological approach was qualitative and inductive according to the Grounded Theory method, and the empirical material is based on twenty completed interviews. The informants possessed a wide range of experience in a number of leadership positions as well as extensive participation in international operations. The building of contextual self-esteem is the central theme that emerged in the data analysis that may improve our understanding of officers serving as the only Swedes on an international staff. Contextual self-esteem and its structure can be understood through the following four processes: interpretation, adaptation, influence, and withdrawal. These occur to a greater or lesser extent depending upon both the individual and the context. Contextual self-esteem increases over time as experience of international operations expands. The longer the duration of a mission, the greater the influence becomes in contrast to adaptation, although all the processes are significant. The findings may be valuable in educational settings regarding challenges faced while serving alone during international military missions in multinational contexts.
这项研究的目的是为了更深入地了解瑞典军官在多国工作人员中作为唯一瑞典人服务时的经验。研究方法采用扎根理论的定性和归纳方法,实证材料基于20个完整的访谈。举报人在若干领导职位上拥有广泛的经验,并广泛参与国际行动。背景自尊的建立是数据分析中出现的中心主题,这可能会提高我们对作为国际员工中唯一瑞典人的官员的理解。语境自尊及其结构可以通过以下四个过程来理解:解释、适应、影响和退缩。这些情况的发生或多或少取决于个人和环境。随着国际业务经验的扩展,背景自尊会随着时间的推移而增加。特派团的持续时间越长,其影响就越大,而不是适应,尽管所有这些过程都很重要。这些发现可能对在多国背景下独自执行国际军事任务时所面临的挑战的教育环境有价值。
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引用次数: 0
Intercultural Awareness of Iranian English Language Learners: An Exploration 伊朗英语学习者的跨文化意识研究
Pub Date : 2018-12-05 DOI: 10.7577/fleks.2587
Zahra Edalati Kian
The present paper reports on a qualitative study investigating how Iranian learners of English as a foreign language understand culture and the extent to which this understanding meets the needs of efficient intercultural communication. In order to gather data, in-depth semistructured interviews were conducted with eight participants. The interviews were designed and thematically analyzed using Baker’s (2011) model of intercultural awareness. The model, which served as the analytical framework of the study, has been used to account for the knowledge, skills, and attitudes needed to communicate through English as a lingua franca. Based on the findings of the study, the main elements of the model are relevant in accounting for intercultural awareness—which varied among the participants—not only in English as a lingua franca setting but also in contexts where partners with different cultural backgrounds speak the same first language. Moreover, with the aim of developing learners’ intercultural awareness, the policies and practices of English as a foreign language teaching in Iran need to be revised.
本论文报告了一项定性研究,调查了伊朗英语学习者如何理解文化,以及这种理解在多大程度上满足了有效的跨文化交际的需要。为了收集数据,我们对8位参与者进行了深入的半结构化访谈。访谈采用Baker(2011)的跨文化意识模型进行设计和主题分析。该模型作为本研究的分析框架,用于解释通过英语作为通用语进行交流所需的知识、技能和态度。根据研究结果,该模型的主要元素与考虑跨文化意识相关,这在参与者之间是不同的,不仅在英语作为通用语的环境中,而且在具有不同文化背景的伙伴使用相同第一语言的环境中。此外,为了培养学习者的跨文化意识,伊朗需要修改英语作为外语教学的政策和实践。
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引用次数: 1
Sámi álbmotbeaivi – «samefolkets dag» eller «samenes nasjonaldag»?
Pub Date : 2018-09-17 DOI: 10.7577/fleks.2865
L. Lien
This article is based on the current debate about whether or not the official Sami flag day 6 February may and should be referred to as "Sami Day" or "Sami National Day." While the Norwegian government is consistently referring to the Sami as a people (folk), the Sami decided in 2005 that the celebration referred to the Sami as a nation. The use of the term “nation” by the Sámi Parliament has created reactions among parts of the non Sami population, especially in current and historical Sami core areas, and in some political parties, especially representatives from the Progress Party (Fremskrittspartiet). The negative statements in connection with the national identity of the Sami, reflects specific attitudes to the power relationship between the majority community and the Sami. In light of these criticisms, it may be useful to see the historical development of the Sámi political mobilization and the common European tradition from which it was born. The Sami National Consciousness grew up in the early 1900s, equivalent to Norwegian nationalism in the wake of union resolution with Sweden. At first glance, The Sami opposition in the period after 1905 seems to be in the business and cultural spheres, but looking at the sources, there is a language that was also indicative of the Norwegian majority community in the same period. The Sami opposition to the Norwegian authorities developed early strategies to respond to assimilation and cultural imperialism. Although the pressure of the Sami opposition fell in periods, it was an important self-awareness of the Sami as political subjects. The Sami initiative is important symbols of Sami political commitment and the national consciousness. The Sami resistance struggle testifies that the conditions of the Sami not only came under the reconciliation policy of the Norwegian authorities, but that Sami demands for rights and respect for language and culture have been fought through well over hundred years. The fact that the Sami nation-building process has been overlooked in Norwegian history writing is arguably an important reason why the idea of a Sami nation seems alien, provocative and partly revolutionary from a majority point of view. However, the Sami nation constitutes itself first and foremost as a cultural nation (cultural heritage, languages, myths, folklore, customs and history), not through demands for political independence.
这篇文章是基于目前关于是否应该将2月6日正式的萨米国旗日称为“萨米日”或“萨米国庆日”的争论。虽然挪威政府一直将萨米人称为一个民族(民间),但萨米人在2005年决定将庆祝活动称为一个国家。Sámi议会使用“民族”一词引起了部分非萨米人的反应,特别是在目前和历史上的萨米核心地区,以及在一些政党中,特别是进步党(Fremskrittspartiet)的代表。有关萨米民族特性的负面言论反映了对多数社区和萨米人之间权力关系的具体态度。鉴于这些批评,看看Sámi政治动员的历史发展及其产生的共同欧洲传统可能是有益的。20世纪初,萨米民族意识兴起,相当于挪威与瑞典结盟后的民族主义。乍一看,萨米人在1905年之后的反对似乎是在商业和文化领域,但从资料来看,有一种语言也表明了同一时期挪威多数社区的情况。反对挪威当局的萨米人制定了应对同化和文化帝国主义的早期战略。虽然萨米反对派的压力在某些时期有所下降,但这是萨米人作为政治主体的重要自我意识。萨米人的倡议是萨米人政治承诺和民族意识的重要象征。萨米人的抵抗斗争证明,萨米人的状况不仅是在挪威当局的和解政策之下,而且萨米人对权利和尊重语言和文化的要求已经进行了一百多年的斗争。在挪威的历史写作中,萨米民族的建立过程被忽略,这一事实可以说是一个重要的原因,为什么萨米民族的概念在大多数人看来似乎是陌生的、具有挑衅性的和部分革命性的。然而,萨米民族首先是作为一个文化民族(文化遗产、语言、神话、民间传说、习俗和历史)而不是通过要求政治独立而构成的。
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引用次数: 2
From indigenous education to indigenising mainstream education 从本土教育到主流教育本土化
Pub Date : 2018-09-17 DOI: 10.7577/FLEKS.2190
Kajsa Kemi Gjerpe
The purpose of this article is to discuss the concept of “indigenous education” in Norway and Aotearoa New Zealand. The point of departure is that both states face a common challenge with regard to indigenous education: Valuable resources are used on indigenous schools, but the majority of indigenous students attend mainstream schools. The article claims that the emphasis on indigenous schools has been necessary and important as part of the indigenous political movement. Nevertheless, in order to achieve culturally appropriate education for all indigenous pupils, this article argues that there is a need to indigenise mainstream education.
本文的目的是探讨挪威和新西兰的“土著教育”概念。出发点是两国在土著教育方面面临着共同的挑战:宝贵的资源被用于土著学校,但大多数土著学生上的是主流学校。这篇文章声称,作为原住民政治运动的一部分,强调原住民学校是必要和重要的。然而,为了为所有土著学生实现文化上适当的教育,本文认为有必要将主流教育本土化。
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引用次数: 7
Gjesteredaktørenes innledning
Pub Date : 2018-09-17 DOI: 10.7577/fleks.2931
Torjer Andreas Olsen, Cato Christensen
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引用次数: 0
”Urfolk” og ”mangfold” i skolens læreplaner
Pub Date : 2018-09-17 DOI: 10.7577/FLEKS.2248
Torjer A. Olsen, Bengt-Ove Andreassen
Since 1974, the curriculum for the Norwegian school has had a overarching part that puts the school and its content into a bigger social and political context. As such, this part of the curriculum is a highly political and ideological text that expresses the state's purpose and interest related to the school. This article looks into how indigenous people, minorities and diversity is represented in the general part of the curriculum from 1974 to 2017. The changing curricula show changes in the official politics and views on diversity. Through an analysis of the curricula we explore which terms and concepts that are used in the description of people and groups in Norwegian society. We focus primarily on the representation of the Sami, who move from being people in "mixed language districts" with limited rights, via being an "ethnic minority", to being an indigenous people with a set of rights. Further, we look into how the diverse society is represented, from the use of "alien workers", via "immigrants", to just "diversity". We argue that the concepts or strategies of politics of recognition and politics of integration respectively can be used to describe the curricula. Norway's educational policy towards minorities and indigenous people seems to exist between these two. In the end, this leave diversity competence as an important concept in the future Norwegian school.
自1974年以来,挪威学校的课程一直是一个整体,将学校及其内容置于更大的社会和政治背景中。因此,课程的这一部分是一个高度政治化和意识形态的文本,表达了国家与学校有关的目的和利益。本文研究了1974年至2017年期间,土著人民、少数民族和多样性在课程的一般部分是如何体现的。课程的变化反映了官方政治和对多样性的看法的变化。通过对课程的分析,我们探索了在描述挪威社会中的人和群体时使用的术语和概念。我们主要关注萨米人的代表,他们从“混合语言区”的人,权利有限,从“少数民族”,到拥有一系列权利的土著人民。此外,我们还研究了多元化社会是如何被代表的,从“外来工人”的使用,到“移民”,再到仅仅是“多样性”。我们认为可以分别使用承认政治和整合政治的概念或策略来描述课程。挪威对少数民族和土著人民的教育政策似乎介于这两者之间。最后,这使得多元化能力成为未来挪威学校的一个重要概念。
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引用次数: 11
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