Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0011
Patrick French
Based on a personal journey through states in south, west, and north India, starting from Bengaluru and ending with Banaras, this chapter examines popular and elite conceptions of electoral politics during the 2014 Indian general election campaign. It argues that the National Democratic Alliance’s success was not monocausal, but arose from effective targeting of ‘winnable’ seats, high turnout by new voters, the professionalism of the BJP’s national campaign, and limits in the success of appeals to caste identity in favour of voter preference based on economic self-interest and aspiration. Using interviews with individuals, ‘On The Ground’ looks at the ways local, regional, or state factors can affect voting decisions.
{"title":"On the Ground","authors":"Patrick French","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Based on a personal journey through states in south, west, and north India, starting from Bengaluru and ending with Banaras, this chapter examines popular and elite conceptions of electoral politics during the 2014 Indian general election campaign. It argues that the National Democratic Alliance’s success was not monocausal, but arose from effective targeting of ‘winnable’ seats, high turnout by new voters, the professionalism of the BJP’s national campaign, and limits in the success of appeals to caste identity in favour of voter preference based on economic self-interest and aspiration. Using interviews with individuals, ‘On The Ground’ looks at the ways local, regional, or state factors can affect voting decisions.","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117097911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0013
R. Thirunavukkarasu
This conversation between R. Thirunavukkarasu and T.K. Oommen underscores the sociological significance of analysing electoral democracy. Electoral studies pre-supposes democracy which is a recent phenomenon; as recent as 2000, only 58 per cent of the world’s population had electoral democracies. These factors explain the rickety level of election studies in sociology. In West European countries, wherein democracy flourishes the co-terminality between political and cultural boundaries is either a fact or an ideal. However, in India cultural pluralism is both a fact and a valued goal. The three-tier Indian polity—local, provincial (linguistic states), and national—witnesses different behaviours. Along with factors such as class, gender, age, and rural–urban differences which are common to democracies, the specificity of caste is important in India. In addition to the horizontal factors, caste divides voters vertically and the intersectionality among these factors increases the complexity of democracy and electoral behaviour. The conversation also discusses the forthcoming 2019 general election.
{"title":"On Studying Elections and Democracy","authors":"R. Thirunavukkarasu","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0013","url":null,"abstract":"This conversation between R. Thirunavukkarasu and T.K. Oommen underscores the sociological significance of analysing electoral democracy. Electoral studies pre-supposes democracy which is a recent phenomenon; as recent as 2000, only 58 per cent of the world’s population had electoral democracies. These factors explain the rickety level of election studies in sociology. In West European countries, wherein democracy flourishes the co-terminality between political and cultural boundaries is either a fact or an ideal. However, in India cultural pluralism is both a fact and a valued goal. The three-tier Indian polity—local, provincial (linguistic states), and national—witnesses different behaviours. Along with factors such as class, gender, age, and rural–urban differences which are common to democracies, the specificity of caste is important in India. In addition to the horizontal factors, caste divides voters vertically and the intersectionality among these factors increases the complexity of democracy and electoral behaviour. The conversation also discusses the forthcoming 2019 general election.","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114496481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0009
Mohammad Reyaz
At the peak of the 2014 election campaign, Delhi was dotted with posters like ‘Na Doori Na Khaai, Modi Hamara Bhai’ (neither difference nor gap, Modi is our brother). These posters announcing Narendra Modi as ‘our brother’, were put up by Maulana Suhaib Qasmi of Jamaat Ulema-e-Hind, aligned to the BJP. Several such groups of BJP’s Muslims worked to mobilize Muslim votes for the right-wing Hindutva party. Drawing upon field reporting, covering the 2014 elections, and interviews with some of the political leaders and stake-holders of these organizations (and their literature), this chapter examines three key issues: contradiction between BJP’s outreach programmes towards Muslims and their condemnation of similar initiatives by other political parties as ‘Muslim appeasement’; perception of Muslim identity among leaders engaging in such initiatives; and whether such outreach programs had any impact in drawing Muslim voters towards the BJP?
在2014年竞选活动的高峰期，德里到处都是“Na Doori Na Khaai, Modi Hamara Bhai”(既没有区别也没有差距，莫迪是我们的兄弟)的海报。这些海报宣称纳伦德拉·莫迪是“我们的兄弟”，是由印度人民党的Jamaat Ulema-e-Hind的毛拉苏哈布·卡斯米张贴的。印度人民党的几个这样的穆斯林团体努力动员穆斯林投票给右翼的印度教党。根据2014年选举的实地报道，以及对这些组织的一些政治领导人和利益相关者(以及他们的文献)的采访，本章探讨了三个关键问题:人民党对穆斯林的外展计划与他们谴责其他政党的类似举措之间的矛盾，称其为“穆斯林绥靖”;参与这些倡议的领导人对穆斯林身份的看法;这些外联计划是否对吸引穆斯林选民支持人民党有任何影响?
{"title":"Hindutva’s Reach Out to Muslims in the 2014 Elections","authors":"Mohammad Reyaz","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0009","url":null,"abstract":"At the peak of the 2014 election campaign, Delhi was dotted with posters like ‘Na Doori Na Khaai, Modi Hamara Bhai’ (neither difference nor gap, Modi is our brother). These posters announcing Narendra Modi as ‘our brother’, were put up by Maulana Suhaib Qasmi of Jamaat Ulema-e-Hind, aligned to the BJP. Several such groups of BJP’s Muslims worked to mobilize Muslim votes for the right-wing Hindutva party. Drawing upon field reporting, covering the 2014 elections, and interviews with some of the political leaders and stake-holders of these organizations (and their literature), this chapter examines three key issues: contradiction between BJP’s outreach programmes towards Muslims and their condemnation of similar initiatives by other political parties as ‘Muslim appeasement’; perception of Muslim identity among leaders engaging in such initiatives; and whether such outreach programs had any impact in drawing Muslim voters towards the BJP?","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116526635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0008
R. Thirunavukkarasu
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) may be an insignificant entity in the electoral arena of Tamil Nadu as the party won only one seat in the 2014 parliamentary elections. However, its efforts to expand its support base in the state where ideologically hostile political dispensations have near hegemonic presence demand a thorough scrutiny. BJP’s endeavours to expand by vernacularizing itself are arguably met with resistance, yet the party’s desperation to project itself as a Tamilized Hindutva party must be dissected. While tracing the genealogy of the BJP’s electoral performance and its modus operandi to expand its support base, this chapter elaborates a two-way process of ‘vernacularization’ and ‘pan-Indianization’.
{"title":"Caste and Cultural Icons","authors":"R. Thirunavukkarasu","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0008","url":null,"abstract":"The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) may be an insignificant entity in the electoral arena of Tamil Nadu as the party won only one seat in the 2014 parliamentary elections. However, its efforts to expand its support base in the state where ideologically hostile political dispensations have near hegemonic presence demand a thorough scrutiny. BJP’s endeavours to expand by vernacularizing itself are arguably met with resistance, yet the party’s desperation to project itself as a Tamilized Hindutva party must be dissected. While tracing the genealogy of the BJP’s electoral performance and its modus operandi to expand its support base, this chapter elaborates a two-way process of ‘vernacularization’ and ‘pan-Indianization’.","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126424697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0005
Zoya Hasan
The 2014 general election heralded a major shift in Indian politics. For the first time since Independence, India elected a right-wing party to power at the Centre and in several states. The Gujarat chief minister, Narendra Modi, won the election on the basis of the much-publicized Gujarat model and his track record of development represented by it. The chapter examines the genesis of this model and its role in shaping the emergence and consolidation of a BJP dominated political system, which has resulted in the exclusion and marginalization of minorities. It highlights the limitations and inconsistencies of this model and contrasts it with the development policies of the UPA government. It also examines the elitist and communal dimensions of the Gujarat model which has been a source of considerable disillusionment with it.
{"title":"The Gujarat Model and the Right-Wing Shift in 2014","authors":"Zoya Hasan","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0005","url":null,"abstract":"The 2014 general election heralded a major shift in Indian politics. For the first time since Independence, India elected a right-wing party to power at the Centre and in several states. The Gujarat chief minister, Narendra Modi, won the election on the basis of the much-publicized Gujarat model and his track record of development represented by it. The chapter examines the genesis of this model and its role in shaping the emergence and consolidation of a BJP dominated political system, which has resulted in the exclusion and marginalization of minorities. It highlights the limitations and inconsistencies of this model and contrasts it with the development policies of the UPA government. It also examines the elitist and communal dimensions of the Gujarat model which has been a source of considerable disillusionment with it.","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121071029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199489626.003.0012
I. Ahmad
This chapter analyses the manifestos of three political parties: AAP, BJP, and the Congress. Paying attention to their texts and visual symbolism, it argues that there were more similarities than differences among them. The discussion on similarity is organized under three headings: (a) Economy, Development, Religion; (b) Social Groups; and (c) International Relations and Security. The next section delineates minor differences unable to reflect dissensus, the core of the political for Rancière. It concludes with observations on the prevalent views that elections offer freedom of choice to show their limits, structural and theoretical. Following Rancière, it is argued that elections and their manifestos institute policies that inscribe the world differently as opposed to politics, which beckons to a possible different world.
{"title":"Unity in Diversity","authors":"I. Ahmad","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780199489626.003.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199489626.003.0012","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter analyses the manifestos of three political parties: AAP, BJP, and the Congress. Paying attention to their texts and visual symbolism, it argues that there were more similarities than differences among them. The discussion on similarity is organized under three headings: (a) Economy, Development, Religion; (b) Social Groups; and (c) International Relations and Security. The next section delineates minor differences unable to reflect dissensus, the core of the political for Rancière. It concludes with observations on the prevalent views that elections offer freedom of choice to show their limits, structural and theoretical. Following Rancière, it is argued that elections and their manifestos institute policies that inscribe the world differently as opposed to politics, which beckons to a possible different world.","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"98 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115792145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0003
M. Sethi
Terrorism constituted an important element of the wider ensemble of ideas and images that Narendra Modi’s election campaign disseminated. It reiterated the Bharatiya Janata Party’s idea of India as, essentially, a Hindu nation; Hindus as authentic citizens and Muslims as the ‘other’. Based on a survey of Modi’s election speeches, BJP’s publicity material and the extensive commentary and analysis focused on the person of Narendra Modi, this paper argues that terrorism as an election issue was carefully calibrated by Modi’s managers: a spectre of imminent threats was raised, dangerous ‘other’ identified, the outgoing government was lambasted for failing to quarantine the danger, and an alternative Modi model of battling terrorism held up. This had the effect of crafting the tough, muscular, macho Hindutva icon who would rein in ‘Islamic terrorism’, and consolidating and rallying a majoritarian vote bank behind this leader.
{"title":"Modi and the Spectre of Terrorism","authors":"M. Sethi","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Terrorism constituted an important element of the wider ensemble of ideas and images that Narendra Modi’s election campaign disseminated. It reiterated the Bharatiya Janata Party’s idea of India as, essentially, a Hindu nation; Hindus as authentic citizens and Muslims as the ‘other’. Based on a survey of Modi’s election speeches, BJP’s publicity material and the extensive commentary and analysis focused on the person of Narendra Modi, this paper argues that terrorism as an election issue was carefully calibrated by Modi’s managers: a spectre of imminent threats was raised, dangerous ‘other’ identified, the outgoing government was lambasted for failing to quarantine the danger, and an alternative Modi model of battling terrorism held up. This had the effect of crafting the tough, muscular, macho Hindutva icon who would rein in ‘Islamic terrorism’, and consolidating and rallying a majoritarian vote bank behind this leader.","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128630860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0004
P. Kanungo
Though Gurudom is diverse, Gurus and Hindu Nationalism have a shared world, promoting and patronizing each other. With the onset of the New Age mediatized Hinduism and the rising popularity of these Gurus, the bonding between Hinduism and Hindutva has got strengthened further. Reflecting on Yoga guru and entrepreneur Ramdev’s life-journey, world-view, political activism, particularly with reference to his anti-corruption crusade, this chapter argues that though Ramdev’s Hindu revivalist and nationalist ideas are closer to the Sangh gospel in many ways, Ramdev has always nurtured his own political ambition and agenda. Analysing the complexities of Ramdev’s political ideas and actions, it tries to understand why Ramdev, setting aside his own agenda, decided to have a partnership with Modi and the BJP in the 2014 elections.
{"title":"Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Politics","authors":"P. Kanungo","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Though Gurudom is diverse, Gurus and Hindu Nationalism have a shared world, promoting and patronizing each other. With the onset of the New Age mediatized Hinduism and the rising popularity of these Gurus, the bonding between Hinduism and Hindutva has got strengthened further. Reflecting on Yoga guru and entrepreneur Ramdev’s life-journey, world-view, political activism, particularly with reference to his anti-corruption crusade, this chapter argues that though Ramdev’s Hindu revivalist and nationalist ideas are closer to the Sangh gospel in many ways, Ramdev has always nurtured his own political ambition and agenda. Analysing the complexities of Ramdev’s political ideas and actions, it tries to understand why Ramdev, setting aside his own agenda, decided to have a partnership with Modi and the BJP in the 2014 elections.","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116255970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0007
B. K. Choudhary
Banaras witnessed accelerated political climate in 2014 as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate decided to represent this as his parliamentary constituency. Suddenly, the city marked with diversity of religions, cultures, and modes of living, was up for polarized electoral campaigns. This chapter analyses the key question which has rarely been fully explored: why did Narendra Modi decide to contest elections from Banaras, a constituency outside his home state of Gujarat? Instead of his mediatized and self-proclaimed image as an efficient administrator and symbol of development, why did he invoke a religious–mythical vocabulary to justify his choice? Weaving insights from the disciplines of cultural–social geography and elections studies together, this chapter discusses how a specific religious imagery of Banaras contrary to its pluralistic livings was mobilized in the 2014 parliamentary elections.
{"title":"Does Space Matter in Electoral Democracy?","authors":"B. K. Choudhary","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Banaras witnessed accelerated political climate in 2014 as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate decided to represent this as his parliamentary constituency. Suddenly, the city marked with diversity of religions, cultures, and modes of living, was up for polarized electoral campaigns. This chapter analyses the key question which has rarely been fully explored: why did Narendra Modi decide to contest elections from Banaras, a constituency outside his home state of Gujarat? Instead of his mediatized and self-proclaimed image as an efficient administrator and symbol of development, why did he invoke a religious–mythical vocabulary to justify his choice? Weaving insights from the disciplines of cultural–social geography and elections studies together, this chapter discusses how a specific religious imagery of Banaras contrary to its pluralistic livings was mobilized in the 2014 parliamentary elections.","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130876930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199489626.003.0002
I. Ahmad
Based on qualitative data from the coverage of the 2014 Indian elections by television channels and social media, this chapter demonstrates Schmittian politics by examining electoral–democratic rumours. It discusses how media circulated Hindutva as development to resemble rumourmongering, in that the sources of development remained unknown. The emerging interface among media, elections, and neoliberal economy in polities like India signifies what is proposed as ‘designer democracy’, of which rumour is a key component. The chapter discusses the effects of rumours and other factors that helped Hindutva win in 2014. The premise of rumour as a plebeian resistance, it is argued, is unsustainable. Contra established view, this chapter contends that rumour is also a weapon of the power elites and is deployed during elections. Dwelling on the vital issues of the truth and lie, the chapter concludes with observations on the place of rumour and media in democracies in general.
{"title":"Democracy as Rumour","authors":"I. Ahmad","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780199489626.003.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199489626.003.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Based on qualitative data from the coverage of the 2014 Indian elections by television channels and social media, this chapter demonstrates Schmittian politics by examining electoral–democratic rumours. It discusses how media circulated Hindutva as development to resemble rumourmongering, in that the sources of development remained unknown. The emerging interface among media, elections, and neoliberal economy in polities like India signifies what is proposed as ‘designer democracy’, of which rumour is a key component. The chapter discusses the effects of rumours and other factors that helped Hindutva win in 2014. The premise of rumour as a plebeian resistance, it is argued, is unsustainable. Contra established view, this chapter contends that rumour is also a weapon of the power elites and is deployed during elections. Dwelling on the vital issues of the truth and lie, the chapter concludes with observations on the place of rumour and media in democracies in general.","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128426307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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