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The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare最新文献

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Communal Violence, Electoral Polarization, and Muslim Representation 族群暴力、选举两极化与穆斯林代表
Pub Date : 2019-03-07 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0006
Hilal Ahmed
There are a number of commentaries, official reports, and well-researched academic books on communalism in India that directly or indirectly look at the nature of violence-centric electoral politics. However, our understanding of Muslim electoral politics is very limited. The belief that violent events persuade Muslims to vote tactically at the national level is often evoked to substantiate the claim that communal violence always determines Muslim electoral preferences. The idea of Muslim vote bank is also an expanded version of this argument. Focusing upon the Muzaffarnagar riots of 2013, this paper makes an attempt to revisit the idea of electoral polarization in the context of the 2014 general election. The paper critically evaluates the merit of a twofold claim that the communal and targeted violence against Muslims produce electoral polarization; and, violence of this kind could only be prevented if the number of Muslim MPs and MLAs in legislative bodies increases.
有许多关于印度社群主义的评论、官方报告和经过深入研究的学术书籍,都直接或间接地审视了以暴力为中心的选举政治的本质。然而,我们对穆斯林选举政治的理解非常有限。暴力事件会促使穆斯林在国家层面上策略性地投票,这种观点经常被用来证实社区暴力总是决定穆斯林选举偏好的说法。穆斯林选票银行的想法也是这一论点的扩展版本。本文以2013年穆扎法纳格尔骚乱为背景,试图在2014年大选的背景下重新审视选举两极分化的概念。本文批判性地评估了一种双重主张的价值,即针对穆斯林的社区暴力和有针对性的暴力造成了选举两极分化;而且,只有增加立法机构中穆斯林议员和议员的数量,才能防止这种暴力。
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引用次数: 0
Media, Corporates, and Democracy 媒体、企业与民主
Pub Date : 2019-03-07 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0010
S. Pattnaik
Indian democracy became increasingly corporatized since the advent of neoliberal economy, resulting in the emergence of a corporate–media–politics nexus. Narendra Modi, as the chief minister of Gujarat, extended patronage to the corporates in the pretext of development. Hence, the corporate world overwhelmingly endorsed his candidature as prime minister. The corporate-controlled media went all out projecting him as a strong charismatic leader and icon of development. Interestingly, the same corporate and media backed Odisha’s Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik in his state for his corporate-friendly record. As a result, Modi’s charisma was not very effective in Odisha and Naveen Patnaik got an outstanding victory. In this light, the chapter argues that democracy is in peril when the corporate and media dictate the policy of political parties and the government.
自新自由主义经济出现以来,印度民主日益公司化,导致企业-媒体-政治关系的出现。作为古吉拉特邦首席部长,纳伦德拉·莫迪(Narendra Modi)以发展为借口,向企业提供了赞助。因此,企业界压倒性地支持他竞选首相。企业控制的媒体不遗余力地把他塑造成一个强大的魅力领袖和发展的象征。有趣的是,同样是这些企业和媒体支持奥里萨邦首席部长纳文·帕特奈克,因为他的企业友好记录。结果,莫迪的魅力在奥里萨邦没有发挥多大作用,纳文·帕特奈克取得了出色的胜利。鉴于此,本章认为,当企业和媒体决定政党和政府的政策时,民主就处于危险之中。
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引用次数: 0
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The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare
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