Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0006
Hilal Ahmed
There are a number of commentaries, official reports, and well-researched academic books on communalism in India that directly or indirectly look at the nature of violence-centric electoral politics. However, our understanding of Muslim electoral politics is very limited. The belief that violent events persuade Muslims to vote tactically at the national level is often evoked to substantiate the claim that communal violence always determines Muslim electoral preferences. The idea of Muslim vote bank is also an expanded version of this argument. Focusing upon the Muzaffarnagar riots of 2013, this paper makes an attempt to revisit the idea of electoral polarization in the context of the 2014 general election. The paper critically evaluates the merit of a twofold claim that the communal and targeted violence against Muslims produce electoral polarization; and, violence of this kind could only be prevented if the number of Muslim MPs and MLAs in legislative bodies increases.
{"title":"Communal Violence, Electoral Polarization, and Muslim Representation","authors":"Hilal Ahmed","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0006","url":null,"abstract":"There are a number of commentaries, official reports, and well-researched academic books on communalism in India that directly or indirectly look at the nature of violence-centric electoral politics. However, our understanding of Muslim electoral politics is very limited. The belief that violent events persuade Muslims to vote tactically at the national level is often evoked to substantiate the claim that communal violence always determines Muslim electoral preferences. The idea of Muslim vote bank is also an expanded version of this argument. Focusing upon the Muzaffarnagar riots of 2013, this paper makes an attempt to revisit the idea of electoral polarization in the context of the 2014 general election. The paper critically evaluates the merit of a twofold claim that the communal and targeted violence against Muslims produce electoral polarization; and, violence of this kind could only be prevented if the number of Muslim MPs and MLAs in legislative bodies increases.","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124367076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-07DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0010
S. Pattnaik
Indian democracy became increasingly corporatized since the advent of neoliberal economy, resulting in the emergence of a corporate–media–politics nexus. Narendra Modi, as the chief minister of Gujarat, extended patronage to the corporates in the pretext of development. Hence, the corporate world overwhelmingly endorsed his candidature as prime minister. The corporate-controlled media went all out projecting him as a strong charismatic leader and icon of development. Interestingly, the same corporate and media backed Odisha’s Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik in his state for his corporate-friendly record. As a result, Modi’s charisma was not very effective in Odisha and Naveen Patnaik got an outstanding victory. In this light, the chapter argues that democracy is in peril when the corporate and media dictate the policy of political parties and the government.
{"title":"Media, Corporates, and Democracy","authors":"S. Pattnaik","doi":"10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/OSO/9780199489626.003.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Indian democracy became increasingly corporatized since the advent of neoliberal economy, resulting in the emergence of a corporate–media–politics nexus. Narendra Modi, as the chief minister of Gujarat, extended patronage to the corporates in the pretext of development. Hence, the corporate world overwhelmingly endorsed his candidature as prime minister. The corporate-controlled media went all out projecting him as a strong charismatic leader and icon of development. Interestingly, the same corporate and media backed Odisha’s Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik in his state for his corporate-friendly record. As a result, Modi’s charisma was not very effective in Odisha and Naveen Patnaik got an outstanding victory. In this light, the chapter argues that democracy is in peril when the corporate and media dictate the policy of political parties and the government.","PeriodicalId":180796,"journal":{"name":"The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127438178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}