We use patent applications and their extensions filed by Italian Universities between 1965 and 2002 to analyze their responses to institutional and organizational changes on IPRs regulations. Our results show that the number of patents, as well as foreign extensions or direct applications for foreign patents raised substantially with the level of autonomy granted to Universities. These growing patterns are reinforced by the adoption of internal IPR regulations, which also determined an increase in the number of sole-owned patents and a reduction of the number of co-inventors. Implications for technology transfer policies for Universities in Europe are discussed.
{"title":"Institutional Changes and the Commercialization of Academic Knowledge: A Study of Italian Universities' Patenting Activities Between 1965 and 2002","authors":"N. Baldini, Rosa Grimaldi, M. Sobrero","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.610447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.610447","url":null,"abstract":"We use patent applications and their extensions filed by Italian Universities between 1965 and 2002 to analyze their responses to institutional and organizational changes on IPRs regulations. Our results show that the number of patents, as well as foreign extensions or direct applications for foreign patents raised substantially with the level of autonomy granted to Universities. These growing patterns are reinforced by the adoption of internal IPR regulations, which also determined an increase in the number of sole-owned patents and a reduction of the number of co-inventors. Implications for technology transfer policies for Universities in Europe are discussed.","PeriodicalId":181797,"journal":{"name":"European Economics eJournal","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116319561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates growth differences in the urban system of the EU12 for a data set relating to Functional Urban Regions comparing the results of �artisanal� methods of model selection with those obtained using general to specific model selection with PcGets. The artisanal approach tests hypotheses relating to the role of human capital, EU integration and fragmentation of urban government. The paper also explores issues of spatial dependence and mechanisms of spatial interaction. Using PcGets as suggested by Hendry and Krolzig (2004) to optimise model selection we find that while PcGets provides a powerful tool for model selection when applied to cross sectional data, caution is necessary to ensure that variables relating to spatial adjustment processes are included and spatial dependence is avoided. More generally, not only do the results provide consistent estimates of parameters but they also support relevant theoretical insights. Finally careful testing for spatial dependence reveals that national borders are still significant barriers to adjustment within the EU.
{"title":"European Urban Growth: Now for Some Problems of Spaceless and Weightless Econometrics","authors":"S. Magrini, P. Cheshire","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.947788","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.947788","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates growth differences in the urban system of the EU12 for a data set relating to Functional Urban Regions comparing the results of �artisanal� methods of model selection with those obtained using general to specific model selection with PcGets. The artisanal approach tests hypotheses relating to the role of human capital, EU integration and fragmentation of urban government. The paper also explores issues of spatial dependence and mechanisms of spatial interaction. Using PcGets as suggested by Hendry and Krolzig (2004) to optimise model selection we find that while PcGets provides a powerful tool for model selection when applied to cross sectional data, caution is necessary to ensure that variables relating to spatial adjustment processes are included and spatial dependence is avoided. More generally, not only do the results provide consistent estimates of parameters but they also support relevant theoretical insights. Finally careful testing for spatial dependence reveals that national borders are still significant barriers to adjustment within the EU.","PeriodicalId":181797,"journal":{"name":"European Economics eJournal","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126193651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Immigration to Germany, Italy and Finland represent different stages of the ‘new migration’ to Europe. The scale and types of immigration also differ between the three. Though each country is experiencing different stages of immigration, they all recognize the necessity to better integrate foreign minors. The three countries seem to have only recently started to regard themselves as countries of immigration. As a result, their policies towards foreign minors seem to be based on tolerating, not integrating them. The presence of foreign minors in the juvenile justice system is a reflection on their approaches and attitudes towards immigrants. Therefore, we set out on an 18-month project funded by the European Commission to study how being ‘foreign’ affects the treatment of minors in the penal systems in Italy, Germany and Finland. The project is called “INTO: Inside the Outsiders: Deviant Immigrant Minors and Integration Strategies in European Justice Systems.” In this paper, we will present the difficulties encountered when creating comparable data in terms of contrasting labels for and definitions of the target group and data collection as well as the solutions created for addressing these difficulties. At the outset of the project, it became clear that the terms used to define the target group had different meanings for each of the partners and one term was not deemed sufficient for use in all three contexts, both due to the immigration history in each country and due to the counting methods used by the data collection institutions in each country (National Censuses, Justice Systems, etc.). In the project proposal, we defined ‘immigrant minors’ as including two categories of children: 1) those born in the host country and are either naturalised citizens, hold dual citizenship or are permanent residents 2) children who immigrated to the host country with their family or by themselves. Yet statistical data in each country uses multiple and diverse terms to describe our target group – foreign minors, migrants, ethnic minorities, foreign citizens, etc. Clearly, this made the collection and comparison of three different sets of national statistics quite challenging. The diverse terminology and categorisation of ‘immigrant minors’ in the three countries made it difficult to find directly comparable statistics. The discussion of how to resolve this ‘technical’ difficultly revealed the different conceptions of what it means to be an ‘immigrant’ and a ‘minor’ in each country and within their respective social and judicial systems. This discussion reflected each country’s individual conceptions and laws regarding citizenship as well as their past and present approaches to integration. We argue that despite their different labels, social class and rights, foreigners, ethnic minorities and migrants share similar social conditions. Foreigners, even when they become citizens, still experience social constraints and suffer in the process of cultural integratio
{"title":"The Challenges of Data Comparison and Varied European Concepts of Diversity","authors":"Vanja M. K. Stenius, Katherine Forsyth","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.896666","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.896666","url":null,"abstract":"Immigration to Germany, Italy and Finland represent different stages of the ‘new migration’ to Europe. The scale and types of immigration also differ between the three. Though each country is experiencing different stages of immigration, they all recognize the necessity to better integrate foreign minors. The three countries seem to have only recently started to regard themselves as countries of immigration. As a result, their policies towards foreign minors seem to be based on tolerating, not integrating them. The presence of foreign minors in the juvenile justice system is a reflection on their approaches and attitudes towards immigrants. Therefore, we set out on an 18-month project funded by the European Commission to study how being ‘foreign’ affects the treatment of minors in the penal systems in Italy, Germany and Finland. The project is called “INTO: Inside the Outsiders: Deviant Immigrant Minors and Integration Strategies in European Justice Systems.” In this paper, we will present the difficulties encountered when creating comparable data in terms of contrasting labels for and definitions of the target group and data collection as well as the solutions created for addressing these difficulties. At the outset of the project, it became clear that the terms used to define the target group had different meanings for each of the partners and one term was not deemed sufficient for use in all three contexts, both due to the immigration history in each country and due to the counting methods used by the data collection institutions in each country (National Censuses, Justice Systems, etc.). In the project proposal, we defined ‘immigrant minors’ as including two categories of children: 1) those born in the host country and are either naturalised citizens, hold dual citizenship or are permanent residents 2) children who immigrated to the host country with their family or by themselves. Yet statistical data in each country uses multiple and diverse terms to describe our target group – foreign minors, migrants, ethnic minorities, foreign citizens, etc. Clearly, this made the collection and comparison of three different sets of national statistics quite challenging. The diverse terminology and categorisation of ‘immigrant minors’ in the three countries made it difficult to find directly comparable statistics. The discussion of how to resolve this ‘technical’ difficultly revealed the different conceptions of what it means to be an ‘immigrant’ and a ‘minor’ in each country and within their respective social and judicial systems. This discussion reflected each country’s individual conceptions and laws regarding citizenship as well as their past and present approaches to integration. We argue that despite their different labels, social class and rights, foreigners, ethnic minorities and migrants share similar social conditions. Foreigners, even when they become citizens, still experience social constraints and suffer in the process of cultural integratio","PeriodicalId":181797,"journal":{"name":"European Economics eJournal","volume":"18 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132897224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The occupation payments made by France to Nazi Germany between 1940 and 1944 represent one of the largest recorded international transfers and contributed significantly to financing the overall German war effort. Using a neoclassical growth model that incorporates essential features of the occupied economy and the postwar stabilization, we assess the welfare costs of French policies that funded payments to Germany. Occupation payments required a 16 percent reduction of consumption for twenty years, with the draft of labor to Germany and wage and price controls adding substantially to this burden. Vichy%u2019s postwar debt overhang would have demanded large budget surpluses; but inflation, which erupted after Liberation, reduced the debt well below its steady state level and redistributed the adjustment costs. The Marshall Plan played only a minor direct role, and international credits helped to substantially lower the nation%u2019s burden.
{"title":"How Occupied France Financed its Own Exploitation in World War Ii","authors":"Filippo Occhino, K. Oosterlinck, E. White","doi":"10.1257/AER.97.2.295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1257/AER.97.2.295","url":null,"abstract":"The occupation payments made by France to Nazi Germany between 1940 and 1944 represent one of the largest recorded international transfers and contributed significantly to financing the overall German war effort. Using a neoclassical growth model that incorporates essential features of the occupied economy and the postwar stabilization, we assess the welfare costs of French policies that funded payments to Germany. Occupation payments required a 16 percent reduction of consumption for twenty years, with the draft of labor to Germany and wage and price controls adding substantially to this burden. Vichy%u2019s postwar debt overhang would have demanded large budget surpluses; but inflation, which erupted after Liberation, reduced the debt well below its steady state level and redistributed the adjustment costs. The Marshall Plan played only a minor direct role, and international credits helped to substantially lower the nation%u2019s burden.","PeriodicalId":181797,"journal":{"name":"European Economics eJournal","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130700212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-04-01DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-0327.2006.00159.x
G. Santos, G. Fraser
type="main" xml:lang="en"> This paper assesses the original London Congestion Charging Scheme (LCCS) and its impacts, and it simulates the proposed extension which will include most of Kensington and Chelsea. It also touches upon the political economy of the congestion charge and the increase of the charge from £5 to £8 per day. The possibility of transferring the experience to Paris, Rome and New York is also discussed. The LCCS has had positive impacts. This was despite the considerable political influences on the charge level and location. It is difficult to assess the impacts of the increase of the charge from £5 to £8, which took place in July 2005, because no data have yet been released by Transport for London. The proposed extension of the charging zone does not seem to be an efficient change on economic grounds, at least for the specific boundaries, method of charging and level of charging that is currently planned. Our benefit cost ratios computed under different assumptions of costs and benefits are all below unity. Overall, the experience shows that simple methods of congestion charging, though in no way resembling first-best Pigouvian taxes, can do a remarkably good job of creating benefits from the reduction of congestion. Nevertheless, the magnitude of these benefits can be highly sensitive to the details of the scheme, which therefore need to be developed with great care. — Georgina Santos and Gordon Fraser
type="main" xml:lang="en">本文评估了最初的伦敦拥堵收费计划(LCCS)及其影响，并模拟了将包括肯辛顿和切尔西大部分地区的拟议扩展。它还涉及到交通拥堵费的政治经济学，以及从每天5英镑增加到8英镑的收费。还讨论了将经验转移到巴黎、罗马和纽约的可能性。LCCS产生了积极的影响。尽管收费水平和地点受到相当大的政治影响。由于伦敦交通局(Transport for London)尚未公布任何数据，因此很难评估从2005年7月起将收费从5英镑上调至8英镑的影响。从经济角度来看，扩大收费区的建议似乎不是一个有效的改变，至少就目前计划的具体边界、收费方法和收费水平而言是如此。我们在不同的成本效益假设下计算出的效益成本比都不一致。总的来说，经验表明，简单的拥堵收费方法，尽管与最优的庇古税完全不同，但可以很好地从减少拥堵中创造效益。然而，这些好处的大小可能对计划的细节高度敏感，因此需要非常小心地制定。-乔治娜·桑托斯和戈登·弗雷泽
{"title":"Road Pricing: Lessons from London","authors":"G. Santos, G. Fraser","doi":"10.1111/j.1468-0327.2006.00159.x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0327.2006.00159.x","url":null,"abstract":"type=\"main\" xml:lang=\"en\"> This paper assesses the original London Congestion Charging Scheme (LCCS) and its impacts, and it simulates the proposed extension which will include most of Kensington and Chelsea. It also touches upon the political economy of the congestion charge and the increase of the charge from £5 to £8 per day. The possibility of transferring the experience to Paris, Rome and New York is also discussed. The LCCS has had positive impacts. This was despite the considerable political influences on the charge level and location. It is difficult to assess the impacts of the increase of the charge from £5 to £8, which took place in July 2005, because no data have yet been released by Transport for London. The proposed extension of the charging zone does not seem to be an efficient change on economic grounds, at least for the specific boundaries, method of charging and level of charging that is currently planned. Our benefit cost ratios computed under different assumptions of costs and benefits are all below unity. Overall, the experience shows that simple methods of congestion charging, though in no way resembling first-best Pigouvian taxes, can do a remarkably good job of creating benefits from the reduction of congestion. Nevertheless, the magnitude of these benefits can be highly sensitive to the details of the scheme, which therefore need to be developed with great care. — Georgina Santos and Gordon Fraser","PeriodicalId":181797,"journal":{"name":"European Economics eJournal","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124490315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The stocks of undocumented migrants residing on the territory of Europe and the continuous flows of clandestine migrants are currently one of the "hottest" social and political topics. Even though the issue of irregular migration is on the top of many political and academic agendas the knowledge about who the undocumented migrants are, how they can be identified and how their population in a country develops numerically, remains limited. In this context, the aim of the current paper is twofold. In the first place, snowball sampling will be introduced as a technique for identifying undocumented migrants on the territory of a country and in the second, the empirical results from sampling and assessing the stability of the populations of undocumented Poles and Bulgarians in Brussels will be presented.
{"title":"Identifying and Assessing the Development of Populations of Undocumented Migrants: The Case of Undocumented Poles and Bulgarians in Brussels","authors":"Mila Paspalanova","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.897901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.897901","url":null,"abstract":"The stocks of undocumented migrants residing on the territory of Europe and the continuous flows of clandestine migrants are currently one of the \"hottest\" social and political topics. Even though the issue of irregular migration is on the top of many political and academic agendas the knowledge about who the undocumented migrants are, how they can be identified and how their population in a country develops numerically, remains limited. In this context, the aim of the current paper is twofold. In the first place, snowball sampling will be introduced as a technique for identifying undocumented migrants on the territory of a country and in the second, the empirical results from sampling and assessing the stability of the populations of undocumented Poles and Bulgarians in Brussels will be presented.","PeriodicalId":181797,"journal":{"name":"European Economics eJournal","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132501073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-04-01DOI: 10.25071/1874-6322.23366
Christoph Wunder, J. Schwarze
Using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP), it is shown that income comparisons with persons who are better off has a clear impact on the job satisfaction of West German full-time employees. Two contrary effects can be identified. On the one hand, there is an aversion to disadvantageous regional income inequality, while, on the other hand, individuals prefer inequality within their occupational group. The two effects are interpreted as envy and an information (or ‘tunnel’) effect, respectively. The analysis of income comparison with persons who are worse off suggests a prestige effect. However, downward comparison is of minor importance for job satisfaction.
{"title":"Income Inequality and Job Satisfaction of Full-Time Employees in Germany","authors":"Christoph Wunder, J. Schwarze","doi":"10.25071/1874-6322.23366","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/1874-6322.23366","url":null,"abstract":"Using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP), it is shown that income comparisons with persons who are better off has a clear impact on the job satisfaction of West German full-time employees. Two contrary effects can be identified. On the one hand, there is an aversion to disadvantageous regional income inequality, while, on the other hand, individuals prefer inequality within their occupational group. The two effects are interpreted as envy and an information (or ‘tunnel’) effect, respectively. The analysis of income comparison with persons who are worse off suggests a prestige effect. However, downward comparison is of minor importance for job satisfaction.","PeriodicalId":181797,"journal":{"name":"European Economics eJournal","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128150564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A year and a half ago, the Swedish government decided 2006 to be The Year for Cultural Diversity (Agenda for Mangkultur, 2005). The general purpose, according to the directive, is to facilitate the possibilities for all citizens to participate in all aspects of the cultural life by enhancing appropriate arenas for different traditions (Agenda for Mangkultur, 2005). This policy decision was not a surprise to both observers and participants of the diversity debate. There has been a growing interest in the virtues of diversity for business effectiveness and success (Mangfald), heightened scrutiny of institutional and organizational life by the mass media, and legitimizing debates by political parties which had always had some form of concern for diversity, if not for its own sake, at least for capitalizing on the legitimacy of diversity politics in the expectation of local and parliament elections next September. The proclamation of 2006 as a Year for Cultural Diversity thus comes naturally from the broadened debates and organizational programs, each actor trying to get legitimacy by using the concept of cultural diversity to suit the demands of the times. Indeed, cultural diversity has become a priority agenda for any legitimate actor, at least in terms of programs and polices, if not in action. Moreover, the coordinator of the 2006 Cultural Year consistently promised in the mass media that this would be the starting point, and not merely a celebratory performance (VK, 28 October 2005; DN 3 January 2006). Already, what are called as the Cultural diversity consultants had worked since 2003 in eight counties as a partial preparation for this year, and to raise the consciousness of relevant actors in the field of culture and cultural institutions, especially those financed by state money. Private cultural associations, however, are invited to participate during the diversity year but they were not invited to co-design the contents of the diversity year. This paper is concerned with describing the concept of diversity as used by the different actors in this context, and also examines the background that has led to the decision of the Cultural Year. An implicit concern is scrutinizing whether in fact this year would be a starting point for more deeply engaged diversity programs and actions or a symbolic act of window dressing. The concerned actors base the paper on accounting the background to the Diversity debate in Sweden, and the different expected programs and agendas. As such, the paper is based on analysis of documents and agendas, interviews with different actors and two multicultural consultants at the county level. Additionally, the author also participated in a couple of seminars and conferences and video-filmed some of the speeches by different presenters to capture the patterns of the debate/discourse on Cultural diversity. Implicit discussion is whether the current interest on diversity may lead to its institutionalization in the Swedish so
{"title":"Cultural Diversity: A Glimpse Over the Current Debate in Sweden","authors":"Kiflemariam Hamde","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.897427","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.897427","url":null,"abstract":"A year and a half ago, the Swedish government decided 2006 to be The Year for Cultural Diversity (Agenda for Mangkultur, 2005). The general purpose, according to the directive, is to facilitate the possibilities for all citizens to participate in all aspects of the cultural life by enhancing appropriate arenas for different traditions (Agenda for Mangkultur, 2005). This policy decision was not a surprise to both observers and participants of the diversity debate. There has been a growing interest in the virtues of diversity for business effectiveness and success (Mangfald), heightened scrutiny of institutional and organizational life by the mass media, and legitimizing debates by political parties which had always had some form of concern for diversity, if not for its own sake, at least for capitalizing on the legitimacy of diversity politics in the expectation of local and parliament elections next September. The proclamation of 2006 as a Year for Cultural Diversity thus comes naturally from the broadened debates and organizational programs, each actor trying to get legitimacy by using the concept of cultural diversity to suit the demands of the times. Indeed, cultural diversity has become a priority agenda for any legitimate actor, at least in terms of programs and polices, if not in action. Moreover, the coordinator of the 2006 Cultural Year consistently promised in the mass media that this would be the starting point, and not merely a celebratory performance (VK, 28 October 2005; DN 3 January 2006). Already, what are called as the Cultural diversity consultants had worked since 2003 in eight counties as a partial preparation for this year, and to raise the consciousness of relevant actors in the field of culture and cultural institutions, especially those financed by state money. Private cultural associations, however, are invited to participate during the diversity year but they were not invited to co-design the contents of the diversity year. This paper is concerned with describing the concept of diversity as used by the different actors in this context, and also examines the background that has led to the decision of the Cultural Year. An implicit concern is scrutinizing whether in fact this year would be a starting point for more deeply engaged diversity programs and actions or a symbolic act of window dressing. The concerned actors base the paper on accounting the background to the Diversity debate in Sweden, and the different expected programs and agendas. As such, the paper is based on analysis of documents and agendas, interviews with different actors and two multicultural consultants at the county level. Additionally, the author also participated in a couple of seminars and conferences and video-filmed some of the speeches by different presenters to capture the patterns of the debate/discourse on Cultural diversity. Implicit discussion is whether the current interest on diversity may lead to its institutionalization in the Swedish so","PeriodicalId":181797,"journal":{"name":"European Economics eJournal","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132100850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
With accession to the EU, Estonia gave up its liberal trade and agricultural policies and adopted the much more protectionist regime of the EU. Prior to accession, many studies predicted that this would lead to price increases for agricultural products and processed food. This article discusses the results from the studies conducted and compares them with actual price changes that have occurred. The article concludes that prices have actually increased much less than predicted, with only a few exceptions like sugar. The reason lies in the uncertainties associated with policy modelling as well as the gradual price convergence already in motion before accession.
{"title":"The Price Impact of Adopting the Common Agricultural Policy in Estonia: Estimated Versus Actual Effects","authors":"K. Toming","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.892032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.892032","url":null,"abstract":"With accession to the EU, Estonia gave up its liberal trade and agricultural policies and adopted the much more protectionist regime of the EU. Prior to accession, many studies predicted that this would lead to price increases for agricultural products and processed food. This article discusses the results from the studies conducted and compares them with actual price changes that have occurred. The article concludes that prices have actually increased much less than predicted, with only a few exceptions like sugar. The reason lies in the uncertainties associated with policy modelling as well as the gradual price convergence already in motion before accession.","PeriodicalId":181797,"journal":{"name":"European Economics eJournal","volume":"759 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124184466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A house purchase typically requires a deposit (or down-payment) and so a significant amount of cash. This paper considers the empirical implications of this borrowing constraint for the housing market. It shows that, at the aggregate level, models of the housing market that incorporate the constraint are consistent with the following stylised facts: i) a positive correlation between house price inflation and transactions; ii) greater volatility of former owner-occupiers' house price inflation than for first-time buyers; iii) the presence of first-time buyers in the market falls with the rate of change of house prices; and iv) house prices are more sensitive to the incomes of the young. The paper then exploits variation across local housing markets in the rate of change in house prices and considers how leverage affects the response of the rate of change of house prices to shocks. The evidence, based on data for 147 district-level housing markets for the period 1993-2002, suggests that a large incidence of households with high levels of leverage (loan to value ratios) raises the sensitivity of house prices to a shock. This is also consistent with the down-payment constraint model of the housing market.
{"title":"How Does the Down-Payment Constraint Affect the UK Housing Market?","authors":"A. Benito","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.894900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.894900","url":null,"abstract":"A house purchase typically requires a deposit (or down-payment) and so a significant amount of cash. This paper considers the empirical implications of this borrowing constraint for the housing market. It shows that, at the aggregate level, models of the housing market that incorporate the constraint are consistent with the following stylised facts: i) a positive correlation between house price inflation and transactions; ii) greater volatility of former owner-occupiers' house price inflation than for first-time buyers; iii) the presence of first-time buyers in the market falls with the rate of change of house prices; and iv) house prices are more sensitive to the incomes of the young. The paper then exploits variation across local housing markets in the rate of change in house prices and considers how leverage affects the response of the rate of change of house prices to shocks. The evidence, based on data for 147 district-level housing markets for the period 1993-2002, suggests that a large incidence of households with high levels of leverage (loan to value ratios) raises the sensitivity of house prices to a shock. This is also consistent with the down-payment constraint model of the housing market.","PeriodicalId":181797,"journal":{"name":"European Economics eJournal","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131047993","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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