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Medical schools in empires: connecting the dots. 帝国的医学院:连接点。
IF 1.4 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-27 DOI: 10.1017/mdh.2024.14
Hohee Cho, Martin Robert

This article provides an overview of the historiography of medical education and calls for greater attention to the connections between medical schools. It begins by reviewing research on medical education in imperial metropoles. Researchers have compared medical schools in different national contexts, traced travellers between them or examined the hierarchies that medical education created within the medical profession. The article then shows how historians have emphasised the ways in which medicine in colonial empires was shaped by negotiation, exchange, hybridisation and competition. The final part of the article introduces the special issue 'Medical Education in Empires'. Drawing on a variety of sources in English, French, Dutch and Chinese, the special issue builds on these historiographies by juxtaposing cases of medical schools in imperial contexts since the eighteenth century. It considers who funded these medical schools and why, what models of medicine underpinned their creation, what social changes they contributed to, what life was like in these schools, who the students and teachers were and what graduates did with their medical careers. This special issue thus contributes to clarifying the role of medical education in empires and the long-term impact of empires on the medical world.

本文概述了医学教育史,并呼吁更多地关注医学院校之间的联系。文章首先回顾了有关帝国大都市医学教育的研究。研究人员比较了不同国家背景下的医学院校,追溯了医学院校之间的旅客,或考察了医学教育在医学专业中形成的等级制度。文章随后展示了历史学家是如何强调殖民帝国的医学是如何通过谈判、交流、混合和竞争形成的。文章的最后部分介绍了 "帝国医学教育 "特刊。特刊利用英文、法文、荷兰文和中文的各种资料,以这些史学著作为基础,并列了自十八世纪以来帝国背景下的医学院案例。特刊探讨了这些医学院由谁资助、为何资助、创建这些医学院的基础是什么医学模式、这些医学院促进了哪些社会变革、这些医学院的生活是怎样的、学生和教师是谁以及毕业生的医学生涯是怎样的。因此,本特刊有助于澄清医学教育在帝国中的作用以及帝国对医学界的长期影响。
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引用次数: 0
Anthony Cerulli, The Practice of Texts: Education and Healing in South India (Oakland: The University of California Press, 2022), pp. xiv+221, '2,700.00, paperback, ISBN: 978-0-520-38354-8. 安东尼-塞鲁利,《文本的实践》:南印度的教育与治疗》(奥克兰:加州大学出版社,2022 年),第 xiv+221 页,2,700.00 美元,平装本,国际标准书号:978-0-520-38354-8。
IF 1.4 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-24 DOI: 10.1017/mdh.2024.15
Swapnil Chaudhary
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引用次数: 0
'Microcosm of the Pacific': Colonial encounters at the Central Medical School in Fiji. 太平洋的缩影":斐济中央医学院的殖民遭遇。
IF 1.4 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-20 DOI: 10.1017/mdh.2024.10
Hohee Cho

While larger British colonies in Africa and Asia generally had their own medical services, the British took a different approach in the South Pacific by working with other colonial administrations. Together, colonial administrations of the South Pacific operated a centralised medical service based on the existing system of Native Medical Practitioners in Fiji. The cornerstone of this system was the Central Medical School, established in 1928. Various actors converged on the school despite its apparent isolation from global centres of power. It was run by the colonial government of Fiji, staffed by British-trained tutors, attended by students from twelve colonies, funded and supervised by the Rockefeller Foundation, and jointly managed by the colonial administrations of Britain, Australia, New Zealand, France and the United States. At the time of its establishment, it was seen as an experiment in international cooperation, to the point that the High Commissioner for the Western Pacific called it a 'microcosm of the Pacific'. Why did the British establish an intercolonial medical school in Oceania, so far from the imperial metropole? How did the medical curriculum at the Central Medical School standardise to meet the imperial norm? And in what ways did colonial encounters occur at the Central Medical School? This article provides answers to these questions by comparing archival documents acquired from five countries. In doing so, this article will pay special attention to the ways in which this medical training institution enabled enduring intercolonial encounters in the Pacific Islands.

英国在非洲和亚洲较大的殖民地一般都有自己的医疗服务机构,而在南太平洋,英国则采取了不同的方式,与其他殖民地政府合作。南太平洋各殖民地政府以斐济现有的本地执业医师制度为基础,共同运营中央医疗服务。该系统的基石是 1928 年成立的中央医学院。尽管这所学校显然与全球权力中心隔绝,但各方面的力量都汇聚于此。学校由斐济殖民政府管理,配备英国培训的导师,学生来自 12 个殖民地,由洛克菲勒基金会资助和监督,并由英国、澳大利亚、新西兰、法国和美国的殖民政府共同管理。成立之初,它被视为国际合作的一次尝试,以至于西太平洋高级专员称其为 "太平洋的缩影"。英国为什么要在远离帝国都城的大洋洲建立一所跨殖民地医学院?中央医学院的医学课程是如何标准化以符合帝国标准的?中央医学院以何种方式与殖民地相遇?本文通过比较从五个国家获得的档案文件,为这些问题提供答案。在此过程中,本文将特别关注这一医学培训机构是如何促成太平洋岛屿持久的殖民地间交往的。
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引用次数: 0
Crafting British medicine in the Empire: the establishment of medical schools in India and Canada, 1763–1837 在帝国打造英国医学:1763-1837 年在印度和加拿大建立医学院
IF 1.4 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-12 DOI: 10.1017/mdh.2024.6
Martin Robert
In the early nineteenth century, medical schools became a growing means of regulating medicine in the British Empire, both in the metropole and in two colonies: India and Canada. By examining the establishment of medical schools in Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Quebec City, Montreal and Toronto between the end of the Seven Years’ War and the beginning of the Victorian era, this article argues that the rise of the British Empire was a key factor in the gradual replacement of private medical apprenticeships with institutional medical education. Although the imperial state did not implement a uniform medical policy across the British Empire, the medical schools established under its jurisdiction were instrumental in devising a curriculum that emphasised human dissection, bedside training in hospitals and organic chemistry as criteria of medical competence.
19 世纪初,在大英帝国的本土和两个殖民地,医学院逐渐成为规范医学的一种手段:印度和加拿大。通过研究七年战争结束至维多利亚时代开始期间在加尔各答、孟买、马德拉斯、魁北克市、蒙特利尔和多伦多建立医学院的情况,本文认为大英帝国的崛起是机构医学教育逐渐取代私人医学学徒制的关键因素。虽然帝国并没有在整个大英帝国实施统一的医学政策,但在其管辖下建立的医学院在设计课程方面发挥了重要作用,这些课程强调人体解剖、医院床旁训练和有机化学,并将其作为衡量医学能力的标准。
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引用次数: 0
Breakdown and reform: the Chilean road to the creation of ministries of hygiene and social welfare 1892–1931 崩溃与改革:1892-1931 年智利卫生和社会福利部的创建之路
IF 1.4 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-11 DOI: 10.1017/mdh.2024.2
Diego Barría Traverso, Diego Romero Pavez
Doctors have played an important role in the development of health institutions in Latin America. However, they are not the only profession that has had a voice in these matters. There are also other factors influencing the development of ministries of health. This issue has gone unnoticed in the literature. This article suggests that it is possible to identify two distinct trends in the creation of health ministries in Latin America. The first, of an early nature, was seen principally in Central America and the Caribbean in countries dependent on or under the influence of the United States which, from the 1880s, promoted health Pan-Americanism. The second trend, which became apparent from 1924, was characterised by the emergence of ministries in a context of institutional breakdown and the appearance of new actors (military or populist leaders). This second trend was first seen in Chile in 1924. This article analyses the creation of the Ministerio de Higiene, Asistencia y Previsión Social (Ministry of Hygiene, Assistance and Social Security) in Chile in 1924 and its subsequent development through to 1931. The analysis looks at the health measures adopted, the context in which this occurred and the debates triggered by the ministry’s process of institutional development, based on parliamentary discussions, presidential speeches, official statistics, legislation, documents prepared by key actors and the press of the time.
医生在拉丁美洲卫生机构的发展中发挥了重要作用。然而,他们并不是在这些问题上有发言权的唯一职业。影响卫生部发展的还有其他因素。这个问题在文献中一直没有引起注意。本文认为,在拉丁美洲创建卫生部的过程中,可以发现两种截然不同的趋势。第一种趋势出现较早,主要出现在中美洲和加勒比地区依赖美国或受美国影响的国家。第二种趋势从 1924 年开始显现,其特点是在机构崩溃和新的参与者(军队或民粹主义领导人)出现的背景下出现的部委。第二种趋势于 1924 年首次出现在智利。本文分析了智利于 1924 年成立的卫生、援助和社会保障部(Ministerio de Higiene, Asistencia y Previsión Social)及其随后直至 1931 年的发展情况。文章以议会讨论、总统讲话、官方统计数据、立法、主要参与者编写的文件以及当时的新闻媒体为基础,分析了所采取的卫生措施、卫生措施的背景以及该部机构发展过程中引发的争论。
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引用次数: 0
Plague and the Mongol conquest of Baghdad (1258)? A reevaluation of the sources 瘟疫与蒙古征服巴格达(1258 年)?重新评估资料来源
IF 1.4 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1017/mdh.2023.38
Jonathan Brack, Michal Biran, Reuven Amitai
This paper reexamines the sources used by N. Fancy and M.H. Green in “Plague and the Fall of Baghdad (1258)” (Medical History, 65/2 (2021), 157–177). Fancy and Green argued that the Arabic and Persian descriptions of the Mongol sieges in Iran and Iraq, and in particular, in the conquest of Baghdad in 1258, indicate that the besieged fortresses and cities were struck by Plague after the Mongol sieges were lifted. This, they suggested, is part of a recurrent pattern of the outbreak of Plague transmitted by the Mongol expansion across Eurasia. Fancy and Green concluded that the primary sources substantiate the theory driven by recent paleogenetic studies indicating that the Mongol conquests of the thirteenth century set the stage for the massive pandemic of the mid-fourteenth century. The link between the Plague outbreak and the Mongol siege of Baghdad relies on three near-contemporaneous historical accounts. However, our re-examination of the sources shows that the main text (in Persian) has been significantly misunderstood, and that the two other texts (in Syriac and Arabic) have been mis-contextualized, and thus not understood properly. They do not support the authors’ claim regarding Plague epidemic in Baghdad in 1258, nor do other contemporary and later Arabic texts from Syria and Egypt adduced by them, which we re-examine in detail here. We conclude that there is no evidence for the appearance of Plague during or immediately after the Mongol conquests in the Middle East, certainly not for its transmission by the Mongols.
本文重新审查了 N. Fancy 和 M.H. Green 在 "鼠疫与巴格达的陷落(1258 年)"(《医学史》,65/2 (2021),157-177)一文中使用的资料来源。(医学史》,65/2 (2021),157-177)中使用的资料。Fancy 和 Green 认为,阿拉伯语和波斯语对蒙古人围攻伊朗和伊拉克,特别是 1258 年攻陷巴格达的描述表明,蒙古人解除围攻后,被围困的要塞和城市受到了鼠疫的侵袭。他们认为,这是蒙古在欧亚大陆扩张过程中一再爆发瘟疫的模式之一。Fancy 和 Green 得出结论认为,原始资料证实了近期古遗传学研究提出的理论,即 13 世纪蒙古人的征服为 14 世纪中叶的大规模瘟疫奠定了基础。瘟疫爆发与蒙古人围攻巴格达之间的联系依赖于三段几乎同时发生的历史记载。然而,我们对资料来源的重新研究表明,主要文本(波斯文)被严重误解,另外两个文本(叙利亚文和阿拉伯文)被错误地理解,因此没有得到正确理解。这些文本并不支持作者关于 1258 年巴格达瘟疫流行的说法,也不支持作者从叙利亚和埃及引用的其他当代和后来的阿拉伯语文本,我们在此对这些文本重新进行了详细研究。我们的结论是,没有证据表明在蒙古征服中东期间或之后出现过鼠疫,当然也没有证据表明鼠疫是由蒙古人传播的。
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引用次数: 0
‘The god of criminals is their belly’: diet, prisoner health, and prison medical officers in mid-nineteenth-century English and Irish prisons 罪犯之神是他们的肚子":十九世纪中期英国和爱尔兰监狱中的饮食、囚犯健康和监狱医务人员
IF 1.4 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1017/mdh.2023.36
Catherine Cox, Hilary Marland
Existing scholarship on prison diets has emphasised the role of food and its restriction as a key aspect of the deterrent system of prison discipline introduced in the 1860s. Here we suggest that a strong emphasis was placed on dietary regulation after the establishment of the reformist, but also ‘testing’, separate system of confinement in the mid-nineteenth century. While the impact of diet on the physical health of prisoners was a major concern, we argue that the psychological impact of food was also stressed, and some prison administrators and doctors argued that diet had an important protective function in preserving inmates’ mental wellbeing. Drawing on a wide range of prison archives and official reports, this article explores the crucial role of prison medical officers in England and Ireland in implementing prison dietaries. It highlights the importance and high level of individual adaptations to dietary scales laid down centrally, as a means of utilising diet as a tool of discipline or as an intervention to improve prisoners’ health. It examines the forays of some prison doctors into dietary experiments, as they investigated the impact of different dietaries or made more quotidian adjustments to food intake, based on local conditions and food supplies. The article concludes that, despite central policies geared to establishing uniformity and interest in new scientific discourses on nutrition, a wide range of practices were pursued in individual prisons, mostly shaped by practical rather than scientific factors, with many prison medical officers asserting their autonomy in making dietary adjustments.
有关监狱饮食的现有学术研究强调了食物及其限制作为 19 世纪 60 年代引入的监狱纪律威慑系统的一个重要方面的作用。在此,我们认为,在十九世纪中叶改革派建立了单独监禁制度,但同时也是 "测试 "制度之后,对饮食的管理受到了极大的重视。虽然饮食对囚犯身体健康的影响是一个主要问题,但我们认为,食物对心理的影响也受到重视,一些监狱管理者和医生认为,饮食对维护囚犯的精神健康具有重要的保护作用。本文利用大量监狱档案和官方报告,探讨了英格兰和爱尔兰的监狱医务人员在实施监狱食谱方面的关键作用。文章强调了个人对中央规定的饮食标准进行调整的重要性和高度适应性,将饮食作为一种惩戒工具或改善囚犯健康的干预手段。文章探讨了一些狱医在饮食实验中的尝试,他们调查了不同饮食方案的影响,或根据当地条件和食物供应情况对食物摄入量进行了更为日常化的调整。文章的结论是,尽管中央政策旨在建立统一性,并对新的营养科学论述感兴趣,但各个监狱还是采取了各种各样的做法,这些做法大多是由实际因素而非科学因素决定的,许多监狱医务人员在调整饮食方面坚持自己的自主权。
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引用次数: 0
Climate, diseases and medicine: the welfare of soldiers during the East Asian War of 1592–1598 气候、疾病和医学:1592-1598 年东亚战争期间士兵的福利
IF 1.4 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1017/mdh.2024.8
Baihui Duan
This article examines the care provided for the welfare of soldiers by the three combatant countries – China, Korea and Japan – during the East Asian War of 1592–8. Also known as the Imjin War, this large-scale military conflict can also be understood as an encounter between different state cultures and strategies of military medicine. This study focuses on cold-induced injuries, epidemic outbreaks and external wounds suffered during the war. I illuminate provision of prophylactic measures against cold by the Ming state, as well as attempts by the Sino-Chosŏn medical alliance to manage epidemics and treat wounded soldiers. I contrast these measures with the lack of similar centralised support for the Japanese forces, and examine the effect these differences had upon on military outcomes during the war. The difference in the amount of time, efforts and resources that the three combatant states devoted to sick and injured soldiers has implications not only for our understanding of the war but also for illuminating the early modern history of military medicine in East Asia. By exploring East Asian military medicine during and after the Imjin War, this article responds to recent calls for more detailed examination of histories of military medicine in premodern periods and non-European regions.
本文探讨了 1592-8 年东亚战争期间三个交战国--中国、朝鲜和日本--为士兵福利提供的医疗服务。这场大规模军事冲突也被称为壬辰卫国战争,也可以理解为不同国家文化和军事医学战略之间的交锋。本研究的重点是战争期间由寒冷引起的伤害、流行病的爆发和外伤。我阐明了明朝国家提供的预防感冒措施,以及中朝医学联盟在控制流行病和治疗伤兵方面的尝试。我将这些措施与日本军队缺乏类似的中央支持进行对比,并研究这些差异对战争期间军事结果的影响。三个交战国在为伤病士兵投入的时间、精力和资源上的差异不仅对我们理解战争有影响,而且对阐明东亚军事医学的早期现代史也有影响。通过探讨壬辰卫国战争期间和之后的东亚军事医学,本文响应了近期关于更详细地研究前现代时期和非欧洲地区军事医学史的呼吁。
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引用次数: 0
The expansion of medical education in the Dutch East Indies and the formation of the Indonesian medical profession 荷属东印度群岛医学教育的扩展和印度尼西亚医学界的形成
IF 1.4 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1017/mdh.2024.11
Hans Pols
In 1851, the colonial administration of the Dutch East Indies established a two-year program to educate young Javanese men to become vaccinators in Batavia (today’s Jakarta). During the following sixty years, the medical curriculum was expanded several times; in 1913, it consisted of a ten-year program. In 1927, the Batavia Medical School, granting degrees equivalent to those of Dutch university-affiliated medical schools, commenced operations. Consequently, a steadily increasing number of Indonesian physicians with various credentials were employed by the colonial health service, plantations, sugar factories and mines, or established private practices. They became a social group that occupied an ambiguous and even paradoxical position somewhere between Europeans and the indigenous population. During the 1910s, this inspired these physicians to obtain credentials and professional recognition equal to those of their European colleagues. Several of them became active in journalism, politics and social movements. During the 1920s, several became radicalised and criticised the nature of colonial society. In the 1930s, following the increasingly repressive nature of colonial society, most of them remained active in the public sphere while a small group dedicated itself to improving medical research and health care. After the transfer of sovereignty from the Netherlands to Indonesia on 27 December 1949, this small cadre reestablished medical education and health care, and built the Indonesian medical profession.
1851 年,荷属东印度群岛殖民政府在巴达维亚(今雅加达)设立了一个为期两年的项目,培养爪哇青年男子成为疫苗接种员。在随后的六十年中,医学课程几经扩充;1913 年,该课程改为十年制。1927 年,巴达维亚医学院开始招生,该校授予的学位等同于荷兰大学附属医学院的学位。因此,越来越多拥有各种资质的印尼医生受雇于殖民地卫生服务机构、种植园、制糖厂和矿山,或开设私人诊所。他们成为了一个社会群体,在欧洲人和土著居民之间占据着一个模糊甚至矛盾的位置。在 1910 年代,这激励着这些医生获得与欧洲同行同等的资格证书和专业认可。他们中的一些人开始积极参与新闻、政治和社会运动。20 世纪 20 年代,其中一些人变得激进起来,对殖民社会的本质提出了批评。20 世纪 30 年代,随着殖民社会的压迫性日益增强,他们中的大多数人仍然活跃在公共领域,而一小部分人则致力于改善医学研究和医疗保健。1949 年 12 月 27 日荷兰将主权移交给印度尼西亚后,这一小部分人重新建立了医学教育和医疗保健,并建立了印度尼西亚医学界。
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引用次数: 0
Professors of racial medicine: imperialism and race in nineteenth-century United States medical schools. 种族医学教授:十九世纪美国医学院的帝国主义与种族。
IF 1.4 2区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/mdh.2024.9
Christopher D E Willoughby

This article examines some of the racist features of nineteenth-century medical school curricula in the United States and the imperial networks necessary to acquire the data and specimens that underpinned this part of medical education, which established hierarchies between human races and their relationship to the natural environment. It shows how, in a world increasingly linked by trade and colonialism, medical schools were founded in the United States and grew as the country developed its own imperial ambitions. Taking advantage of the global reach of empires, a number of medical professors in different states, such as Daniel Drake, Josiah Nott and John Collins Warren, who donated his anatomical collection to Harvard Medical School on his retirement in 1847, began to develop racial theories that naturalised slavery and emerging imperialism as part of their medical teaching.

这篇文章探讨了十九世纪美国医学院课程的一些种族主义特征,以及获取数据和标本所需的帝国网络,这些数据和标本是医学教育的基础,它确立了人种之间的等级及其与自然环境的关系。该书展示了在贸易和殖民主义日益紧密联系的世界中,美国是如何建立医学院,并随着美国帝国主义野心的膨胀而不断发展壮大的。利用帝国的全球影响力,不同州的一些医学教授,如丹尼尔-德雷克(Daniel Drake)、约赛亚-诺特(Josiah Nott)和约翰-柯林斯-沃伦(John Collins Warren,1847 年退休时将自己的解剖学藏品捐赠给哈佛医学院),开始发展种族理论,将奴隶制和新兴帝国主义归化为医学教学的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
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Medical History
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