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Communicating Felt Knowledge to Decolonize #MeToo: A Native Feminist Approach to the Sherman Alexie Allegations 传达感受知识去殖民化#MeToo:谢尔曼·阿列克谢指控的本土女权主义方法
Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0035
Cortney L. Smith
Abstract:In February 2018, several women leveled allegations of sexual misconduct against Sherman Alexie, an author known for championing Native causes, challenging racism, and serving as a mentor for Native writers. Through a textual analysis, this article examines how two essayists, Deborah A. Miranda and Tracy Rector, embrace a Native feminist approach in responding to the allegations. I argue that these texts complicate the dominant narrative of the #MeToo movement and Western ideas of justice through a rhetoric of felt knowledge, or the sharing of personal narratives in which the emotional content is shaped by the settler colonialist experience, that explores other ways of knowing.
摘要:2018年2月,多名女性指控谢尔曼·阿列克谢(Sherman Alexie)性行为不端。谢尔曼·阿列克谢是一位以支持土著事业、挑战种族主义和土著作家导师而闻名的作家。通过文本分析,本文考察了两位散文家黛博拉·a·米兰达和特蕾西·雷克托如何采用本土女权主义的方法来回应这些指控。我认为,这些文本通过一种感觉知识的修辞,或分享个人叙事,使#MeToo运动和西方正义观念的主导叙事复杂化,其中情感内容是由定居者殖民主义经验塑造的,探索了其他认识方式。
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引用次数: 0
Privates: Theorizing Private Space in Trans Care 私人:跨性别关怀中的私人空间理论化
Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0041
Jack Jen Gieseking
By "space," I mean a physical or digital, real or imagined, virtual and material environment in which social relations—individual or collective—can take place. Private property in the form of the home and land ownership—also a core element of American capitalist colonialist dream—continued to define legal claims to land that furthered policing, racial segregation, cisheteropatriarchal marriage, and other state violence. [...]community publics presume designers can produce environmentally-determined "community," Third, liberal publics are accessible to all—in a fictional world where everyone is equal. Relatedly, when nineteenth century, WASP, upper-class policies, laws, and norms deemed sex a private matter, gay men were forced to create their own counterpublics for their sexual rendezvous.
我所说的“空间”是指一个物理的或数字的、真实的或想象的、虚拟的或物质的环境,在这个环境中,社会关系——个人的或集体的——可以发生。以房屋和土地所有权为形式的私有财产——也是美国资本主义殖民主义梦想的核心要素——继续定义着对土地的法律主张,这进一步推动了治安、种族隔离、异性恋父权制婚姻和其他国家暴力。[…社区公众认为设计师可以创造出由环境决定的“社区”。第三,自由的公众对所有人都是开放的——在一个人人平等的虚构世界里。与此相关的是,当19世纪的WASP、上流社会的政策、法律和规范将性视为私事时,男同性恋者被迫为他们的性约会创造自己的反公共场所。
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引用次数: 1
Care Ethics in the Age of Precarity ed. Maurice Hamington and Michael Flower (review) 《不稳定时代的护理伦理》莫里斯·哈明顿、迈克尔·弗劳尔主编(回顾)
Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0050
Christine L. Garlough
inflicted upon them. Similarly, in the negative media portrayals about welfare recipients, women like Yvonne Johnson and others come through as making deliberate choices about the kinds of work they will do or their use of recreational drugs to mitigate stress caused by the oppressive structure and sheer disrespect of welfare-to-work programs. However, these concrete examples of Black women’s agency, even within structural limitations, are much too few. More of these would have buttressed Kandaswamy’s queer theorizations. They would also have furthered Kandaswamy’s methodological commitment to working with a hostile archive to further illuminate a more complex history, specifically the ways in which Black women utilized mobility and migration, leisure and recreation, and epistemologies and praxis to not just resist the structural violences of Reconstruction and welfare era policy, but also the ways they worked to manifest their freedom dreams. Domestic Contradictions serves as a methodological model in interdisciplinarity. More importantly though, it offers readers ideological and policy linkages between Reconstruction and Welfare Reform, connections not generally clear to students at all levels—from high school to graduate school, whether US history or gender studies majors. The book demonstrates the ways both eras constituted economic, political, and cultural crises ripe for the emergence of more just approaches to human need. And yet state policies and practices of these two eras “forced Black women to adhere to heteronormative ideals and [to] engage in highly exploitative forms of labor,” in order to be citizens deserving of support (196). Examining the similarities across the eras showcases the “centrality of forced labor” (194) and the role of “gendered forms of anti-Black racism” (196) in US welfare ideas and policies.
强加给他们的。同样,在媒体对福利接受者的负面描述中,像伊冯娜·约翰逊(Yvonne Johnson)和其他人这样的女性,在她们将要从事的工作种类或使用娱乐性药物方面做出了深思熟虑的选择,以减轻压迫性结构和对福利工作计划的完全不尊重所造成的压力。然而,这些黑人妇女能动性的具体例子,即使在结构限制范围内,也太少了。如果有更多这样的例子,就会支持Kandaswamy的古怪理论。他们也会进一步推动Kandaswamy的方法论承诺,与敌对档案一起工作,进一步阐明更复杂的历史,特别是黑人妇女利用流动性和迁移,休闲和娱乐,认识论和实践的方式,不仅抵制重建和福利时代政策的结构性暴力,而且还努力实现她们的自由梦想。国内矛盾是一个跨学科的方法论模型。但更重要的是,它为读者提供了重建和福利改革之间意识形态和政策上的联系,这种联系从高中到研究生,无论是美国历史还是性别研究专业,各个层次的学生通常都不清楚。这本书展示了两个时代构成经济、政治和文化危机的方式,这些危机已经成熟,需要更公正的方法来满足人类的需求。然而,这两个时代的国家政策和做法“迫使黑人妇女坚持异性恋规范的理想,并从事高度剥削的劳动形式”,以便成为值得支持的公民(196)。考察不同时代的相似之处,展示了“强迫劳动的中心地位”(194)和“性别形式的反黑人种族主义”(196)在美国福利思想和政策中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
A Transnational Feminist Perspective on the US-NATO Military Withdrawal from Afghanistan: In Conversation with Malalai Joya 美国-北约从阿富汗撤军的跨国女权主义视角:与马拉莱·乔亚的对话
Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0037
Devaleena Das, M. Joya
Abstract:A conversation between a feminist scholar and a women's right activist on the US-NATO military withdrawal from Afghanistan (August 2021), this piece aims to share an alternative strand of Afghan feminist thought to the dominant gender apartheid rhetoric presented in popular Euromerican media. From a transnational feminist lens, the article offers Afghan feminist strategies for survival in the face of war, terrorism, imperialism, and misogyny. In this conversation, the parliamentarian Malalai Joya recounts the political stakes involved in her fight for justice, her resistance to imperial feminism, and thoughtful critique of some Afghan women leaders, conservative or liberal, who maintain patriarchal power but fail to wield their privileged positionalities to foreground the economic and social needs of the vast majority of Afghan women. The conversation steers toward questions about whether Joya's socialist dream of achieving freedom and democracy in Afghanistan is too idealistic, or potentially feasible through her theory of democratization of knowledge as resistance to oppression. Given the geopolitical power dynamic between the two speakers, from a critical transnational feminist lens, this conversation seeks to shift epistemology from the colonial model of knowledge extraction to a more collaborative practice of decolonization of feminist knowledge formation.
摘要:本文通过一名女权主义学者与一名女权活动家就美国-北约从阿富汗撤军(2021年8月)的对话,旨在分享一种另类的阿富汗女权主义思想,而不是欧美主流媒体所呈现的主流性别种族隔离言论。这篇文章从跨国女权主义的视角,提供了阿富汗女权主义者在面对战争、恐怖主义、帝国主义和厌女症时的生存策略。在这次谈话中,国会议员马拉莱·乔亚(Malalai Joya)讲述了她为正义而战所涉及的政治风险,她对帝国主义女权主义的抵制,以及对一些阿富汗女性领导人的深思熟虑的批评,这些领导人,无论是保守派还是自由派,都保持着父权,但未能利用自己的特权地位来突出绝大多数阿富汗女性的经济和社会需求。谈话转向了这样一个问题:乔娅在阿富汗实现自由和民主的社会主义梦想是否过于理想化,或者通过她的知识民主化理论作为抵抗压迫的潜在可行性。鉴于两位演讲者之间的地缘政治权力动态,从批判性的跨国女权主义视角来看,这次对话试图将知识提取的殖民模式的认识论转变为女权主义知识形成的非殖民化的更具协作性的实践。
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引用次数: 0
Earth-Bodies as Re-Existence: Ana Mendieta's Siluetas Beyond the Limits of Ecofeminism 作为再存在的地球躯体:安娜·门迭塔的《超越生态女性主义界限的灵魂》
Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0034
J. E. Jones
Abstract:This article engages the earth-body, or Silueta (Silhouette) (1973–80), works of Cuban-American artist Ana Mendieta to signal the Western limits of ecofeminist discourses and imagine a human-earthly relation beyond them. Ecofeminist thought has gained traction in feminist studies, especially given new materialist interventions which mark its ability to think a non-anthropocentric feminism in a time of environmental crisis. I recognize the potential of ecofeminism, and explore the ways it informed Mendieta's practice. Yet, drawing on decolonial feminist theory, I argue that a global South context and the "coloniality of [her] being" (Maldonaldo-Torres 2007) shifted Mendieta's engagement with the ecofeminist project. I read Mendieta as enacting an "aesthetics of re-existence" (Alban Achinte 2013) in response to a dehumanizing colonial context, using her art to "re-member" (Anzaldúa 2015) the negated dimensions of her existence in the Americas. Doing so reveals a persistent Western humanist lens that underwrites mainstream ecofeminist understandings of human-earthly relation, and also thinks with the African and Indigenous cosmologies Mendieta incorporated into her Siluetas about alternative modes of human relation to the earth. As Mendieta re-membered her own colonized being through her art, she helps us re-member ecofeminism's relation to the earth.
摘要:本文以古巴裔美国艺术家安娜·门迪塔(Ana Mendieta)的作品《剪影》(Silueta, 1973 - 1980)为例,揭示了西方生态女性主义话语的局限,并想象了一种超越这些局限的人地关系。生态女性主义思想在女性主义研究中获得了牵引力,特别是考虑到新唯物主义的介入,这标志着它在环境危机时期思考非人类中心主义的女性主义的能力。我认识到生态女权主义的潜力,并探索它影响门迭塔实践的方式。然而,根据非殖民化的女权主义理论,我认为全球南方的背景和“[她]存在的殖民性”(Maldonaldo-Torres 2007)改变了门迭塔与生态女权主义项目的接触。我将门迭塔解读为一种“重新存在的美学”(Alban Achinte 2013),以回应非人性化的殖民背景,用她的艺术“回忆”(Anzaldúa 2015)她在美洲存在的否定维度。这样做揭示了一种坚持不懈的西方人文主义视角,这种视角支持主流生态女性主义对人类与地球关系的理解,同时也思考了非洲和土著宇宙观,Mendieta将其纳入了她的《西鲁塔斯》中,关于人类与地球关系的其他模式。正如门迭塔通过她的艺术记住她自己被殖民的存在,她帮助我们记住生态女权主义与地球的关系。
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引用次数: 0
"We Don't Have a Daddy!": Marking Armenia's 2018 "Velvet Revolution" as a Site of Contesting Patriarchy “我们没有爸爸!”:标志着亚美尼亚2018年的“天鹅绒革命”成为争夺父权制的场所
Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0025
Tamar Shirinian
Abstract:In this article, I investigate a feminist action–the "Serzh is not our daddy!" action–that took place during the liminal time-space of Armenia's 2018 "Velvet Revolution." Recognizing authoritarian governance as a problem of patriarchy, feminist activists, as part of a makeshift group known as Aghchiknots (Girl's Place), organized an action where they contested not only the legitimacy of Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan, the object of refutation of the larger "Velvet Revolution," but the very problem of patriarchal centralization of authority, including that of the opposition Nikol Pashinyan who led the decentralized (apakentronacvac) protests in 2018. The action, as a public event, enabled a multiplicity of meanings, including the potentiality of fatherlessness as an ontological site from which to refuse authority centralized in patriarchal hands. In discussion with more recent feminist theory that has taken patriarchy seriously without losing the important resonances of race and class, this article contributes to how we might imagine patriarchy as an ongoing problem within authoritarian regimes as sites of public intimacy as well as everyday intimate life worlds and how an otherwise masculinist and patriarchal popular movement opens spaces from which to contest patriarchy.
摘要:在本文中,我调查了发生在2018年亚美尼亚“天鹅绒革命”阈限时空中的女权主义行动——“谢尔日不是我们的爸爸!”女权主义活动人士认识到威权治理是父权制的问题,作为一个名为Aghchiknots(女孩的地方)的临时团体的一部分,她们组织了一场行动,不仅质疑总理谢尔日·萨尔基相(Serzh Sargsyan)的合法性,也质疑父权制权力集中的问题,包括2018年领导权力下放(apakentronacvac)抗议活动的反对派尼科尔·帕希尼扬(Nikol Pashinyan)。萨尔基相是更大规模“天鹅绒革命”的驳斥对象。作为一个公共事件,这一行动产生了多重意义,包括作为一个本体论场所的无父性的可能性,从这里可以拒绝权力集中在父权手中。在与最近的女权主义理论的讨论中,该理论在不失去种族和阶级的重要共鸣的情况下认真对待父权制,本文有助于我们如何将父权制想象为专制政权内作为公共亲密场所以及日常亲密生活世界的持续问题,以及如何将男性主义和父权制的流行运动打开与父权制竞争的空间。
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引用次数: 0
"A Little Right of Center": Carceral Feminism and the Expansion of Biosurveillance “中间的一点权利”:女权主义与生物监控的扩张
Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0022
S. Ravichandran
Abstract:In the United States, feminists within mainstream rape crisis advocacy have been working to address rape by advocating to end the DNA backlog and therefore, the expansion of DNA databases, locally and nationally. Despite criticisms from radical abolition feminists for practicing carceral feminism that incarcerates more Black and Brown people, rape crisis advocates have been continuing their entanglements with criminal justice, fully recognizing the contradictory ends of such investments. In this paper, I explore their continued carceral investments, through underlying logics and justifications based in science and law and the impacts of doing so, as it relates to the problem of racialized policing. Relying on Black feminist epistemologies and interdisciplinary methodologies, my analysis draws upon archived documents, reports, legislations, and ethnographically driven interviews and observations with and amongst state and non-state actors, who are stakeholders in DNA biosurveillance. I argue that carceral feminists continue their carceral investments through two justifications—materiality and recidivism—that results in intensification of policing in communities of color by expanding genome based racialized biosurveillance. The implications of their justifications further harm survivors of violence, and produce a multifaceted recidivism, that is unbounded spacio-temporally, deepening and furthering state reach within communities of color in perpetuity.
摘要:在美国,主流强奸危机倡导中的女权主义者一直致力于通过倡导结束DNA积压,从而在地方和全国范围内扩展DNA数据库来解决强奸问题。尽管激进的废奴女权主义者批评实行监禁女权主义,将更多的黑人和棕色人种关进监狱,但强奸危机倡导者一直在继续与刑事司法纠缠在一起,充分认识到这种投资的矛盾结果。在本文中,我通过基于科学和法律的潜在逻辑和理由,以及这样做的影响,探讨了他们持续的医疗投资,因为这与种族化警务问题有关。依靠黑人女权主义认识论和跨学科的方法,我的分析借鉴了存档的文件,报告,立法,以及民族志驱动的访谈和观察,与国家和非国家行为者,谁是DNA生物监测的利益相关者。我认为,医学女权主义者通过两个理由——物质性和累犯性——继续他们的医学投资,通过扩大基于基因组的种族化生物监测,导致有色人种社区的警务加强。他们的辩护进一步伤害了暴力的幸存者,并产生了多方面的累犯,这是无限的空间和时间,不断深化和进一步的国家对有色人种社区的影响。
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引用次数: 2
A Queer Dig: Kanaka Maoli Gendered and Temporal (Archaeo)logics in Kumu Hina 一个奇怪的挖掘:中国Kumu的Kanaka Maoli性别和时间(考古)逻辑
Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0021
Mary Zaborskis, E. Reich
Abstract:The 2014 documentary Kumu Hina describes protagonist and narrator Hina as a trans woman though she teaches viewers and students at a Hawaiian charter school about her non-trans māhū identity. The settler colonial effects of equating "trans" and "māhū reverberate across multiple relationships in the documentary, as we learn about Hina's protection of burial grounds of her community's ancestors from a construction project, recent marriage in Fiji, and student who also identifies "in the middle." The documentary reveals the construction site, archipelagos, and school all as archaeological time-spaces wherein Hina negotiates māhū preservation, continuity, and futurity despite colonial mediation. Despite the film's circulation within a global LGBTQI+ movement, Hina asks audiences to understand Kanaka Maoli epistemologies and life as comprehensive, neither alternative to nor assimilable with settler LGBTQI+ frameworks. Extending works by Sylvia Wynter, Katherine McKittrick, and Mark Rifkin, we examine Kanaka Maoli gendered inhabitations of the archipelago spatio-temporally and as impossible to reconcile either as "past" or within LGBTQI+ futures. In structural and representational tensions between Hina's work and disciplinary institutions of school, city-planning, marriage, and the medium of documentary itself, we find a living (archaeo)logics incommensurate with settler colonial time and epistemologies.
摘要:2014年的纪录片《Kumu Hina》将主人公和讲述者Hina描述为一名跨性别女性,尽管她在夏威夷一所特许学校向观众和学生讲述了她的非跨性别māhū身份。将“跨性别者”和“māhū”等同起来所带来的殖民殖民效应,在纪录片中回响在多重关系中,我们了解到Hina在一项建筑工程中保护其社区祖先的墓地,最近在斐济结婚,以及也认同“中间”的学生。纪录片揭示了建筑工地、群岛和学校都是考古的时间空间,中国在这里谈判māhū保存、连续性和未来,尽管殖民调解。尽管这部电影在全球LGBTQI+运动中流传,但希娜要求观众理解卡纳卡毛利人的认识论和生活是全面的,既不能替代也不能与定居者LGBTQI+框架同化。在西尔维娅·温特、凯瑟琳·麦基特里克和马克·里夫金的作品的基础上,我们考察了卡纳卡毛利人在群岛上的性别居住,这些居住在时空上是不可能调和的,无论是“过去”还是LGBTQI+未来。在中国的作品与学校、城市规划、婚姻和纪录片媒介本身的学科机构之间的结构和表征紧张关系中,我们发现了一种与定居者殖民时代和认识论不相称的生活(考古)逻辑。
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引用次数: 0
Mapping Gendered Ecologies: Engaging with and beyond Ecowomanism and Ecofeminism ed. by K. Melchor Quick Hall and Gwyn Kirk (review) 绘制性别生态学:参与并超越生态女性主义和生态女性主义,作者:K. Melchor Quick Hall和Gwyn Kirk
Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0030
P. Chandrasekaran
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引用次数: 1
Girlhood 少女时代
Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0029
S. Nuamah
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引用次数: 0
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Feminist Formations
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