Pub Date : 2015-08-31DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39787
H. Wali
{"title":"The False Pursuit of Womens Rights in Afghanistan: American Rhetoric and Propaganda","authors":"H. Wali","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.39787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.39787","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129790997","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-08-31DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.40196
Samantha Craig-Curnow
This article explores the political, economic, and social effects of Specific Land Claims on Indigenous communities. It uses the example of the Chippewas Tri-Council, with a focus on the Chippewas of Rama First Nation, to argue that Specific Land Claims in Canada, despite minor benefits to communities (these benefits being almost always limited to economic benefits), are ultimately part of a process created by a colonial government which contributes to continued colonization of Indigenous communities.
本文探讨了特定土地要求对土著社区的政治、经济和社会影响。它以Chippewas三方理事会为例，重点关注Rama First Nation的Chippewas，认为加拿大的特定土地要求，尽管对社区有很小的好处(这些好处几乎总是局限于经济利益)，但最终是殖民政府创造的过程的一部分，这有助于土著社区的持续殖民化。
{"title":"The Coldwater Narrows Specific Land Claim: A Story of Colonization?","authors":"Samantha Craig-Curnow","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.40196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.40196","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the political, economic, and social effects of Specific Land Claims on Indigenous communities. It uses the example of the Chippewas Tri-Council, with a focus on the Chippewas of Rama First Nation, to argue that Specific Land Claims in Canada, despite minor benefits to communities (these benefits being almost always limited to economic benefits), are ultimately part of a process created by a colonial government which contributes to continued colonization of Indigenous communities.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121898090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-08-31DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39743
C. Allard
This paper examines the relationship between the Government of Canada and First Nations during and after the first seven numbered treaty negotations (1867-1900). During this time, the government viewed First Nations as impediments to economic, political, and social development in western Canada. In order to secure land for newcomers and gain control of the West, the government negotiated treaties and passed legislation to control and assimilate the Aboriginal population (1876 Indian Act). As this paper explains, unjust government actions and broken government promises only made the relationship between First Nations and Canada more contentious during the late 19th century.
{"title":"Relations between Canada and First Nations in the West (1867-1900): The Numbered Treaties, Indian Act, and Loss of Aboriginal Autonomy","authors":"C. Allard","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.39743","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.39743","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the relationship between the Government of Canada and First Nations during and after the first seven numbered treaty negotations (1867-1900). During this time, the government viewed First Nations as impediments to economic, political, and social development in western Canada. In order to secure land for newcomers and gain control of the West, the government negotiated treaties and passed legislation to control and assimilate the Aboriginal population (1876 Indian Act). As this paper explains, unjust government actions and broken government promises only made the relationship between First Nations and Canada more contentious during the late 19th century.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130546202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-20DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39625
Bissy L. Waariyo
{"title":"Canadian Media and Refugees: The Representation of Tamil Plight","authors":"Bissy L. Waariyo","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.39625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.39625","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"217 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116823258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The first global response to the impending crisis of climate change occurred with the creation of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in 1972. Since then, conferences have been convened, agreements have been adopted, and another body has been formed without any substantial global progress on the environment having transpired. I examine how current institutional arrangements have failed and prescribe the construction of a World Environment Organization (WEO) as a normative remedy. Such a body would need to be well resourced, with its mandate expanded to the effect that it could compete against the legally binding edicts of the World Trade Organization (WTO). A WEO could also replace dishevelled inter-state action on climate change with centralized, international agreement, implementation, and enforcement of initiatives. I also explore the moral obligation the industrialized North has to assist the underdeveloped South in actualizing the latter’s environmental commitments, and mechanisms that would give the South a greater degree of decision-making power than it presently has. Liberal market environmentalism, an anti-thesis to the proposed WEO, is explained and rebutted. The role of Canada’s current administration in the global response to environmental degradation is likewise studied and critiqued. Though the conclusions I draw from my survey of the literature are normative, I utilize various examples in current affairs to suggest that a productive, cooperative WEO can realistically be consummated.
{"title":"United We Stand, Divided We Fall: The Case for a World Environment Organization","authors":"S. Persaud","doi":"10.25071/ryr.v2i0.40385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/ryr.v2i0.40385","url":null,"abstract":"The first global response to the impending crisis of climate change occurred with the creation of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in 1972. Since then, conferences have been convened, agreements have been adopted, and another body has been formed without any substantial global progress on the environment having transpired. I examine how current institutional arrangements have failed and prescribe the construction of a World Environment Organization (WEO) as a normative remedy. Such a body would need to be well resourced, with its mandate expanded to the effect that it could compete against the legally binding edicts of the World Trade Organization (WTO). A WEO could also replace dishevelled inter-state action on climate change with centralized, international agreement, implementation, and enforcement of initiatives. I also explore the moral obligation the industrialized North has to assist the underdeveloped South in actualizing the latter’s environmental commitments, and mechanisms that would give the South a greater degree of decision-making power than it presently has. Liberal market environmentalism, an anti-thesis to the proposed WEO, is explained and rebutted. The role of Canada’s current administration in the global response to environmental degradation is likewise studied and critiqued. Though the conclusions I draw from my survey of the literature are normative, I utilize various examples in current affairs to suggest that a productive, cooperative WEO can realistically be consummated.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125558222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-20DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39627
Stephen Firang
Human history and societies have come to be perceived as a site of struggle between tribes, classes, nations: in a word, the oppressed versus the oppressor. Accordingly, it can be conceived that the raison d’etre of colonialism and nationalism in human affairs is the product of perpetual struggle, a dilemmatic struggle that results in either domination or liberation. This paper is about empire and nationalism, their façades, and the political and legal instruments that are used to deceive the peoples of the world. The paper will focus on Burma and the nation’s resistant struggle against the empire: a movement from colonialism to neo-colonialism, and towards democratic independence. Furthermore, this essay will examine the relationship between nationalism and colonialism. Arguing that while the relationship between the two ideologies may seem ironic, nationalism and colonialism can also be perceived at times complementary, at others
{"title":"Colonialism and Nationalism in Burma: A Contestation of an Embattled Country","authors":"Stephen Firang","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.39627","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.39627","url":null,"abstract":"Human history and societies have come to be perceived as a site of struggle between tribes, classes, nations: in a word, the oppressed versus the oppressor. Accordingly, it can be conceived that the raison d’etre of colonialism and nationalism in human affairs is the product of perpetual struggle, a dilemmatic struggle that results in either domination or liberation. This paper is about empire and nationalism, their façades, and the political and legal instruments that are used to deceive the peoples of the world. The paper will focus on Burma and the nation’s resistant struggle against the empire: a movement from colonialism to neo-colonialism, and towards democratic independence. Furthermore, this essay will examine the relationship between nationalism and colonialism. Arguing that while the relationship between the two ideologies may seem ironic, nationalism and colonialism can also be perceived at times complementary, at others","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"86 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117268432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-20DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39629
Usman Javed
{"title":"Global Powers and Iran’s Nuclear Issue: The Case For Empire Building","authors":"Usman Javed","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.39629","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.39629","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115798672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39585
David Artemiw
Fascism, we are told, is a tool of the capitalist class, a reaction against socialism and communism, a Marxist deviation, a psychotic fever that eventually passed after taking a terrible toll on European civilization. The debate is lengthy and complicated and despite claims of an emerging consensus, the question is still unsettled. 1 Generally speaking, definitions of fascism have left something to be desired, for they are generally too vague, too specific, or too tortured, to be of much use. It is no wonder then that some scholars seek to bury the word, and the concept, declaring it “precisely dated and meaningless.” 2
{"title":"Towards a Definition of Fascism","authors":"David Artemiw","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.39585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.39585","url":null,"abstract":"Fascism, we are told, is a tool of the capitalist class, a reaction against socialism and communism, a Marxist deviation, a psychotic fever that eventually passed after taking a terrible toll on European civilization. The debate is lengthy and complicated and despite claims of an emerging consensus, the question is still unsettled. 1 Generally speaking, definitions of fascism have left something to be desired, for they are generally too vague, too specific, or too tortured, to be of much use. It is no wonder then that some scholars seek to bury the word, and the concept, declaring it “precisely dated and meaningless.” 2","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"85 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132833523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39583
A. Grzadkowska
At the beginning of its development, suburban housing in and around Toronto was viewed as a solution to the poor living standards found in Toronto’s slums, thereby attracting primarily middle and upper class families. 1 It is important to note that many early suburbs were also appealing for marginalized groups of immigrants and the working class. 2 However, the current essay will primarily explore the construction and development of upper class-dominated regions, and use the term “suburb” in reference to prestigious districts located near or in the city, such as Forest Hill, the Annex, and Parkdale, which primarily comprised of middle and upper class housing in the late 1800s. 3 By the turn of the century, these suburban neighbourhoods were undergoing significant changes associated with urban development. While some suburbs, such as Parkdale and the Annex, were modeled with the intent of housing wealthy and middle-class people, a movement of blue-collar workers and non-British immigrants to the “morally distinct” neighbourhoods of the city began in the 1890s and continued throughout the 1900s. 4 The relocation was influenced by the expansion of industries in Toronto, the housing boom that took place between 1906 and 1913, and the growing affordability of land located outside of the city’s core. This essay will argue that industrial development and housing expansion influenced the construction of class relations in Toronto’s suburbs, specifically by creating social divisions based on residents’ inner city or industry-based employment, their segregated geographical
{"title":"Segregation and Integration: Changes in the Social Diversity of Toronto’s Upper Class Suburbs, 1870s-1920s","authors":"A. Grzadkowska","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.39583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.39583","url":null,"abstract":"At the beginning of its development, suburban housing in and around Toronto was viewed as a solution to the poor living standards found in Toronto’s slums, thereby attracting primarily middle and upper class families. 1 It is important to note that many early suburbs were also appealing for marginalized groups of immigrants and the working class. 2 However, the current essay will primarily explore the construction and development of upper class-dominated regions, and use the term “suburb” in reference to prestigious districts located near or in the city, such as Forest Hill, the Annex, and Parkdale, which primarily comprised of middle and upper class housing in the late 1800s. 3 By the turn of the century, these suburban neighbourhoods were undergoing significant changes associated with urban development. While some suburbs, such as Parkdale and the Annex, were modeled with the intent of housing wealthy and middle-class people, a movement of blue-collar workers and non-British immigrants to the “morally distinct” neighbourhoods of the city began in the 1890s and continued throughout the 1900s. 4 The relocation was influenced by the expansion of industries in Toronto, the housing boom that took place between 1906 and 1913, and the growing affordability of land located outside of the city’s core. This essay will argue that industrial development and housing expansion influenced the construction of class relations in Toronto’s suburbs, specifically by creating social divisions based on residents’ inner city or industry-based employment, their segregated geographical","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125569225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39584
J. Thistle
In late spring 1885, Métis and Canadian forces clashed in a series of battles in northern Saskatchewan, collectively known today as the Northwest Resistance. The standard Canadian historiography regarding these confrontations has, over the years, tended to attribute full blame to one man—Louis Riel. A perfect example is Tom Flanagan’s Louis ‘David’ Riel: Prophet of the New World, which portrays Riel as a rabble-rousing firebrand who pits a simple clan of erstwhile ‘half-breeds’ against the Dominion of Canada to fulfill his divine mission from God and his delusional quest for glory. 1 By portraying Riel as a manipulator, this historiographical myth simultaneously discredits the Métis cause while painting the Canadian government as justified liberators whose rescue efforts free the young nation from the clutches of a megalomaniac. 2 Although some evidence points to Riel’s mental instability, he did not drive the Métis to war in 1885. To understand why the Métis and Canada fought in 1885, one has to look beyond Riel at three underlying causes of the conflict. One, the Resistance took place at the height of colonialism, as such it was a product of the Canadian and global imperialism prevalent during that time. Two, Canada never adequately dealt with Métis land claims from the 1870 Manitoba Act, which frustrated the Métis to the point of picking up arms in 1885. Three, drastic economic change and hardship had swept the west and the Métis had no help from the federal government, which increased Métis frustration. Together these factors caused the Northwest Resistance to erupt. Understanding them helps debunk the myth that Riel was the master architect behind 1885. Looking beyond Riel at the large picture of 1885, we see that the Northwest Resistance was a result of Canadian and worldwide imperialism. To start, the 1880s were the height of the
{"title":"The 1885 Northwest Resistance: Causes to the Conflict","authors":"J. Thistle","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.39584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.39584","url":null,"abstract":"In late spring 1885, Métis and Canadian forces clashed in a series of battles in northern Saskatchewan, collectively known today as the Northwest Resistance. The standard Canadian historiography regarding these confrontations has, over the years, tended to attribute full blame to one man—Louis Riel. A perfect example is Tom Flanagan’s Louis ‘David’ Riel: Prophet of the New World, which portrays Riel as a rabble-rousing firebrand who pits a simple clan of erstwhile ‘half-breeds’ against the Dominion of Canada to fulfill his divine mission from God and his delusional quest for glory. 1 By portraying Riel as a manipulator, this historiographical myth simultaneously discredits the Métis cause while painting the Canadian government as justified liberators whose rescue efforts free the young nation from the clutches of a megalomaniac. 2 Although some evidence points to Riel’s mental instability, he did not drive the Métis to war in 1885. To understand why the Métis and Canada fought in 1885, one has to look beyond Riel at three underlying causes of the conflict. One, the Resistance took place at the height of colonialism, as such it was a product of the Canadian and global imperialism prevalent during that time. Two, Canada never adequately dealt with Métis land claims from the 1870 Manitoba Act, which frustrated the Métis to the point of picking up arms in 1885. Three, drastic economic change and hardship had swept the west and the Métis had no help from the federal government, which increased Métis frustration. Together these factors caused the Northwest Resistance to erupt. Understanding them helps debunk the myth that Riel was the master architect behind 1885. Looking beyond Riel at the large picture of 1885, we see that the Northwest Resistance was a result of Canadian and worldwide imperialism. To start, the 1880s were the height of the","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121605112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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