Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.40225
Carter Vance
This article investigates the tensions in the writings of Rosa Luxemburg as juxtaposed to her historical contemporaries in light of the debate on reformist Marxism. Primarily, her exchanges with Eduard Bernstein on the question of social revolution and with Vladimir Lenin on the question of nationality are explored. In relating these debates to present day examples of social and protest movements, as well as those for national independence, the article attempts to tease out guidance for Marxist political praxis in the current day. By close reading of the Bernstein-Luxemburg debate, it can be seen that the “reform or revolution” debate is often posited in terms which are inconsistent with those the authors originally meant. The article posits that there is no inherent tension or dichotomous relationship between reforms and revolutionary practice as consistent with the way the terms are normally used today. At the same time, it raises questions about what the practical limits of Marxism as both an analytic framework and a guide to political action are, particularly on the question of nationalism.
{"title":"Luxemburg’s Dilemmas: Lessons in Marxism as Political Praxis","authors":"Carter Vance","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.40225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.40225","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the tensions in the writings of Rosa Luxemburg as juxtaposed to her historical contemporaries in light of the debate on reformist Marxism. Primarily, her exchanges with Eduard Bernstein on the question of social revolution and with Vladimir Lenin on the question of nationality are explored. In relating these debates to present day examples of social and protest movements, as well as those for national independence, the article attempts to tease out guidance for Marxist political praxis in the current day. By close reading of the Bernstein-Luxemburg debate, it can be seen that the “reform or revolution” debate is often posited in terms which are inconsistent with those the authors originally meant. The article posits that there is no inherent tension or dichotomous relationship between reforms and revolutionary practice as consistent with the way the terms are normally used today. At the same time, it raises questions about what the practical limits of Marxism as both an analytic framework and a guide to political action are, particularly on the question of nationalism.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121332771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.40244
Habiba Khaled
In 1986 Joan Scott published “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis,” an article examining the disconnect between the way in which gender is explored within the scholarship and gender history itself. In her work Scott operationalized gender as a framework. Utilizing Scott's framework, this historiographical analysis explores the question of gender as an analytical tool within the scholarship on 1930s Soviet Russia. Works produced prior to and post Scott's “calling” are categorized based upon a gender-based spectrum. Works are categorized as being: descriptive history exploring women; women’s history; beyond women’s history but short of gender history; and gender history. Situating the scholarship of 1930s Soviet Russia alongside Scott's conception of gender history allows for exploration of the evolution of gender- as an analytical tool utilized in the scholarship. Contrasting Scott's conception with scholars' usage of gender alludes to why gender, as a lens, is often overlooked.
1986年，琼·斯科特(Joan Scott)发表了《性别:一个有用的历史分析范畴》(Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis)，这篇文章考察了学术研究中探索性别的方式与性别史本身之间的脱节。在她的作品中，斯科特将性别作为一个框架来运作。利用斯科特的框架，这一史学分析探讨了性别问题，作为20世纪30年代苏联俄罗斯学术研究的分析工具。在斯科特的“召唤”之前和之后创作的作品是根据性别分类的。作品分为:描写历史探索女性;女性的历史;超越了女性史，但缺少性别史;以及性别历史。将20世纪30年代苏联的学术研究与斯科特的性别历史概念放在一起，可以探索性别的演变——作为学术研究中使用的一种分析工具。将斯科特的概念与学者们对性别的使用进行对比，可以暗示为什么性别作为一个镜头经常被忽视。
{"title":"\"Stepping up to the Call:\" A Historiographical Analysis of Gender in 1930s Soviet Russia","authors":"Habiba Khaled","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.40244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.40244","url":null,"abstract":"In 1986 Joan Scott published “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis,” an article examining the disconnect between the way in which gender is explored within the scholarship and gender history itself. In her work Scott operationalized gender as a framework. Utilizing Scott's framework, this historiographical analysis explores the question of gender as an analytical tool within the scholarship on 1930s Soviet Russia. Works produced prior to and post Scott's “calling” are categorized based upon a gender-based spectrum. Works are categorized as being: descriptive history exploring women; women’s history; beyond women’s history but short of gender history; and gender history. Situating the scholarship of 1930s Soviet Russia alongside Scott's conception of gender history allows for exploration of the evolution of gender- as an analytical tool utilized in the scholarship. Contrasting Scott's conception with scholars' usage of gender alludes to why gender, as a lens, is often overlooked.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"62 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114122880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.40243
Lauren Laframboise
French colonial Louisiana has long captured the imaginations of academic and amateur historians alike. However, the histories of French Louisiana and New Orleans have often been analyzed within the canon of American history, overlooking its transnational and transcontinental connections to New France and the French Empire. This paper mobilizes 18th Century court documents from French colonial New Orleans that detail an assault perpetrated by a plantation overseer against enslaved workers. Jacques Charpentier dit le Roy migrated to Louisiana from what is now known as Canada, and was employed as an overseer by plantation owner and Superior Council member Amyault d’Auseville. Charpentier’s violent conduct led to the death of an enslaved man by the name of Brunet, and perpetrated multiple physical and sexual assaults against enslaved women, including Brunet’s wife, Bizao. The d’Auseville vs. Charpentier case not only illustrates the violence of slavery within the French Empire, but also the ways in which class differences were mobilized to entrench racial hierarchies. Above all, the case shows that the institution of slavery was sustained by migrations within the French Empire in North America, and provides concrete evidence of the transnational and transcontinental nature of slaveholding. This paper problematizes historiographical arguments that slavery was ‘less brutal’ in the French Empire by bringing the d’Auseville vs. Charpentier case in conversation with the Codes Noirs and its patriarchal foundations.
长期以来，法国殖民地路易斯安那一直吸引着学术和业余历史学家的想象力。然而，法属路易斯安那州和新奥尔良的历史经常在美国历史的经典中进行分析，忽视了它与新法兰西和法兰西帝国的跨国和跨大陆联系。本文引用了18世纪法国殖民时期新奥尔良的法庭文件，这些文件详细描述了一名种植园监工对奴隶工人的袭击。Jacques Charpentier diit le Roy从现在的加拿大移民到路易斯安那州，并被种植园主兼高级委员会成员Amyault d 'Auseville雇用为监督员。Charpentier的暴力行为导致了一个名叫Brunet的奴隶的死亡，并对被奴役的妇女进行了多次身体和性侵犯，包括Brunet的妻子Bizao。d 'Auseville诉Charpentier案不仅说明了法兰西帝国内部奴隶制的暴力，也说明了阶级差异是如何被动员起来巩固种族等级制度的。最重要的是，该案例表明，奴隶制制度是由北美法兰西帝国内部的移民维持的，并提供了奴隶制跨国和跨大陆性质的具体证据。本文通过将d ' auseville vs. Charpentier案例与《黑色法典》及其父权基础进行对话，对历史学家认为奴隶制在法兰西帝国“不那么残酷”的观点提出了质疑。
{"title":"“Comme des bons pères de famille:” Masculinity, Patriarchy, and the Transnational Violences of Slavery in French Colonial North America","authors":"Lauren Laframboise","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.40243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.40243","url":null,"abstract":"French colonial Louisiana has long captured the imaginations of academic and amateur historians alike. However, the histories of French Louisiana and New Orleans have often been analyzed within the canon of American history, overlooking its transnational and transcontinental connections to New France and the French Empire. This paper mobilizes 18th Century court documents from French colonial New Orleans that detail an assault perpetrated by a plantation overseer against enslaved workers. Jacques Charpentier dit le Roy migrated to Louisiana from what is now known as Canada, and was employed as an overseer by plantation owner and Superior Council member Amyault d’Auseville. Charpentier’s violent conduct led to the death of an enslaved man by the name of Brunet, and perpetrated multiple physical and sexual assaults against enslaved women, including Brunet’s wife, Bizao. The d’Auseville vs. Charpentier case not only illustrates the violence of slavery within the French Empire, but also the ways in which class differences were mobilized to entrench racial hierarchies. Above all, the case shows that the institution of slavery was sustained by migrations within the French Empire in North America, and provides concrete evidence of the transnational and transcontinental nature of slaveholding. This paper problematizes historiographical arguments that slavery was ‘less brutal’ in the French Empire by bringing the d’Auseville vs. Charpentier case in conversation with the Codes Noirs and its patriarchal foundations.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"88 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114481972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.40202
Mario Concordia
While Roman architecture is often generalized as being primarily of Greek influence, there are important periods where other influences can be clearly identified. This paper considers the Etruscan, Greek, and Villanovan influence on Roman religious architecture through an examination of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maxmius, also known as the Capitolium, and argues that the temple is ultimately of primarily Etruscan influence.
{"title":"Caput Mundi: An Analysis of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus as a Case of Etruscan Influence on Roman Religious Architecture","authors":"Mario Concordia","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.40202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.40202","url":null,"abstract":"While Roman architecture is often generalized as being primarily of Greek influence, there are important periods where other influences can be clearly identified. This paper considers the Etruscan, Greek, and Villanovan influence on Roman religious architecture through an examination of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maxmius, also known as the Capitolium, and argues that the temple is ultimately of primarily Etruscan influence.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"8 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120895816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.40247
L. Deer
The construction of massive economic-development projects disproportionately impact Indigenous communities in what is now Canada, and is defined by Melissa Checker as environmental racism. This paper explores the imposition process of the St. Lawrence Seaway on the Kanien’kehá:ka community of Caughnawaga, Quebec. The colonial relationship Glen Coulthard describes is used to frame the power dynamics between the state and the community of Caughnawaga in the conception, construction, and compensation phases of the St. Lawrence Seaway. The initial location of the Seaway was on the southern part of the island of Montreal, though shifted on Caughnawaga in future development interests of the city, as uncovered by a draft report completed by Joan Holmes and Associates in 1999. The cabinet conclusions from the Parliament of Canada between 1955 and 1956 discussed concern of legality surrounding the expropriation of reserve land. Ministers declared the legal incongruity could be resolved with amending the St. Lawrence Seaway Authority Act to define the St. Lawrence Seaway Authority as a corporation. The amendment allowed for the Authority to forcibly take lands within Caughnawaga via Section 35 of the Indian Act, removing non-consenting families from their homes. The oral history accounts conducted by Kahnawà:ke community members Stephanie K. Phillips and Dwayne Stacey emphasized the unjust nature of the Seaway. Joan Holmes and Associates confirmed lack of notification of the expropriation to Caughnawaga, often following the actions, and compensation was insufficient when able to compare to private appraisers.
大规模经济发展项目的建设不成比例地影响了现在加拿大的土著社区，梅丽莎·切克将其定义为环境种族主义。本文探讨了魁北克Caughnawaga的Kanien ' keh:ka社区的圣劳伦斯海道的强加过程。Glen Coulthard描述的殖民关系被用来构建国家和Caughnawaga社区在St. Lawrence海道的概念、建设和补偿阶段之间的权力动态。1999年Joan Holmes和Associates完成的一份报告草案显示，Seaway最初的位置是在蒙特利尔岛的南部，但出于城市未来发展的利益，它转移到了Caughnawaga。1955年至1956年加拿大议会的内阁结论讨论了有关征用储备土地的合法性问题。部长们宣布，法律上的不协调可以通过修改圣劳伦斯海道管理局法案来解决，将圣劳伦斯海道管理局定义为一家公司。该修正案允许当局根据《印第安人法》第35条强行征用Caughnawaga境内的土地，将不同意的家庭赶出家园。kahnawou:ke社区成员Stephanie K. Phillips和Dwayne Stacey进行的口述历史叙述强调了海道的不公正性质。Joan Holmes和Associates证实，在采取行动之后，没有向Caughnawaga通知征用情况，而且与私人估估师相比，补偿不足。
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Pub Date : 2017-06-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.40227
C. Fairweather
There has been much debate in the columns of newspapers as to how we should understand the sharing economy, but as yet, much of the debate is largely superficial, garnering little attention in terms of rigorous academic analysis. In this paper, I argue that the rise of the capital-extractive sharing economy model employed by companies like Uber and Airbnb cannot be understood outside of the political-economic context from which it emerges. Drawing on the work of Marxist scholars like David Harvey, I analyze such models through the lens of primitive accumulation, positioning their development as positive evidence of Harvey’s theory that capitalism seeks to colonize new spheres of social life in order to offload the tensions of its own internal conflicts; in this case, labour market insecurity. Further, I argue that the rise of the capital-extractive sharing economy should be recognized as constituting a further entrenchment of the global neoliberal project, particularly as it stands to affect union organizing, force deregulation in favour of free market fundamentals, and further deepen the labour market insecurity from which it rises in the first place.
{"title":"The Sharing Economy as Primitive Accumulation: Locating the Political-Economic Position of the Capital-Extractive Sharing Economy","authors":"C. Fairweather","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.40227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.40227","url":null,"abstract":"There has been much debate in the columns of newspapers as to how we should understand the sharing economy, but as yet, much of the debate is largely superficial, garnering little attention in terms of rigorous academic analysis. In this paper, I argue that the rise of the capital-extractive sharing economy model employed by companies like Uber and Airbnb cannot be understood outside of the political-economic context from which it emerges. Drawing on the work of Marxist scholars like David Harvey, I analyze such models through the lens of primitive accumulation, positioning their development as positive evidence of Harvey’s theory that capitalism seeks to colonize new spheres of social life in order to offload the tensions of its own internal conflicts; in this case, labour market insecurity. Further, I argue that the rise of the capital-extractive sharing economy should be recognized as constituting a further entrenchment of the global neoliberal project, particularly as it stands to affect union organizing, force deregulation in favour of free market fundamentals, and further deepen the labour market insecurity from which it rises in the first place.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130695305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-08-31DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39553
Christina Dickinson
{"title":"Argentina and the IMF: Over a Decade After Default","authors":"Christina Dickinson","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.39553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.39553","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124180839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-08-31DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.40195
H. Kapoor
Napoleon Bonaparte turned France into a police state during his reign.[1] However, he did not continue the French Revolution as the French people hoped. The French Revolution brought forth liberty and to do as ones will if it does not harm another.[2] A new document brought by the French Revolution embodying these principles was the French Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen in 1789.[3] This Declaration stated under article 11 that there was to be a free flow of ideas and opinions in writing and the press.[4] Article 7 outlawed any cruel harsh punishment and arbitrary sentencing.[5] However, Napoleon reversed these fundamental principles of the French Revolution. Writers, the press, along with the French people were subjected to the General police and prefects and were banned from saying anything controversial, against his regime, anything about France’s revolutionary past, and against France’s allies.[6] Arbitrary, cruel punishments, and harsh rules were enacted by Napoleon through the Penal Code in 1810.[7] Napoleon did not continue the French Revolution and reversed it by turning France into a police state and monitored and censored the French people, the press, and writers.
{"title":"Napoleon Reversing the French Revolution.","authors":"H. Kapoor","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.40195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.40195","url":null,"abstract":"Napoleon Bonaparte turned France into a police state during his reign.[1] However, he did not continue the French Revolution as the French people hoped. The French Revolution brought forth liberty and to do as ones will if it does not harm another.[2] A new document brought by the French Revolution embodying these principles was the French Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen in 1789.[3] This Declaration stated under article 11 that there was to be a free flow of ideas and opinions in writing and the press.[4] Article 7 outlawed any cruel harsh punishment and arbitrary sentencing.[5] However, Napoleon reversed these fundamental principles of the French Revolution. Writers, the press, along with the French people were subjected to the General police and prefects and were banned from saying anything controversial, against his regime, anything about France’s revolutionary past, and against France’s allies.[6] Arbitrary, cruel punishments, and harsh rules were enacted by Napoleon through the Penal Code in 1810.[7] Napoleon did not continue the French Revolution and reversed it by turning France into a police state and monitored and censored the French people, the press, and writers.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"122 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124145955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-08-31DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39740
R. Gill
{"title":"States of exception in the post-9/11 world","authors":"R. Gill","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.39740","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.39740","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131278901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-08-31DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39820
Shayma Bashawieh
Liberating third world, Muslim women from the clutches of oppressive Arab men has proven to be a popular and seductive justification for the military invasion of various Middle Eastern states throughout history. Individuals that support the ‘liberation’ of women of colour through military occupations argue that women in these ‘third world states’ are oppressed and require the assistance of a western military invasion to facilitate their liberation. This stems from viewing Arab women as mainly docile and passive individuals rather than active participants of their lives and destinies engaging in their own forms of resistance. Yet, a growing number of scholars and feminists are beginning to question the possibility of liberating women through the very forces that oppress them- namely imperialism and militarism. This paper- through a case study of Iraq- is similarly critical of the possibility of liberating women through a military invasion. It attempts to answer questions such as; how are women living in ‘post-liberated’ Iraq versus under Saddam, and what do their daily struggles look like, in its endeavour to paint a picture of the status of the various groups of women in Iraqi society pre and post 2003 invasion. The paper argues Iraqi women experience their society and the Baath regime differentially based on a combination of factors such as their social class, place of residence- urban or rural, political affiliation and so on. Thus rather than viewing Iraqi women as a homogenous group of oppressed women that require western military assistance for their liberation the paper encourages individuals to pay more attention to the grassroots. Only when the oppressed and exploited participate in the process of their liberation can the endeavor be successful.
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