Pub Date : 2014-11-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.39582
Saif Beg
Relations between settled communities and the nomadic tribes have always bordered between all out war or various forms of temporary peace between the two. This balancing act was carried out by all the states that happened to border and interact with the Central Asian Steppe and its inhabitants. It is here that the most vital and important trade route, the Silk Route, passed through to get to the most precious markets of China. Therefore, it is no surprise that the Sasanian Empire, with its mighty Shahanshah’s and armies, would sometimes focus on the challenges faced in their eastern borders and try to control or mitigate the threats to their empire to ensure the success of this trade route. The Gok Turks, one of the earliest Turk Kaghanates, were one of the major states that the Sasanians had to continually deal with during the 6 th and 7 th centuries. The Gok Turks forced the Sasanian to focus on their eastern border for the second time against a Central Asia opponent. The arrival of the Gok Turks also changed trading relations, especially along the Silk Route, for the Sasanians on a large scale. This paper examines the three reasons that led to the relegated nature of the trade between the Gok Turks and the Sasanians when compared and contrasted to the increasing wealthier relations between the Gok Turks and China.
{"title":"The Gök Turks and the Sasanians: The Wars of the Silk Road","authors":"Saif Beg","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.39582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.39582","url":null,"abstract":"Relations between settled communities and the nomadic tribes have always bordered between all out war or various forms of temporary peace between the two. This balancing act was carried out by all the states that happened to border and interact with the Central Asian Steppe and its inhabitants. It is here that the most vital and important trade route, the Silk Route, passed through to get to the most precious markets of China. Therefore, it is no surprise that the Sasanian Empire, with its mighty Shahanshah’s and armies, would sometimes focus on the challenges faced in their eastern borders and try to control or mitigate the threats to their empire to ensure the success of this trade route. The Gok Turks, one of the earliest Turk Kaghanates, were one of the major states that the Sasanians had to continually deal with during the 6 th and 7 th centuries. The Gok Turks forced the Sasanian to focus on their eastern border for the second time against a Central Asia opponent. The arrival of the Gok Turks also changed trading relations, especially along the Silk Route, for the Sasanians on a large scale. This paper examines the three reasons that led to the relegated nature of the trade between the Gok Turks and the Sasanians when compared and contrasted to the increasing wealthier relations between the Gok Turks and China.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"112 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115460093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.37183
Ayesha Kapedia
For almost fifty years, parts of India have been struggling with the violent actions of the Naxalite movement. What started out as a peasant uprising in 1967 in the West Bengal village of Naxalbari, has today become India’s largest and most dangerous Maoist movement. Mostly active in the eastern regions of India, the Naxalites have been fighting for socialist change and agrarian reform for the past four decades. The use of violence on the part of the Naxalites has given it the reputation of being a violent terrorist group. The key to understanding the Naxalites lies not only in their support base and their actions, but also their failures, which continue to hold them back. While the rest of the country has transitioned into the 21 century, the Naxalites continue to dwell in the past. The Naxalite movement has lost sight of their intended goals and today, the movement remains active yet structurally outdated. As mentioned earlier, the Naxalite movement began in 1967 with the communist revolutionaries in India seeking reforms within society. In 1964, the communist movement in India experienced it first divisions within the community. Disagreements between the MarxistLeninist and Maoist communists led to the spilt of the communists and the creation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (CPI-ML). The uprising in the village of Naxalbari was a result of the frustration with the local economic system. To better understand the reasons behind the rebellion we must take a look at the demographics and the social structure of Naxalbari in the 1960’s.
{"title":"The Naxalite Movement in India","authors":"Ayesha Kapedia","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.37183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.37183","url":null,"abstract":"For almost fifty years, parts of India have been struggling with the violent actions of the Naxalite movement. What started out as a peasant uprising in 1967 in the West Bengal village of Naxalbari, has today become India’s largest and most dangerous Maoist movement. Mostly active in the eastern regions of India, the Naxalites have been fighting for socialist change and agrarian reform for the past four decades. The use of violence on the part of the Naxalites has given it the reputation of being a violent terrorist group. The key to understanding the Naxalites lies not only in their support base and their actions, but also their failures, which continue to hold them back. While the rest of the country has transitioned into the 21 century, the Naxalites continue to dwell in the past. The Naxalite movement has lost sight of their intended goals and today, the movement remains active yet structurally outdated. As mentioned earlier, the Naxalite movement began in 1967 with the communist revolutionaries in India seeking reforms within society. In 1964, the communist movement in India experienced it first divisions within the community. Disagreements between the MarxistLeninist and Maoist communists led to the spilt of the communists and the creation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) (CPI-ML). The uprising in the village of Naxalbari was a result of the frustration with the local economic system. To better understand the reasons behind the rebellion we must take a look at the demographics and the social structure of Naxalbari in the 1960’s.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129958834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.37177
Arazoo Ferozan
“When those states which have been acquired are accustomed to live at liberty under their own laws, there are three ways of holding them. The first is to despoil them; the second is to go and live there in person; the third is to allow them to live under their own laws, taking tribute of them and creating within the country a government composed of a few who will keep it friendly to you. Because the government, being created by the prince, knows that it cannot exist without his friendship and protection, a city used to liberty can be more easily held by means of its citizens than any other way, if you wish to preserve it”
{"title":"The Impact of the American Influence on the Economic and Political Development of the Caribbean: Case Study of Puerto Rico and Cuba","authors":"Arazoo Ferozan","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.37177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.37177","url":null,"abstract":"“When those states which have been acquired are accustomed to live at liberty under their own laws, there are three ways of holding them. The first is to despoil them; the second is to go and live there in person; the third is to allow them to live under their own laws, taking tribute of them and creating within the country a government composed of a few who will keep it friendly to you. Because the government, being created by the prince, knows that it cannot exist without his friendship and protection, a city used to liberty can be more easily held by means of its citizens than any other way, if you wish to preserve it”","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130847884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.37179
Melissa Angelina Manserra
{"title":"Applauding the Victorian Music Hall","authors":"Melissa Angelina Manserra","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.37179","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.37179","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115905207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.37184
Cynthia Kwakyewah
While the dominant perspective in the state failure debate has described underdeveloped African countries as inherently undemocratic and dysfunctional, South Africa is deemed as an emerging economic power with exemplary democratic practices. At the same time, proponents of the democracy-development theory have made claims about the alleged relationship between a nation's socio-economic progression and its democratic institutions. Focusing mainly on South Africa, this article examines the validity of these claims and argues that given the prevailing race-based social divide and the immense socio-economic disparity, the process of democratization in South Africa has been rather limited. Indeed, democracy in South Africa manifests severe weaknesses equal to other African countries. Notwithstanding these weaknesses, the advent of social movements such as the Landless People's Movement points to the opening of a new democratic space that provides political opportunities for citizens.
{"title":"A New Democratic Space in South Africa? – Mobilizing Towards Land Rights and Social Justice","authors":"Cynthia Kwakyewah","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.37184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.37184","url":null,"abstract":"While the dominant perspective in the state failure debate has described underdeveloped African countries as inherently undemocratic and dysfunctional, South Africa is deemed as an emerging economic power with exemplary democratic practices. At the same time, proponents of the democracy-development theory have made claims about the alleged relationship between a nation's socio-economic progression and its democratic institutions. Focusing mainly on South Africa, this article examines the validity of these claims and argues that given the prevailing race-based social divide and the immense socio-economic disparity, the process of democratization in South Africa has been rather limited. Indeed, democracy in South Africa manifests severe weaknesses equal to other African countries. Notwithstanding these weaknesses, the advent of social movements such as the Landless People's Movement points to the opening of a new democratic space that provides political opportunities for citizens.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115149270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.37185
K. Khanna
There are few men in history who have more perturbed the minds of mankind than Plato; fewer still have had more influence on the thinkers and philosophers, idealists and realists, musicians and amateurs. His works deal with all such themes, they try to discern the nature of soul and the beauty of the cosmos, the meaning of justice and the reason to be good. Plato towered above his age as Voltaire had done in the eighteenth century, Tolstoy in the nineteenth, and Russell in the twentieth. His masterpiece, The Republic, is considered to be one of the greatest pieces of literature and philosophy ever composed. On the whole, this paper would agree with the statement that Plato was more of a social critic and The Republic is a fiercely moral book, which conveys a pitiless assessment of democracy. It will, however, contend that he did not set out to create a utopian society; instead, it will conclude with an argument that his ideas paved a way for a sort of kallipolis where few, if any, would like to live.
{"title":"Plato: Moral Priest of Athens","authors":"K. Khanna","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.37185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.37185","url":null,"abstract":"There are few men in history who have more perturbed the minds of mankind than Plato; fewer still have had more influence on the thinkers and philosophers, idealists and realists, musicians and amateurs. His works deal with all such themes, they try to discern the nature of soul and the beauty of the cosmos, the meaning of justice and the reason to be good. Plato towered above his age as Voltaire had done in the eighteenth century, Tolstoy in the nineteenth, and Russell in the twentieth. His masterpiece, The Republic, is considered to be one of the greatest pieces of literature and philosophy ever composed. On the whole, this paper would agree with the statement that Plato was more of a social critic and The Republic is a fiercely moral book, which conveys a pitiless assessment of democracy. It will, however, contend that he did not set out to create a utopian society; instead, it will conclude with an argument that his ideas paved a way for a sort of kallipolis where few, if any, would like to live.","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127258556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.37181
N. Islam
{"title":"Development through Contestation: the Consequences of Interaction between Shi’ism and Sunnism between 9th and 11th Century","authors":"N. Islam","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.37181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.37181","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"2016 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114657781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.37239
Kathryn Frances Mae Testani
G.L. Lebon of New Orleans vehemently expressed his opinions to a national publication in a letter dated January 6 th , 1964, in care of Look magazine. He wrote, “THERE CAN BE, AND THERE WILL BE NO COMPROMISE WITH THE VICIOUS CRIME OF RACE MIXING AND INTEGRATION. THE WAR HAS JUST BEGUN!” Lebon’s letter was addressed to Norman Rockwell, the popular American illustrator. 1 It was a Rockwell painting, published as a centerfold in Look magazine that elicited such a fervent response. Unlike Rockwell’s customary illustration of the American ideal, the painting in question had political undertones, which was radically different from Rockwell’s usual work. 2 This paper will therefore provide a study of Rockwell’s painting in its historical and social context, which permitted and ultimately elicited such an impassioned response towards an iconographic painter. Through a close examination of Rockwell’s 1964 painting The Problem We All Live With, this paper argues that by suggesting an alternative, controversial reality, Rockwell complicated his customary illustration of the ideal. Instead of depicting the ideal, the illustration uncovers the reality of Black childhood in the Southern United States during the 1950s and 60s. Rockwell’s painting intended to shock the middle class, who had come to trust and accept his views as truth, into reconsidering segregation. Rockwell’s message becomes clear by studying his depiction of the young girl and the US Marshalls within the painting, as well as the elements of illustration employed. By placing the audience in the position of the mob or spectator contributing to or witnessing the racist and evil acts, Rockwell suggests that the White middleclass viewer, as a participant, is a part of the problem. He hoped his painting would force his audience to recognize the plight of the African American child and take action to save their
{"title":"White and Black: Norman Rockwell, Childhood Innocence & the Reality of the U.S. South in the Civil Rights Era","authors":"Kathryn Frances Mae Testani","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.37239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.37239","url":null,"abstract":"G.L. Lebon of New Orleans vehemently expressed his opinions to a national publication in a letter dated January 6 th , 1964, in care of Look magazine. He wrote, “THERE CAN BE, AND THERE WILL BE NO COMPROMISE WITH THE VICIOUS CRIME OF RACE MIXING AND INTEGRATION. THE WAR HAS JUST BEGUN!” Lebon’s letter was addressed to Norman Rockwell, the popular American illustrator. 1 It was a Rockwell painting, published as a centerfold in Look magazine that elicited such a fervent response. Unlike Rockwell’s customary illustration of the American ideal, the painting in question had political undertones, which was radically different from Rockwell’s usual work. 2 This paper will therefore provide a study of Rockwell’s painting in its historical and social context, which permitted and ultimately elicited such an impassioned response towards an iconographic painter. Through a close examination of Rockwell’s 1964 painting The Problem We All Live With, this paper argues that by suggesting an alternative, controversial reality, Rockwell complicated his customary illustration of the ideal. Instead of depicting the ideal, the illustration uncovers the reality of Black childhood in the Southern United States during the 1950s and 60s. Rockwell’s painting intended to shock the middle class, who had come to trust and accept his views as truth, into reconsidering segregation. Rockwell’s message becomes clear by studying his depiction of the young girl and the US Marshalls within the painting, as well as the elements of illustration employed. By placing the audience in the position of the mob or spectator contributing to or witnessing the racist and evil acts, Rockwell suggests that the White middleclass viewer, as a participant, is a part of the problem. He hoped his painting would force his audience to recognize the plight of the African American child and take action to save their","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"40 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121003341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.37178
Farrah Abdel-Laif
{"title":"Alcoholic Masculinity; Analyzing the Relationship between Gender Identity and Intoxication in Charles Dickens","authors":"Farrah Abdel-Laif","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.37178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.37178","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131756919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.25071/2291-3637.37182
Anya Kundacina
{"title":"Challenge and Commitment: The failed pledge to Canadian-Arctic Sovereignty","authors":"Anya Kundacina","doi":"10.25071/2291-3637.37182","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25071/2291-3637.37182","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":192252,"journal":{"name":"HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131981124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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