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Connecting the Pieces: John Altoon’s Ocean Park Series Fragments 连接碎片:约翰·阿尔顿的海洋公园系列碎片
R. Hayden
Author(s): Hayden III, Robert | Abstract: In 1962, the artist John Altoon (1925-1969) produced a series of large-scale paintings named after his studio location—the Ocean Park neighborhood of Venice, California. The legendary Ferus Gallery in Los Angeles first exhibited the series later that year. Altoon had schizophrenia and, throughout his adult life, battled periods of extreme psychosis. In 1964, during a psychotic episode triggered by the disease, Altoon went into the Ferus gallery storeroom and slashed some of the eighteen Ocean Park Series canvases. After the artist’s death, fragments of the slashed paintings entered the commercial art market. The fact that they were pieces of larger compositions was either unknown or undisclosed. When considered with the seven extant autonomous Ocean Park Series paintings, the fragments are a case study for issues of artistic intent, institutional stewardship, and conservation of damaged artworks.
摘要:1962年,艺术家约翰·阿尔顿(John Altoon, 1925-1969)创作了一系列大型画作,以他的工作室所在地——加州威尼斯的海洋公园命名。那年晚些时候,洛杉矶传奇的Ferus画廊首次展出了这个系列。阿尔顿患有精神分裂症,在他的整个成年生活中,他都在与极端精神病作斗争。1964年,在疾病引发的精神病发作期间,阿尔顿走进弗勒斯画廊的储藏室,砍下了18幅海洋公园系列油画中的一些。画家死后,被砍断的画作碎片进入了商业艺术市场。事实上,它们是更大的组成部分,要么是未知的,要么是未公开的。与现存的七幅独立的海洋公园系列画作相比,这些碎片是艺术意图、机构管理和受损艺术品保护问题的研究案例。
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引用次数: 0
Author Biographies 作者传记
Undergraduate Research Journal Aleph
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引用次数: 0
Female Linguistic Differences Based on the Addressee’s Gender in Fox News Coverage 福克斯新闻报道中收信人性别的女性语言差异
E. Suh
Author(s): Suh, Ethan | Abstract: Journalism outlets provide coverage of Capitol Hill’s endeavors, but the passion and tension within the political atmosphere can elicit subconscious bias in treatment of interviewed parties. This study selects three female anchors’ respective July 12, 2018 Fox News broadcasts and analyzes their gender-isolating tendencies to offer mitigative or assertive language when engaging with male versus female interviewees. The data collected for the three anchors followed a trend of utilizing authoritative forms of language towards women and deferring with reservation towards men. These anchors displayed selective choices in the visibility of expressing dissent with significantly more interruptions of female guests and a greater use of hedges towards male guests. When accounting for the political parties of the interviewees, the anchors offered more deference to Democratic male guests than female Republican guests or female Fox News correspondents. These findings indicated a sociolinguistic difference which could possibly indicate a denial of equal opportunity to female interviewees on news broadcasts.
摘要:新闻媒体对美国国会的努力进行了报道,但政治氛围中的激情和紧张可能会导致对被采访者的潜意识偏见。本研究选取了2018年7月12日福克斯新闻节目的三位女主播,分析了她们在与男性和女性受访者交谈时使用缓和或自信语言的性别隔离倾向。为三位主播收集的数据遵循了一种趋势,即对女性使用权威的语言形式,对男性使用保留的语言形式。这些主播在表达不同意见的可见性上表现出选择性的选择,女性嘉宾的打断明显更多,对男性嘉宾的限制语使用也更多。当考虑到受访者的政党时,主持人对民主党男嘉宾的尊重程度高于共和党女嘉宾或福克斯新闻女记者。这些发现表明了一种社会语言差异,这可能表明女性在新闻广播中没有获得平等的机会。
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引用次数: 0
The Invisible Labor of UCLA Southeast Asian Student Organizations: Investigating the Work That Goes Behind Enacting Diversity 加州大学洛杉矶分校东南亚学生组织的无形劳动:调查制定多样性背后的工作
Johnnie Yaj
Author(s): Yaj, Johnnie | Abstract: This research combines the frameworks of campus climate and invisible labor to investigate th eannual Southeast Asian (SEA) Admit Weekend programat the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). This research explores campus diversity work by asking how the SEA Admit Weekend program contributes to UCLA’s campus diversity and how UCLA as an institution continues to overlook SEA student diversity work. By utilizing campus climate, invisible labor, and interviews with UCLA students and staff affiliated with the SEA Admit program, this research uncovers the sociopolitical and cultural implications of student diversity work.The findings show that student diversity work, as demonstrated by the SEA Admit program, dismantles institutionalized racism, while UCLA as an institution overlooks the imposed student labor that this diversity work necessitates. As a result, SEA students face higher levels of academic stress, time constraints, and economic hardship. This research provides suggestions for how universities can further work with under represented student groups on campus to meet diversity goals.
摘要:本研究结合校园气候和无形劳动的框架,对加州大学洛杉矶分校(UCLA)的年度东南亚(SEA)录取周末项目进行了调查。本研究通过询问东南亚招生周末计划如何促进加州大学洛杉矶分校的校园多样性以及加州大学洛杉矶分校如何继续忽视东南亚学生多样性工作来探讨校园多样性工作。通过利用校园氛围、无形劳动以及对加州大学洛杉矶分校学生和SEA录取项目下属工作人员的采访,本研究揭示了学生多样性工作的社会政治和文化含义。研究结果表明,正如SEA录取项目所证明的那样,学生多样性工作消除了制度化的种族主义,而加州大学洛杉矶分校作为一个机构,忽视了这种多样性工作所必需的强加的学生劳动。因此,东南亚学生面临更大的学业压力、时间限制和经济困难。这项研究为大学如何进一步与校园中代表性不足的学生群体合作以实现多样性目标提供了建议。
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引用次数: 0
Fickle Fortune: Pinning Down Fortune in 16th Century Italy 善变的命运:16世纪意大利的命运
M. Haddad
Author(s): Haddad, Megan | Abstract: The allegorical significance of Fortune in Dosso Dossi’s Allegory of Fortune has been largely unstudied. Though the painting’s patronage cannot be confirmed, the few scholars who have written on Dossi’s piece agree that Isabella d’Este is the most likely patron. If this is the case, then Isabella d’Este’s role as the commissioner of this work must be taken into account. This paper proposes that the Allegory of Fortune is not just an allegorical representation of the quality of Fortune, but an allegory for Isabella d’Este’s own struggles with fortune. By depicting such a temporal quality in a permanent state, Isabella d’Este was asserting her control over her own fortunes in life. This idea is echoed in other representations of Fortune, as well as in a Latin poem that claims that artists can assert their power over Fortune through the physical act of representing her. By giving shape to an intangible quality, both artists and patrons in the 16th century were able to trap Fortune and proclaim her to be their own. Yet in spite of these efforts, representations of Fortune continued to change, reaffirming her volatile nature.
摘要:多索·多西的《财富寓言》中财富的寓意一直未被深入研究。虽然这幅画的赞助人无法确定,但为数不多的研究多西作品的学者一致认为,伊莎贝拉·德埃斯特(Isabella d’este)最有可能是赞助人。如果是这样的话,那么就必须考虑到伊莎贝拉·德埃斯特作为这项工作专员的角色。本文认为,《命运寓言》不仅是对命运品质的寓言表现,而且是对伊莎贝拉·德埃斯特自身与命运抗争的寓言。伊莎贝拉·德·埃斯特以一种永恒的状态来描绘这种短暂的品质,是在主张她对自己生活命运的掌控。这一想法在其他对财富的描绘中也得到了呼应,还有一首拉丁诗,声称艺术家可以通过表现财富的身体行为来维护他们对财富的权力。通过塑造一种无形的品质,16世纪的艺术家和赞助人都能够诱骗财富,并宣称她是他们自己的。然而,尽管做出了这些努力,《财富》的表现形式仍在不断变化,重申了她反复无常的本性。
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引用次数: 0
A Poor Divorce: The Impact of Economic Class on Divorce Accessibility and Processes 贫穷的离婚:经济阶层对离婚可及性和过程的影响
Evan Lovell
Author(s): Lovell, Evan | Abstract: The implications and effects of a divorce are largely determined by family dynamics and how the separation is processed. The three methods of settling divorces discussed in this paper—independent settlement, mediation, and litigation—are designed to best suit and alleviate a particular case’s ills and circumstances. Consequently, the accessibility of these procedures heavily impacts the health and well-being of divorcees and their families. Through qualitative inquiry and expert interviews with a financial analyst, a divorce attorney, a family therapist, and a mediator, this paper examines how economic class impacts the divorce process and––more specifically––how income level changes or influences the way divorces are settled. The results of this research indicate that independent settlement is only preferable for low-income classes, mediation is available to both upper and lower income classes, and attorney-represented litigation is only an affordable option for high-income couples. Further, across all income levels, the spouse with greater financial stability is advantaged in divorce proceedings due to their ability to control and outspend the other spouse in legal fees.
摘要:离婚的影响和影响在很大程度上取决于家庭动态和处理离婚的方式。本文讨论的三种解决离婚的方法——独立的和解、调解和诉讼——旨在最好地适应和减轻特定案件的弊病和情况。因此,能否获得这些程序严重影响到离婚者及其家庭的健康和福祉。通过对金融分析师、离婚律师、家庭治疗师和调解员的定性调查和专家访谈,本文研究了经济阶层如何影响离婚过程,更具体地说,收入水平如何改变或影响离婚解决方式。本研究结果表明,独立解决仅适用于低收入阶层,调解适用于高收入阶层和低收入阶层,律师代理诉讼仅适用于高收入夫妇。此外,在所有收入水平中,经济状况更稳定的一方在离婚诉讼中处于有利地位,因为他们有能力控制并在法律费用上超过另一方。
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引用次数: 0
Letter from the Editor 编辑来信
J. Malott
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引用次数: 0
The Contribution of Education to Tamil Separatism and to the Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka 教育对斯里兰卡泰米尔分离主义和种族冲突的贡献
G. Pieris
Author(s): Pieris, Grace | Abstract: Although there are many factors that have contributed to ethnic separatism and the 30-year ethnic war in Sri Lanka, this paper explores just one factor: education. Prior to the war, the discrimination against the Tamils through education was done explicitly through outright anti-Tamil rhetoric, programs, and policies. However, modern discrimination against the Tamil community through education is implicit because it is embedded and legitimized in the culture. Prior to the war, the education system continued to teach students in their native tongue despite the Swabhasha movement for a Sinhala-only language policy. This resulted in poor educational and employment opportunities for Tamil students because the Tamil language was devalued in the education system. Practices in education, the 1972 admission policies, and the 1974 quota system explicitly discriminated against the admission of Tamils into higher education. Now, the discrimination against Tamils is normalized within the culture by pro-Sinhala practices and policies. Popular textbooks express a Sinhala-centric view, and second language education policies are ineffective. Although such racism was explicit prior to the war, it is more naturalized within the culture today.
摘要:虽然导致斯里兰卡民族分离主义和长达30年的民族战争的因素有很多,但本文只探讨了一个因素:教育。在战争之前,通过教育对泰米尔人的歧视是通过完全反泰米尔人的言论、计划和政策来明确实现的。然而,通过教育对泰米尔社区的现代歧视是隐性的,因为它植根于文化中并被合法化。在战争之前,尽管斯瓦巴沙运动实行僧伽罗语政策,但教育系统继续用僧伽罗语教授学生。这导致泰米尔学生的教育和就业机会很差,因为泰米尔语在教育系统中被贬低了。在教育实践中,1972年的录取政策和1974年的配额制度明确歧视泰米尔人进入高等教育。现在,对泰米尔人的歧视在亲僧伽罗人的做法和政策中变得常态化。流行的教科书表达了以僧伽罗为中心的观点,第二语言教育政策无效。虽然这种种族主义在战前是明确的,但它在今天的文化中更加自然化。
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引用次数: 1
Letter from the Editor 编辑来信
Hannah J. Barrett
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引用次数: 0
Presidential Rhetoric and Congressional Support: A Case Study of the Impact of Presidential Rhetoric on Foreign Policy 总统修辞与国会支持:总统修辞对外交政策影响的个案研究
Phoebe Collins
Author(s): Collins, Phoebe | Abstract: This paper builds on the theory of The Rhetorical Presidency to examine how rhetoric has served as a vehicle for presidents to use their approval ratings and bipartisanship to win support from Congress. It contains a case study of the State of the Union Addresses of five presidents from 1960 to 2010 and looks specifically at their rhetoric on foreign affairs. Overall, although the findings support the literature that presidents can prime their approval ratings, they also suggest that the volume of rhetoric is not a key determinant of the success of such efforts. Additionally, the findings support the literature that bipartisan rhetoric is ineffective in promoting bipartisanship in the roll call votes by Congress and further suggests that it is equally ineffective in influencing other stages of the legislative process.
摘要:本文以《修辞总统》的理论为基础,研究修辞如何成为总统利用其支持率和两党合作赢得国会支持的工具。它包含了对1960年至2010年五位总统国情咨文演讲的案例研究,并特别关注了他们在外交事务上的言论。总的来说,尽管这些发现支持了总统可以提高支持率的文献,但它们也表明,修辞的数量并不是这些努力成功的关键决定因素。此外,研究结果支持了文献的观点,即两党言辞在促进国会唱名投票中的两党合作方面是无效的,并进一步表明它在影响立法程序的其他阶段同样无效。
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Aleph, UCLA Undergraduate Research Journal for the Humanities and Social Sciences
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