The role of technology is growing in intra-party democracy (IPD) processes. This article presents a proposal for analysing digital IPD, by applying empirical democratic theory dimensions. To test our methodology, we analyse two different types of parties, a new digital one, Pos, and a traditional one undergoing reform, the Labour Party. Our analysis shows, first, that the application of technology is not neutral, with a differential impact depending on the specific democratic dimension considered and, secondly, that—due to convergent developments—new and established parties are closer in their digital IPD than expected. These results point out the relevance, for the ongoing debate on the quality of IPD, of considering the impact of digital on different democratic dimensions and its evolution over time.
{"title":"Digital Intra-Party Democracy: An Exploratory Analysis of Podemos and the Labour Party","authors":"Fabio García Lupato, Marco Meloni","doi":"10.1093/pa/gsab015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab015","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The role of technology is growing in intra-party democracy (IPD) processes. This article presents a proposal for analysing digital IPD, by applying empirical democratic theory dimensions. To test our methodology, we analyse two different types of parties, a new digital one, Pos, and a traditional one undergoing reform, the Labour Party. Our analysis shows, first, that the application of technology is not neutral, with a differential impact depending on the specific democratic dimension considered and, secondly, that—due to convergent developments—new and established parties are closer in their digital IPD than expected. These results point out the relevance, for the ongoing debate on the quality of IPD, of considering the impact of digital on different democratic dimensions and its evolution over time.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48056432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although evaluations of members of parliaments’ (MPs) parliamentary work have gained increasing public popularity, the academic literature on the concept and measurement of parliamentary performance is surprisingly scarce. Most studies analysing (aspects of) MPs’ parliamentary performance focus on quantitative parliamentary activity indicators only, thereby neglecting the quality and effectiveness of parliamentary work, and the importance of less visible parliamentary activities. This article introduces a conceptual framework of parliamentary performance as well as a more encompassing measurement approach, and provides a first empirical test of theoretically expected underlying dimensions on 325 Belgian MPs. This study proposes an innovative method relying on the collective expertise of MPs through peer assessment while controlling for potential rater effects. I demonstrate that parliamentary performance cannot be captured by parliamentary activity indicators alone. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses show that apart from three factors of parliamentary activity, two more qualitative factors (content and policy-making effectiveness) can be identified. The results suggest that future evaluations of MPs’ parliamentary work may need to include more qualitative elements.
{"title":"Behind the Scenes: What is Parliamentary Performance and How Can We Measure It?","authors":"Richard Schobess","doi":"10.1093/pa/gsab024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab024","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Although evaluations of members of parliaments’ (MPs) parliamentary work have gained increasing public popularity, the academic literature on the concept and measurement of parliamentary performance is surprisingly scarce. Most studies analysing (aspects of) MPs’ parliamentary performance focus on quantitative parliamentary activity indicators only, thereby neglecting the quality and effectiveness of parliamentary work, and the importance of less visible parliamentary activities. This article introduces a conceptual framework of parliamentary performance as well as a more encompassing measurement approach, and provides a first empirical test of theoretically expected underlying dimensions on 325 Belgian MPs. This study proposes an innovative method relying on the collective expertise of MPs through peer assessment while controlling for potential rater effects. I demonstrate that parliamentary performance cannot be captured by parliamentary activity indicators alone. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses show that apart from three factors of parliamentary activity, two more qualitative factors (content and policy-making effectiveness) can be identified. The results suggest that future evaluations of MPs’ parliamentary work may need to include more qualitative elements.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46979933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As the number of scandals involving politicians in office rises worldwide, the number of studies dedicated to analysing these scandals and their consequences rises as well. In this article, we try to summarise this emerging literature focusing on quantitative studies that use scandal as an independent variable to model its influence on politicians’ electoral results. The analysis finds that scandal-ridden politicians tend to get fewer votes at the ballot box, are more likely to lose elections, and are less likely to win re-election. It also finds that the link between scandal and turnout is unclear; some models indicate that scandals depress turnout, while others report an increase in turnout.
{"title":"The Electoral Consequences of Scandals: A Meta-Analysis","authors":"R. Praino, Daniel Stockemer","doi":"10.1093/PA/GSAA068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/PA/GSAA068","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 As the number of scandals involving politicians in office rises worldwide, the number of studies dedicated to analysing these scandals and their consequences rises as well. In this article, we try to summarise this emerging literature focusing on quantitative studies that use scandal as an independent variable to model its influence on politicians’ electoral results. The analysis finds that scandal-ridden politicians tend to get fewer votes at the ballot box, are more likely to lose elections, and are less likely to win re-election. It also finds that the link between scandal and turnout is unclear; some models indicate that scandals depress turnout, while others report an increase in turnout.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42705070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Through information gained from interviews with key political actors, archival research and close examination of biographical material, this article aims to provide the first detailed account of what it means to be the British First Secretary of State. Sometimes regarded simply as a synonym for Deputy Prime Minister, it will be demonstrated that the reality is far more complicated. Not all First Secretaries have been regarded as the Prime Minister’s second-in-command, indeed there have been many years where the post has ceased to exist. Yet, at other times, First Secretaries have led the country, albeit briefly. The main argument to be made is that the office of First Secretary of State is only as important as the person holding that office is perceived to be important, but there is potential for that to change.
{"title":"From Rab to Raab: The Construction of the Office of First Secretary of State","authors":"S. Thornton, J. Kirkup","doi":"10.1093/PA/GSAB038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/PA/GSAB038","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Through information gained from interviews with key political actors, archival research and close examination of biographical material, this article aims to provide the first detailed account of what it means to be the British First Secretary of State. Sometimes regarded simply as a synonym for Deputy Prime Minister, it will be demonstrated that the reality is far more complicated. Not all First Secretaries have been regarded as the Prime Minister’s second-in-command, indeed there have been many years where the post has ceased to exist. Yet, at other times, First Secretaries have led the country, albeit briefly. The main argument to be made is that the office of First Secretary of State is only as important as the person holding that office is perceived to be important, but there is potential for that to change.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48890126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article analyses whether and how the activity of populist governments in Italy has affected the performance of parliament’s legislative and scrutiny functions. The analysis covers the government of Five Star Movement (5SM) and the Lega as well as the coalition government made up of the 5SM, the Democratic Party and centre-left junior allies up to the COVID-19 outbreak. The article uses selected bills and decree-laws to investigate the impact on the legislative function, while question time sessions and committees of inquiry are examined as case studies on the scrutiny function. The analysis demonstrates that although ‘subversive’ constitutional and parliamentary conduct was already in place beforehand, when populists entered government in the 18th legislative term there was a worsening of a trend towards eroding representative democracy.
{"title":"Catalysing Marginalisation? The Effect of Populist Governments on the Legislative and Scrutiny Functions of the Italian Parliament","authors":"C. Fasone","doi":"10.1093/PA/GSAB009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/PA/GSAB009","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The article analyses whether and how the activity of populist governments in Italy has affected the performance of parliament’s legislative and scrutiny functions. The analysis covers the government of Five Star Movement (5SM) and the Lega as well as the coalition government made up of the 5SM, the Democratic Party and centre-left junior allies up to the COVID-19 outbreak. The article uses selected bills and decree-laws to investigate the impact on the legislative function, while question time sessions and committees of inquiry are examined as case studies on the scrutiny function. The analysis demonstrates that although ‘subversive’ constitutional and parliamentary conduct was already in place beforehand, when populists entered government in the 18th legislative term there was a worsening of a trend towards eroding representative democracy.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41662677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates the legislative activity of Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's iconic dissident, during her inaugural tenure as opposition MP in the country’s first post-junta parliament (2012–2016). How did such a totemic figure behave in a legislature dominated by an army-backed party and military-appointed MPs? What legislative tools did she use? The study draws evidence from Burmese-language proceedings of Myanmar’s Union legislature and field interviews. The findings point to a largely marginal, yet disciplined, involvement of Aung San Suu Kyi in legislative business. She neither acted as party whip nor openly criticised government record or took disruptive action in the context of Myanmar’s ‘discipline-flourishing democracy’. Yet, she joined policy debates through the occasional motion, used her position as a catalyst for engaging the government and the world, and successfully marshalled her party to win the next two general elections in 2015 and 2020. The findings have implications for understanding how the strategies of such near-mythical figure can explain subsequent electoral or political (mis)fortunes.
本文调查了缅甸标志性的持不同政见者昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)在该国首个后军政府议会(2012-2016)担任反对派议员期间的立法活动。在一个由军方支持的政党和军方任命的议员主导的立法机构中，这样一个图腾般的人物是如何表现的?她使用了什么立法工具?这项研究从缅甸联邦立法机构的缅甸语程序和实地采访中获取证据。调查结果表明，昂山素季在立法事务上的参与在很大程度上是边缘的，但却是有纪律的。她既没有担任党鞭，也没有公开批评政府的记录，也没有在缅甸“纪律蓬勃的民主”的背景下采取破坏性行动。然而，她通过偶尔的动议参与政策辩论，利用自己的立场作为与政府和世界接触的催化剂，成功地带领她的政党在2015年和2020年的两次议会选举中获胜。这些发现对理解这样一个近乎神话的人物的策略如何解释随后的选举或政治(错误)命运具有启示意义。
{"title":"A Disciplined Dissident—Aung San Suu Kyi as Opposition Backbencher (2012–2016)","authors":"R. Egreteau","doi":"10.1093/PA/GSAB037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/PA/GSAB037","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article investigates the legislative activity of Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's iconic dissident, during her inaugural tenure as opposition MP in the country’s first post-junta parliament (2012–2016). How did such a totemic figure behave in a legislature dominated by an army-backed party and military-appointed MPs? What legislative tools did she use? The study draws evidence from Burmese-language proceedings of Myanmar’s Union legislature and field interviews. The findings point to a largely marginal, yet disciplined, involvement of Aung San Suu Kyi in legislative business. She neither acted as party whip nor openly criticised government record or took disruptive action in the context of Myanmar’s ‘discipline-flourishing democracy’. Yet, she joined policy debates through the occasional motion, used her position as a catalyst for engaging the government and the world, and successfully marshalled her party to win the next two general elections in 2015 and 2020. The findings have implications for understanding how the strategies of such near-mythical figure can explain subsequent electoral or political (mis)fortunes.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48648874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article offers a novel theorisation of voter turnout by looking at electoral revolutions, i.e. large rapid changes in electoral participation. Since voting is conceptualised as a habit, turnout is generally seen as static, with its small and large variations dismissed as context-dependent. Instead, this work’s main hypothesis is that dramatic voter turnout variations follow rapid transformations in the credibility and competition of national politics. These transformations are reconstructed by following the national political process in the years preceding the electoral revolutions that took place in France (1967), Britain (2001), Honduras (2013) and Costa Rica (1998). Moving from a capacious framework, this article’s parsimonious theory shows how electoral revolutions follow the strengthening/weakening of oppositions, increasing/decreasing institutional credibility and growing/waning party system differentiation.
{"title":"Electoral Revolutions: Towards a General Theory of Rapid Changes in Voter Turnout","authors":"Alberto Lioy","doi":"10.1093/PA/GSAB035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/PA/GSAB035","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article offers a novel theorisation of voter turnout by looking at electoral revolutions, i.e. large rapid changes in electoral participation. Since voting is conceptualised as a habit, turnout is generally seen as static, with its small and large variations dismissed as context-dependent. Instead, this work’s main hypothesis is that dramatic voter turnout variations follow rapid transformations in the credibility and competition of national politics. These transformations are reconstructed by following the national political process in the years preceding the electoral revolutions that took place in France (1967), Britain (2001), Honduras (2013) and Costa Rica (1998). Moving from a capacious framework, this article’s parsimonious theory shows how electoral revolutions follow the strengthening/weakening of oppositions, increasing/decreasing institutional credibility and growing/waning party system differentiation.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42255405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The importance of minority parliamentarians for substantive representation is widely acknowledged, but little research exists on further explanations. By studying the substantive representation of the interests of lesbians, gays, and bisexuals (LGBs), this study analyses why parliamentarians stand in for interests of minorities with an invisible characteristic. A quantitative content analysis of more than 950,000 British and Irish parliamentary questions provides the basis for the analysis (2002–2017). The study considers parliamentarians’ characteristics as explanatory factors. The results indicate that parliamentary presence is vital for LGBs. However, the most active parliamentarians are non-minority members: political values and awareness are also at play. Moreover, there are differences between the two parliaments.
{"title":"What Factors Shape the Substantive Representation of Lesbians, Gays and Bisexuals in Parliament? Testing the Impact of Minority Membership, Political Values and Awareness","authors":"Lea Ewe Bönisch","doi":"10.1093/PA/GSAB033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/PA/GSAB033","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The importance of minority parliamentarians for substantive representation is widely acknowledged, but little research exists on further explanations. By studying the substantive representation of the interests of lesbians, gays, and bisexuals (LGBs), this study analyses why parliamentarians stand in for interests of minorities with an invisible characteristic. A quantitative content analysis of more than 950,000 British and Irish parliamentary questions provides the basis for the analysis (2002–2017). The study considers parliamentarians’ characteristics as explanatory factors. The results indicate that parliamentary presence is vital for LGBs. However, the most active parliamentarians are non-minority members: political values and awareness are also at play. Moreover, there are differences between the two parliaments.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/PA/GSAB033","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43059577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The relationship between original and induced preferences in affecting political actions has been a recurrent topic in the literature. Less attention has been devoted to investigating the interaction between these two preferences, and possible neutralising/reinforcing effects. We explore this dynamic on a crucial issue in XIX century Italy, the ‘Questione Romana’, employing a quantitative analysis on an original corpus of legislative speeches (1861–1870). The absence of strong parties allows investigating the relationship between MPs’ original preferences and that induced by their voters’ linkage. Moreover, as politicians and voters were part of the same elite, we can check how their paths of political socialisation shape this relationship, leading to aligned or colliding preferences.
{"title":"When the Worlds of Preferences Collide: Determinants of MP’s Attitudes on the Italian Questione Romana 1861–1870","authors":"Matteo C. M. Casiraghi, L. Curini","doi":"10.1093/pa/gsab032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab032","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The relationship between original and induced preferences in affecting political actions has been a recurrent topic in the literature. Less attention has been devoted to investigating the interaction between these two preferences, and possible neutralising/reinforcing effects. We explore this dynamic on a crucial issue in XIX century Italy, the ‘Questione Romana’, employing a quantitative analysis on an original corpus of legislative speeches (1861–1870). The absence of strong parties allows investigating the relationship between MPs’ original preferences and that induced by their voters’ linkage. Moreover, as politicians and voters were part of the same elite, we can check how their paths of political socialisation shape this relationship, leading to aligned or colliding preferences.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/pa/gsab032","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44125518","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Interest groups (IGs) recruit incumbent parliamentarians to their boards to influence policy, improve their resources and signal political connectedness. To detect parliamentarians’ characteristics that drive recruitment, this study analyses three decades of annual data (1985–2016) of 903 Swiss parliamentarians and their board seats. It compares 5249 cases of parliamentarians’ successful recruitment by 3291 different organisations to counterfactual cases where no recruitment took place. The results show that IGs recruit parliamentarians for both knowledge and networks (professions, other board seats) and influence (committee seats) in IGs’ policy areas. Moreover, recruited parliamentarians are more likely newcomers, ideologically proximate to IGs, moderate and from the same district as them.
{"title":"Interest Groups’ Recruitment of Incumbent Parliamentarians to Their Boards","authors":"Oliver Huwyler","doi":"10.1093/PA/GSAB031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/PA/GSAB031","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Interest groups (IGs) recruit incumbent parliamentarians to their boards to influence policy, improve their resources and signal political connectedness. To detect parliamentarians’ characteristics that drive recruitment, this study analyses three decades of annual data (1985–2016) of 903 Swiss parliamentarians and their board seats. It compares 5249 cases of parliamentarians’ successful recruitment by 3291 different organisations to counterfactual cases where no recruitment took place. The results show that IGs recruit parliamentarians for both knowledge and networks (professions, other board seats) and influence (committee seats) in IGs’ policy areas. Moreover, recruited parliamentarians are more likely newcomers, ideologically proximate to IGs, moderate and from the same district as them.","PeriodicalId":19790,"journal":{"name":"Parliamentary Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/PA/GSAB031","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41677623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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