Pub Date : 2021-01-18DOI: 10.1515/9783110713305-016
Adday Hernández López
{"title":"Traces of the Medieval Islamic West in Modern East Africa: Andalusi and Maghribi Works in the Horn of Africa","authors":"Adday Hernández López","doi":"10.1515/9783110713305-016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110713305-016","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":198010,"journal":{"name":"The Maghrib in the Mashriq","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116873512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-18DOI: 10.1515/9783110713305-012
J. Amieva
The circumstances surrounding the emergence of Arabic pharmacology, and its development within the broad geographical framework of the medieval Islamic world, left a lasting mark on the discipline’s terminology, and in particular regarding medicinal substances and the terms used to designate them. Without going into great detail, it is worth mentioning a few of the most relevant events and factors in this historical and scientific process. The most important of these phenomena is the translation into Arabic of Dioscorides’ De Materia Medica, enabling the work to be transmitted and commented on across the Arab world.1 Likewise, it is important to recall that Islam incorporated a number of pharmacological traditions, which brought with them new drugs that had been unknown to the Greeks and, in turn, new names to designate them. Along the same lines, we must bear in mind the process by which pharmacology was established, cultivated and developed across the widely diverse set of regions, peoples and languages with which the Arab-Islamic world entered into contact, a process which would reach its culmination in al-Andalus.2 The linguistic impact of this process was immense, involving a major influx of new medical terms from the most disparate array of regions and languages. Even the names of simple medicines (asmāʾ al-adwiya al-mufrada) were so diverse that, in the words of Max Meyerhof, “n’a pu manquer de déconcerter les médecins du moyen âge arabe”.3 As such, there was a pressing need to make sense of this great mass of foreign terms, and to identify these drugs and medicines being referred to by the strangest of names. The desire to reduce this mosaic to a set of known terms gave rise among Arab writers to a concern with linguistics, and more specifically lexicography. This concern is clear in the medieval pharmacological literature, where
阿拉伯药理学的出现及其在中世纪伊斯兰世界广阔的地理框架内的发展，给该学科的术语，特别是药用物质和用于指定它们的术语，留下了持久的印记。在这一历史和科学进程中，有几个最相关的事件和因素值得提一提。这些现象中最重要的是迪奥斯科里德斯的《本草》被翻译成阿拉伯语，使这部作品能够在整个阿拉伯世界传播和评论同样，必须回顾的是，伊斯兰教纳入了一些药理学传统，这些传统带来了希腊人所不知道的新药物，反过来又带来了用来命名这些药物的新名称。沿着同样的思路，我们必须牢记药理学在阿拉伯-伊斯兰世界所接触的广泛不同的地区、民族和语言中建立、培养和发展的过程，这一过程将在安达卢斯达到顶峰这一过程对语言的影响是巨大的，涉及来自最不同地区和语言的新医学术语的大量涌入。即使是简单药物的名称也五花八门，用Max Meyerhof的话来说，“n 'a pu manquer de dsamosterles msamodecins du moyen ge arabe”因此，迫切需要理解这些大量的外来词，并确定这些药物和药品的名称是最奇怪的。阿拉伯作家希望将这种拼合现象简化为一套已知的术语，这引起了他们对语言学的关注，更具体地说，是对词典编纂的关注。这种担忧在中世纪的药理学文献中很明显，在那里
{"title":"Andalusi Romance Terms in Kitāb al-Simāt fī asmāʾ al-nabāt, by al-Suwaydī of Damascus (d. 690 H/1291 CE)","authors":"J. Amieva","doi":"10.1515/9783110713305-012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110713305-012","url":null,"abstract":"The circumstances surrounding the emergence of Arabic pharmacology, and its development within the broad geographical framework of the medieval Islamic world, left a lasting mark on the discipline’s terminology, and in particular regarding medicinal substances and the terms used to designate them. Without going into great detail, it is worth mentioning a few of the most relevant events and factors in this historical and scientific process. The most important of these phenomena is the translation into Arabic of Dioscorides’ De Materia Medica, enabling the work to be transmitted and commented on across the Arab world.1 Likewise, it is important to recall that Islam incorporated a number of pharmacological traditions, which brought with them new drugs that had been unknown to the Greeks and, in turn, new names to designate them. Along the same lines, we must bear in mind the process by which pharmacology was established, cultivated and developed across the widely diverse set of regions, peoples and languages with which the Arab-Islamic world entered into contact, a process which would reach its culmination in al-Andalus.2 The linguistic impact of this process was immense, involving a major influx of new medical terms from the most disparate array of regions and languages. Even the names of simple medicines (asmāʾ al-adwiya al-mufrada) were so diverse that, in the words of Max Meyerhof, “n’a pu manquer de déconcerter les médecins du moyen âge arabe”.3 As such, there was a pressing need to make sense of this great mass of foreign terms, and to identify these drugs and medicines being referred to by the strangest of names. The desire to reduce this mosaic to a set of known terms gave rise among Arab writers to a concern with linguistics, and more specifically lexicography. This concern is clear in the medieval pharmacological literature, where","PeriodicalId":198010,"journal":{"name":"The Maghrib in the Mashriq","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114448608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-18DOI: 10.1515/9783110713305-009
Zohra Azgal
In the 6th/12th century, the discipline of Qurʾānic sciences and Qurʾānic textual variants or readings (qirāʾāt) attracted a large number of Andalusi scholars (qurrāʾ) who taught in prestigious educational institutions (madrasas) in both Damascus and Cairo. Medieval biographical dictionaries devoted to Andalusi scholars clearly show the predominance of the discipline of Qurʾānic readings both in their training and in their teaching activities, while Eastern scholars seem to have devoted more attention to ḥadīth transmission.1 The oldest mention of the teaching of Qurʾānic readings in al-Andalus dates back to the 4th/10th century, with the presence of Abū al-Ḥasān al-Anṭākī (d. 377 H/987 CE) in Córdoba from 352 H/963 CE onwards, invited by the Umayyad caliph al-Ḥakam II al-Mustanṣir bi-llāh to train the inhabitants of al-Andalus in the science of the qirāʾāt. Ibn al-Faraḍī (d. 403 H/1013 CE) tells us that he was the best in this field and that no one equaled him in his time. Abū ʿAmr al-Dānī (d. 444 H/1053 CE) learned Qurʾānic readings from one of his students, ʿUbayd Allāh b. Salama.2 Despite this relatively late occurrence in the Andalusi religious context, the study of Qurʾānic readings grew exponentially between the 4th/10th century and the 6th/12th century, the latter century having the largest number of specialists in this domain, as testified by Ibn al-Abbār (d. 658 H/1260 CE) in his bio-bibliographical dictionary (Fig. 1).3 Thus, in just over a century, owing to a substantial number of Andalusi scholars receiving their training not only in al-
在6 /12世纪，古兰经ānic科学学科和古兰经ānic文本变体或阅读(qiral ā ā āt)吸引了大量安达卢西学者(qurral ā ā)，他们在大马士革和开罗的著名教育机构(madrasas)任教。致力于安达卢西学者的中世纪传记词典清楚地表明，在他们的训练和教学活动中，古兰经ānic阅读学科占主导地位，而东方学者似乎更关注ḥadīth传播1安达卢斯最古老的关于《古兰经》ānic阅读教学的记载可以追溯到公元4 /10世纪，从公元352 /963年起，由倭马亚哈里发al-Ḥakam II al-Mustanṣir bi-llāh邀请abal -Ḥasān al-Anṭākī(公元377 H/987年)在Córdoba为安达卢斯的居民提供《古兰经》āt的科学培训。伊本al-Faraḍī(公元403年/公元1013年)告诉我们，他是这一领域的佼佼者，在他的时代没有人能与他匹敌。abu - al Amr al-Dānī(公元444 H/1053年)从他的一个学生，乌巴伊德Allāh b.萨拉玛那里学习了古兰经ānic的阅读材料。2尽管这在安达卢西宗教背景下相对较晚出现，但古兰经ānic阅读材料的研究在4 /10世纪和6 /12世纪之间呈指数增长，后一个世纪在这一领域拥有最多的专家，正如伊本al-Abbār(公元658 H/1260年)在他的生物书目词典(图1)中所证明的那样因此，在短短一个多世纪的时间里，由于大量安达卢西学者接受了他们的训练，不仅在
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