Pub Date : 2022-09-15DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2120407
P. Ahrens, Anna Elomäki
ABSTRACT This article discusses interpretative methods as well-suited approaches to researching norm- and value-driven topics, such as gender mainstreaming (GM). Using the European Parliament as a case study, the article introduces the idea of ‘flipped expert interviews’, extending the interview population to non-experts, as an approach to study GM. It interrogates the advantages and limitations of this method in capturing power relations and the formal and informal practices and processes in the EP’s committees and political groups. The article suggests that going beyond ‘usual suspects’ when selecting the interview population helps to paint a broader picture of contextual factors and micro-dynamics that illuminate processes of politicization around contentious topics.
{"title":"Researching without asking actors directly: the value of interpretative methods in studying gender mainstreaming implementation in the European Parliament","authors":"P. Ahrens, Anna Elomäki","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2120407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2120407","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article discusses interpretative methods as well-suited approaches to researching norm- and value-driven topics, such as gender mainstreaming (GM). Using the European Parliament as a case study, the article introduces the idea of ‘flipped expert interviews’, extending the interview population to non-experts, as an approach to study GM. It interrogates the advantages and limitations of this method in capturing power relations and the formal and informal practices and processes in the EP’s committees and political groups. The article suggests that going beyond ‘usual suspects’ when selecting the interview population helps to paint a broader picture of contextual factors and micro-dynamics that illuminate processes of politicization around contentious topics.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45132328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-05DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2119874
Johan Christensen, Sara Forato
ABSTRACT The expert competences of the public bureaucracy are often seen as crucial for the quality and legitimacy of public policies. Yet, the role of expertise in the state varies greatly across countries. How can we explain the position of expert competences in the bureaucracy? The paper examines this question through a historical-institutional analysis of the Italian ministerial bureaucracy. Extending the ‘public service bargains’ framework, it argues that the role of expertise in the state is the result of a bargaining process between civil servants and the politicians that they serve. The paper shows how the peculiar position of expertise in the Italian state – the paucity of technical expertise in the permanent administration, the role of ministerial cabinets as politicized providers of expertise, and the dominance of legal training among civil servants – was the result of a chain of political and bureaucratic strategies and responses.
{"title":"Explaining the role of expertise in the state: the case of Italy","authors":"Johan Christensen, Sara Forato","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2119874","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2119874","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The expert competences of the public bureaucracy are often seen as crucial for the quality and legitimacy of public policies. Yet, the role of expertise in the state varies greatly across countries. How can we explain the position of expert competences in the bureaucracy? The paper examines this question through a historical-institutional analysis of the Italian ministerial bureaucracy. Extending the ‘public service bargains’ framework, it argues that the role of expertise in the state is the result of a bargaining process between civil servants and the politicians that they serve. The paper shows how the peculiar position of expertise in the Italian state – the paucity of technical expertise in the permanent administration, the role of ministerial cabinets as politicized providers of expertise, and the dominance of legal training among civil servants – was the result of a chain of political and bureaucratic strategies and responses.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42246160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-27DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2104651
Alexander Dukalskis, Saipira Furstenberg, Yana Gorokhovskaia, John Heathershaw, Edward Lemon, Nate Schenkkan
ABSTRACT Research on state repression generally focuses on what states do to populations within their own borders. However, recently scholars working at the intersection of comparative politics and international relations have begun to systematically analyse states repressing their populations outside their borders as part of their foreign policy. Variously called transnational repression, extraterritorial repression, or sometimes global authoritarianism, the focus is on the motives, methods, and effects of states extending repressive practices to their citizens abroad. Much of the research in this area has developed theories and findings using fieldwork and interview-based methods. Recently, however, multiple researchers and research groups have produced cross-national publicly available event data on transnational repression. This research note explains the main features of those datasets, including their scope, sources, structure, definitions, and strengths and limitations. In addition to descriptive introduction, it discusses the challenges associated with gathering data on transnational repression as well as suggestions for moving forward. The main aims are to introduce available data on transnational repression to researchers interested in working in this area and to highlight issues they may confront in gathering new data.
{"title":"Transnational repression: data advances, comparisons, and challenges","authors":"Alexander Dukalskis, Saipira Furstenberg, Yana Gorokhovskaia, John Heathershaw, Edward Lemon, Nate Schenkkan","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2104651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2104651","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Research on state repression generally focuses on what states do to populations within their own borders. However, recently scholars working at the intersection of comparative politics and international relations have begun to systematically analyse states repressing their populations outside their borders as part of their foreign policy. Variously called transnational repression, extraterritorial repression, or sometimes global authoritarianism, the focus is on the motives, methods, and effects of states extending repressive practices to their citizens abroad. Much of the research in this area has developed theories and findings using fieldwork and interview-based methods. Recently, however, multiple researchers and research groups have produced cross-national publicly available event data on transnational repression. This research note explains the main features of those datasets, including their scope, sources, structure, definitions, and strengths and limitations. In addition to descriptive introduction, it discusses the challenges associated with gathering data on transnational repression as well as suggestions for moving forward. The main aims are to introduce available data on transnational repression to researchers interested in working in this area and to highlight issues they may confront in gathering new data.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41398116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-17DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2101380
L. Antoine
ABSTRACT To justify surveillance measures and gain them public support, governments use the promise of security. It is usually claimed that individuals are more willing to have freedom and privacy restricted than waiving a promise of increased security. However, empirical evidence to support this claim has been scarce—especially from a comparative perspective. Focusing on surveillance measures, this paper shows that people do indeed express greater acceptance of restrictions when these are justified by promises of security, being one of the first to examine this across 29 countries on all continents. Based on data from the ISSP, it investigates to which degree the effect of a security-based justification is moderated on the micro and macro level, with surprising results: While the effect does not differ between different levels of government support and political orientation, it differs significantly depending on how liberal-democratic the country is. The effect of the security-justification is very pronounced in liberal democracies, while it is even reversed in rather autocratic countries, meaning that individuals seem to be rather suspicious towards security justifications in non-democratic countries.
{"title":"The power of a promise: whom do governments’ security justifications convince to accept surveillance?","authors":"L. Antoine","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2101380","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2101380","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT To justify surveillance measures and gain them public support, governments use the promise of security. It is usually claimed that individuals are more willing to have freedom and privacy restricted than waiving a promise of increased security. However, empirical evidence to support this claim has been scarce—especially from a comparative perspective. Focusing on surveillance measures, this paper shows that people do indeed express greater acceptance of restrictions when these are justified by promises of security, being one of the first to examine this across 29 countries on all continents. Based on data from the ISSP, it investigates to which degree the effect of a security-based justification is moderated on the micro and macro level, with surprising results: While the effect does not differ between different levels of government support and political orientation, it differs significantly depending on how liberal-democratic the country is. The effect of the security-justification is very pronounced in liberal democracies, while it is even reversed in rather autocratic countries, meaning that individuals seem to be rather suspicious towards security justifications in non-democratic countries.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45571573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-14DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2095920
A. Urman, Stefan Katz
ABSTRACT In the present study, we analyze the relationship between domestic and international online publicity and individual outcomes of suspects in three recent politically salient cases in Russia. The analysis is based on the data from Telegram – one of the most politically relevant online platforms in contemporary Russia, – Google News and data about individual criminal cases. We find that international online publicity is associated with decreased likelihood of imprisonment for individual suspects, while the relationship between the latter and domestic publicity is less straightforward. Our findings contribute to the scholarship on the connection between (online) publicity and political repression relevant for Russia and, potentially, other autocracies.
{"title":"Online publicity and outcomes of individual politically salient criminal cases in an authoritarian regime: evidence from Russia","authors":"A. Urman, Stefan Katz","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2095920","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2095920","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the present study, we analyze the relationship between domestic and international online publicity and individual outcomes of suspects in three recent politically salient cases in Russia. The analysis is based on the data from Telegram – one of the most politically relevant online platforms in contemporary Russia, – Google News and data about individual criminal cases. We find that international online publicity is associated with decreased likelihood of imprisonment for individual suspects, while the relationship between the latter and domestic publicity is less straightforward. Our findings contribute to the scholarship on the connection between (online) publicity and political repression relevant for Russia and, potentially, other autocracies.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47607079","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-15DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2085121
Simon Schunz
ABSTRACT In December 2019, the European Commission released its strategy for the European Union (EU), the European Green Deal (EGD), which perceives the ‘commitment to tackling climate and environmental-related challenges’ as ‘this generation’s defining task’. It intends to ‘transform [the EU’s] economy and society to put it on a more sustainable path’, and has been hailed for its potential to durably change European societies. This contribution examines if the EGD offers a discursive paradigm shift regarding environmental sustainability. To this end, it performs a critical discourse analysis on the meta-discourse embodied in the EGD and its predecessors, Europe 2020 and the Lisbon Strategy. It finds that the EGD marks a significant discursive break, moving the EU’s meta-discourse from a negligence of environmental sustainability in the 2000s, and the idea that sustainability as an attribute to growth can support a ‘jobs and growth’ agenda during the 2010s, to centre-stage. By empowering pro-environmental forces, it provides unseen overtures towards a paradigm shift of practical consequence for European – and via an example-setting effect – global sustainability policies. The article concludes by explaining the meta-discursive shift and discussing its implications for EU sustainability policies.
{"title":"The ‘European Green Deal’ – a paradigm shift? Transformations in the European Union’s sustainability meta-discourse","authors":"Simon Schunz","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2085121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2085121","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In December 2019, the European Commission released its strategy for the European Union (EU), the European Green Deal (EGD), which perceives the ‘commitment to tackling climate and environmental-related challenges’ as ‘this generation’s defining task’. It intends to ‘transform [the EU’s] economy and society to put it on a more sustainable path’, and has been hailed for its potential to durably change European societies. This contribution examines if the EGD offers a discursive paradigm shift regarding environmental sustainability. To this end, it performs a critical discourse analysis on the meta-discourse embodied in the EGD and its predecessors, Europe 2020 and the Lisbon Strategy. It finds that the EGD marks a significant discursive break, moving the EU’s meta-discourse from a negligence of environmental sustainability in the 2000s, and the idea that sustainability as an attribute to growth can support a ‘jobs and growth’ agenda during the 2010s, to centre-stage. By empowering pro-environmental forces, it provides unseen overtures towards a paradigm shift of practical consequence for European – and via an example-setting effect – global sustainability policies. The article concludes by explaining the meta-discursive shift and discussing its implications for EU sustainability policies.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49619864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-08DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2083520
Wiebke Drews
ABSTRACT As the opportunities for online political expression grow exponentially, aggregate levels of e-expression vary strongly across countries worldwide. The paper explores contextual factors enabling or restraining e-expression, particularly media dependence, democratic experience and civil society robustness and combines them with micro-level demographics, capacities, and motivations. Based on multilevel logistic modelling of 2014 ISSP 'Citizenship II' data [ISSP Research Group. 2016. “International Social Survey Programme: Citizenship II – ISSP 2014 (Version 2.0.0) [Data file].” GESIS Data Archive.], it shows that e-expression is not dependent on a robust civil society, but on the years spent under democratic rule and the level of media dependence. The latter mediates the predictive effect of political trust, which is negative but ceases in countries with dependent and unfree media. The findings challenge assumptions on the mobilizing potential of digital tools in less free countries, particularly for critical citizens who wish to express grievances outside the circuit of official but closed or monitored channels. In contrast, a reinforcement effect is not only found on the individual-level but also in terms of a democratic digital divide between free and consolidated as well as dependent and young/no democratic regimes. Thereby, the paper contributes to our theoretical understanding of the institutional factors shaping e-expression.
随着在线政治表达的机会呈指数级增长，全球各国的电子表达总体水平差异很大。本文探讨了促成或抑制电子表达的环境因素，特别是媒体依赖、民主经验和公民社会的稳健性，并将它们与微观层面的人口统计、能力和动机相结合。基于2014年ISSP“Citizenship II”数据的多层次logistic建模[ISSP Research Group. 2016]。国际社会调查计划:公民身份II - ISSP 2014 (Version 2.0.0)[数据文件]。GESIS数据存档。，它表明，电子表达并不依赖于一个强大的公民社会，而是依赖于在民主统治下度过的岁月和对媒体的依赖程度。后者中介政治信任的预测效应，政治信任是负面的，但在媒体依赖和不自由的国家停止。调查结果挑战了人们对数字工具在不太自由的国家具有动员潜力的假设，特别是对于那些希望在官方但封闭或受监控的渠道之外表达不满的关键公民。相比之下，强化效应不仅存在于个人层面，而且存在于自由和巩固以及依赖和年轻/无民主政权之间的民主数字鸿沟。因此，本文有助于我们从理论上理解影响电子表达的制度因素。
{"title":"E-expression in a comparative perspective: contextual drivers and constraints of online political expression","authors":"Wiebke Drews","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2083520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2083520","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As the opportunities for online political expression grow exponentially, aggregate levels of e-expression vary strongly across countries worldwide. The paper explores contextual factors enabling or restraining e-expression, particularly media dependence, democratic experience and civil society robustness and combines them with micro-level demographics, capacities, and motivations. Based on multilevel logistic modelling of 2014 ISSP 'Citizenship II' data [ISSP Research Group. 2016. “International Social Survey Programme: Citizenship II – ISSP 2014 (Version 2.0.0) [Data file].” GESIS Data Archive.], it shows that e-expression is not dependent on a robust civil society, but on the years spent under democratic rule and the level of media dependence. The latter mediates the predictive effect of political trust, which is negative but ceases in countries with dependent and unfree media. The findings challenge assumptions on the mobilizing potential of digital tools in less free countries, particularly for critical citizens who wish to express grievances outside the circuit of official but closed or monitored channels. In contrast, a reinforcement effect is not only found on the individual-level but also in terms of a democratic digital divide between free and consolidated as well as dependent and young/no democratic regimes. Thereby, the paper contributes to our theoretical understanding of the institutional factors shaping e-expression.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47120257","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-28DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2081585
H. Kermani
ABSTRACT This work is an attempt to fill the academic gap that neglects the close reading of speeches of political leaders in non-democratic societies during the COVID-19 pandemic. To this end, this research focuses on the rhetoric of Hassan Rouhani, the former president of Iran, during the first wave of the COVID-19 crisis. Using the two main rhetorical devices of identification and metaphor, this work analyzes all of Rouhani’s speeches from February 2, 2020, to April 27, 2020. In addition, all speeches by three most powerful clerics in Iran, namely Khamenei, Saeidi, and Alamolhoda, and a sample of tweets by Iranian users (1644 in total) were analyzed to understand the extent to which Rouhani’s rhetoric was successful. The results show that Rouhani articulated a populist discourse during the pandemic. In an attempt to break away from hegemonic discourse, he sought to identify his government, rather than the state, with the people to construct a discursive us. Nevertheless, his rhetoric did not go down well with Iranian Twitter users. This study also analyzes Rouhani’s deft juggling act to woo both the populace and the conservative power centers to satisfy them while trying to distance himself from the latter .
{"title":"Populist discourse and the resulting discontent in hybrid regimes: an examination of Rouhani’s rhetoric in the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic","authors":"H. Kermani","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2081585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2081585","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This work is an attempt to fill the academic gap that neglects the close reading of speeches of political leaders in non-democratic societies during the COVID-19 pandemic. To this end, this research focuses on the rhetoric of Hassan Rouhani, the former president of Iran, during the first wave of the COVID-19 crisis. Using the two main rhetorical devices of identification and metaphor, this work analyzes all of Rouhani’s speeches from February 2, 2020, to April 27, 2020. In addition, all speeches by three most powerful clerics in Iran, namely Khamenei, Saeidi, and Alamolhoda, and a sample of tweets by Iranian users (1644 in total) were analyzed to understand the extent to which Rouhani’s rhetoric was successful. The results show that Rouhani articulated a populist discourse during the pandemic. In an attempt to break away from hegemonic discourse, he sought to identify his government, rather than the state, with the people to construct a discursive us. Nevertheless, his rhetoric did not go down well with Iranian Twitter users. This study also analyzes Rouhani’s deft juggling act to woo both the populace and the conservative power centers to satisfy them while trying to distance himself from the latter .","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42272796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-11DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2048957
M. Kołczyńska, Przemek Powałko
ABSTRACT The Political Parties Crosswalk (PPC) maps party codes used in questions about party preferences in European cross-national public opinion surveys to Party Facts IDs, which are commonly used identifiers of parties in political science datasets. The PPC, a data linkage tool, supports research that combines data on party support from surveys with characteristics of parties, and in particular, facilitates research that combines data from different survey projects. PPC v.1 covers surveys conducted in Europe in the following projects: European Social Survey, European Values Study, World Values Survey, Asia Europe Survey, Consolidation and Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe, Integrated and United, Life in Transition Surveys, New Baltic Barometer, New Europe Barometer, and selected waves from the Candidate Countries Eurobarometer, Eurobarometer, and the International Social Survey Programme. In addition to describing the scope and properties of PPC, as well as the steps of data processing and quality assurance, we present case studies that illustrate possible applications in substantive and methodological research.
{"title":"The Political Parties Crosswalk for mapping party codes in cross-national surveys to Party Facts IDs","authors":"M. Kołczyńska, Przemek Powałko","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2048957","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2048957","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Political Parties Crosswalk (PPC) maps party codes used in questions about party preferences in European cross-national public opinion surveys to Party Facts IDs, which are commonly used identifiers of parties in political science datasets. The PPC, a data linkage tool, supports research that combines data on party support from surveys with characteristics of parties, and in particular, facilitates research that combines data from different survey projects. PPC v.1 covers surveys conducted in Europe in the following projects: European Social Survey, European Values Study, World Values Survey, Asia Europe Survey, Consolidation and Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe, Integrated and United, Life in Transition Surveys, New Baltic Barometer, New Europe Barometer, and selected waves from the Candidate Countries Eurobarometer, Eurobarometer, and the International Social Survey Programme. In addition to describing the scope and properties of PPC, as well as the steps of data processing and quality assurance, we present case studies that illustrate possible applications in substantive and methodological research.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42801911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2043725
H. Vogt, Aappo Pukarinen
ABSTRACT This paper provides an overview of the time perspectives with which the European Union conducts its politics and policies – an aim that has garnered very little scholarly attention thus far. We ask in which ways and to what extent is the Union able to employ long-term policy targets and considers the possible interests of future generations. Which factors determine the time perspectives, which institutions define them and what can possibly be done in order to employ longer-term perspectives in a more systematic manner within this complex technocratic system? We approach these questions from three viewpoints: the foundational ideas of integration; the governance structures within the EU system; and the Union’s policy objectives. In addition to analyses of EU documentary data, our reflections rely on a set of semi-structured interviews conducted with a group of EU-experts in the autumn of 2019. A range of governance logics and mechanisms already support long-termism in the EU, but much can still be done in order to create a real processual value supporting it.
{"title":"The European Union as a long-term political actor: an overview","authors":"H. Vogt, Aappo Pukarinen","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2043725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2043725","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper provides an overview of the time perspectives with which the European Union conducts its politics and policies – an aim that has garnered very little scholarly attention thus far. We ask in which ways and to what extent is the Union able to employ long-term policy targets and considers the possible interests of future generations. Which factors determine the time perspectives, which institutions define them and what can possibly be done in order to employ longer-term perspectives in a more systematic manner within this complex technocratic system? We approach these questions from three viewpoints: the foundational ideas of integration; the governance structures within the EU system; and the Union’s policy objectives. In addition to analyses of EU documentary data, our reflections rely on a set of semi-structured interviews conducted with a group of EU-experts in the autumn of 2019. A range of governance logics and mechanisms already support long-termism in the EU, but much can still be done in order to create a real processual value supporting it.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48676390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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