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Online repression and transnational social movements: Thailand and the #MilkTeaAlliance 在线镇压和跨国社会运动:泰国与 #MilkTeaAlliance
IF 2.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2023.2299120
Joakim Kreutz, Anthi Antonia Makrogianni
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引用次数: 0
Did Russia’s invasion of Ukraine unite Europe? Cohesion and divisions of the European Parliament on Twitter 俄罗斯入侵乌克兰使欧洲团结了吗?推特上欧洲议会的凝聚与分裂
IF 2.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2023.2299121
Juliana Chueri, Petter Törnberg
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引用次数: 0
Quantifying the ideational context: political frames, meaning trajectories and punctuated equilibria in Spanish mainstream press during the Catalan nationalist challenge 量化意识形态背景:加泰罗尼亚民族主义挑战期间西班牙主流媒体中的政治框架、意义轨迹和点状平衡点
IF 2.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2023.2287036
José Javier Olivas Osuna, Guillermo Jorge-Botana, J. A. Martínez-Huertas, Ricardo Olmos Albacete, Alejandro Martínez-Mingo
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引用次数: 0
Breakdown by disengagement: Tunisia’s transition from representative democracy 脱离接触的崩溃:突尼斯从代议制民主的过渡
Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2023.2279778
Kevin Koehler
On 25 July 2021, Tunisian president Kais Saied suspended parliament, lifted the immunity of its members, and dismissed the prime minister and the government. Tunisia’s post-revolutionary democracy had thus succumbed to a populist president within two years from his electoral victory in the context of widespread popular disillusionment with the entire political class. This article draws on the work of Peter Mair, in particular his analysis in Ruling the Void (Citation2013), to understand democratic breakdown in Tunisia. I argue that political dynamics in Tunisia diverge significantly from the standard model of democratic backsliding. Instead, I conceptualize the Tunisian case as breakdown by disengagement. The relative success of Tunisian democratization after the 2014 elite compromise paradoxically fuelled a crisis of representation: The main political camps lost popular support, populist challengers were strengthened, and citizens disengaged from conventional politics in ever greater numbers. Popular disengagement and elite withdrawal into a sphere of competition protected by the elite pact gave rise to a void at the heart of Tunisian democracy. While Kais Saied’s anti-party project proposed to fill this void with an alternative political system built from the bottom up, there is growing evidence of authoritarian retrenchment instead of democratic renewal.
2021年7月25日,突尼斯总统赛义德暂停议会,取消其成员的豁免权,并解散了总理和政府。因此,突尼斯革命后的民主制度,在民众对整个政治阶层普遍失望的背景下,在选举胜利后不到两年就屈服于一位民粹主义总统。本文借鉴了Peter maair的作品,特别是他在《无效统治》(2013)中的分析,来理解突尼斯的民主崩溃。我认为,突尼斯的政治动态与民主倒退的标准模式大相径庭。相反,我将突尼斯的情况概念化为脱离接触导致的崩溃。2014年精英妥协后,突尼斯民主化的相对成功反而引发了一场代表性危机:主要政治阵营失去了民众支持,民粹主义挑战者得到加强,越来越多的公民脱离了传统政治。民众的脱离和精英撤退到精英协议保护下的竞争领域,在突尼斯民主的核心产生了空白。尽管赛义德的反党计划提出用自下而上建立的另一种政治制度来填补这一空白,但越来越多的证据表明,威权主义的收缩,而不是民主的复兴。
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引用次数: 0
Merging the Great Patriotic War and Russian warfare in Ukraine. A case-study of Russian military patriotic clubs in 2022 把卫国战争和俄国在乌克兰的战争结合起来。2022年俄罗斯军事爱国俱乐部个案研究
Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2023.2265135
Håvard Bækken
This article examines the exploitation of political war myths within military patriotic youth clubs in Russia, predominantly based on content from social media accounts. These clubs frequently propped up the ongoing warfare in Ukraine with narratives and symbols, visual imagery, and reproduced slogans – all originating in the Second World War. The article coins the term ‘war merging’ to conceptualize the phenomenon and discusses its characteristics and implications. Only occasionally referring to actual historical events, this form of myth exploitation makes blatant appeals to learned symbolic attachments and dominating narrative templates of Russia at war. The practice seeks to legitimate the current warfare in Ukraine among the Russian youth, but also serves to guide the plotting of new memories for how this war will be remembered in the future. By merging these wars symbolically, the invasion of Ukraine is inscribed into Russian collective memory as just, defensive, and heroic – as a continuation of the mythologized ‘eternal war’ in Russian hegemonic culture.
本文研究了俄罗斯军事爱国青年俱乐部对政治战争神话的利用,这些神话主要基于社交媒体账户的内容。这些俱乐部经常用叙述和符号、视觉图像和复制的口号来支持乌克兰正在进行的战争——所有这些都起源于第二次世界大战。文章提出了“战争合并”一词,对这一现象进行了概念化,并讨论了其特点和含义。这种形式的神话利用只是偶尔提到实际的历史事件,它公然诉诸于习得的象征依恋和主导俄罗斯战争的叙事模板。这种做法的目的是让俄罗斯年轻人对当前乌克兰战争的看法合法化,但也有助于指导人们构思新的记忆,以便将来人们如何记住这场战争。通过象征性地合并这些战争,入侵乌克兰被铭刻在俄罗斯人的集体记忆中,作为正义的、防御性的和英雄的——作为俄罗斯霸权文化中神话化的“永恒战争”的延续。
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引用次数: 0
Actors, concepts, controversies: the conceptual politics of European integration 行动者、概念、争议:欧洲一体化的概念政治
Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2023.2258173
Claudia Wiesner
The paper is a contribution to research methodology. It proposes a useful methodological import into the range of interpretative approaches in Political Science – the study of Conceptual Politics. Drawing on methodology and categories developed in Conceptual History, Conceptual Politics is understood as the political and rhetorical moves, strategies, debates and their actors, that coin, shape or reflect political concepts in both institutional and social reality and its perception, and with regard to their past and present meanings, understandings and practices. The main methodological premise and also the distinguishing trait with regard to other interpretative approaches is this analytical focus on concepts: A concept is a word or a cluster of words that functions as a nodal point in a political controversy. Concepts are socially constructed factors and indicators of the reality they describe, interpret and modify. Concepts have different layers of meaning that are studied in their temporality and historicity. The different, past and present, layers require the researcher´s prior knowledge and an interpretative approach. The article presents the theoretical and methodological backgrounds and premises of the approach of Conceptual Politics, its added value, the heuristic and analytical tools for analysing it, and the empirical application of the tools proposed. It is argued that the approach is especially beneficial in analysing European integration.
这篇论文是对研究方法论的贡献。它提出了一个有用的方法进口到政治科学的解释方法的范围-概念政治的研究。借鉴《概念史》中发展的方法论和范畴,概念政治被理解为政治和修辞的动作、策略、辩论及其行动者,它们在制度和社会现实及其感知中铸造、塑造或反映政治概念,并考虑到它们过去和现在的意义、理解和实践。主要的方法论前提和其他解释方法的显著特征是对概念的分析:概念是一个词或一组词,在政治争议中起着节点的作用。概念是社会建构的因素和它们所描述、解释和修改的现实的指标。概念有不同层次的意义,研究它们的时间性和历史性。不同的、过去的和现在的层次需要研究者的先验知识和解释方法。本文介绍了概念政治方法的理论和方法论背景和前提,它的附加价值,分析它的启发式和分析工具,以及所提出的工具的实证应用。有人认为,这种方法对分析欧洲一体化特别有益。
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引用次数: 0
Drivers of COVID-19 protest across localities in Israel: a machine-learning approach 以色列各地COVID-19抗议活动的司机:一种机器学习方法
Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2023.2257368
Nina Schlager, Karsten Donnay, Hyunjung Kim, Ravi Bhavnani
Anti-government protests emerged globally in response to COVID-19 countermeasures. What are the key drivers of these pandemic-related protests, and to what extent do they differ from the drivers of non-COVID protests? We examine these questions in the context of Israel, which faced a growing political crisis at the start of the pandemic, effectively blurring the distinction between different causes of protest. Our data features 1,922 protests across 189 Israeli localities for the period between March and July 2022. Using a machine learning approach, we find that all protests, regardless of whether they were directly related to the pandemic or not, were motivated by the same set of key indicators – albeit with the ranking of drivers for COVID-related protests inverted for non-COVID protests. Local infection rates and government responses were more pronounced for the former, whereas differences in residential and commercial property taxes, access to affordable housing, quality of education and demography were among the most important drivers for the latter. Our analysis underscores the role that local governments played in managing the pandemic, and demonstrates that variation in socioeconomic conditions had an important effect on the incidence of protests across Israel.
为应对新冠肺炎疫情,全球出现了反政府示威。这些与疫情相关的抗议活动的主要驱动因素是什么?它们与非疫情抗议活动的驱动因素有何不同?我们在以色列的背景下审查这些问题,在大流行病开始时,以色列面临着日益严重的政治危机,有效地模糊了不同抗议原因之间的区别。我们的数据显示,在2022年3月至7月期间,以色列189个地区发生了1922起抗议活动。使用机器学习方法,我们发现所有抗议活动,无论是否与大流行直接相关,都是由同一组关键指标驱动的——尽管与covid相关的抗议活动的驱动因素排名与非covid抗议活动相反。前者的地方感染率和政府反应更为明显,而后者的最重要驱动因素是住宅和商业财产税、可负担住房、教育质量和人口结构的差异。我们的分析强调了地方政府在管理大流行方面发挥的作用,并表明社会经济条件的变化对以色列各地抗议活动的发生率产生了重要影响。
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引用次数: 0
A progressive dilemma? Investigating cross-country variations in family-immigration policies through the lens of welfare-state regimes 一个渐进的困境?从福利国家制度的视角调查家庭移民政策的跨国差异
IF 2.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2023.2249976
Anton Ahlén
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引用次数: 0
Unpacking shame management in politics: strategies for evoking and steps to mitigate the feeling of shame 政治中的羞耻感管理:唤起羞耻感的策略和减轻羞耻感的步骤
IF 2.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2023.2221733
Gabriella Szabó, Balázs Kiss
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引用次数: 0
A safety net against populism? An investigation of the interaction effect of political efficacy and democratic capacities on populist attitudes 反对民粹主义的安全网?政治效能和民主能力对民粹主义态度的互动效应研究
IF 2.4 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-06 DOI: 10.1080/2474736x.2023.2220385
M. Bene, Zsolt Boda
The paper interprets populism as a symptom of a mismatch between how the democratic polity operates and how citizens conceive their own aspirations, needs and identities vis-à-vis the polity. However, democracy requests certain attitudes and skills from citizens: political engagement, a re fl ective attitude, scrutiny of the power holders and balancing trust-based cooperation with critical reactions towards political authorities. In line with this, we investigate how external and internal political e ffi cacy are associated with populist attitudes in the case of people who have and who do not have certain democratic capacities. Our fi ndings drawing upon an original survey covering 15 European countries show that higher internal political e ffi cacy is associated with more populist attitudes in the case of people with incomplete democratic capacities, but complete democratic capacities yield a ‘ safety net ’ against this e ff ect. However, the negative relationship between external political e ffi cacy and populist attitudes does not depend on these capacities: stronger dissatisfaction with the responsiveness of political elites leads to more populist attitudes irrespective of people ’ s democratic background. Nonetheless, our fi ndings imply that a stronger emphasis on certain democratic practices and values in political socialization or civic education could prevent stronger political con fi dence would turn into populist views about politics.
该论文将民粹主义解释为民主政体运作方式与公民如何构想自己相对于政体的愿望、需求和身份之间不匹配的症状。然而,民主需要公民的某些态度和技能:政治参与、反思态度、对权力持有者的审查,以及在基于信任的合作与对政治当局的批评反应之间取得平衡。与此相一致,我们调查了在具有和不具有某些民主能力的人的情况下,外部和内部政治效率如何与民粹主义态度相关联。我们根据一项覆盖15个欧洲国家的原始调查得出的结论表明,在民主能力不完整的人的情况下,更高的内部政治效率与更民粹主义的态度有关,但完全的民主能力产生了对抗这种影响的“安全网”。然而,外部政治能力和民粹主义态度之间的负面关系并不取决于这些能力:对政治精英反应能力的强烈不满会导致更多的民粹主义态度,而不考虑人们的民主背景。尽管如此,我们的研究结果表明,在政治社会化或公民教育中更加强调某些民主实践和价值观,可能会阻止更强的政治自信转变为民粹主义的政治观点。
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Political Research Exchange
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