Pub Date : 2022-02-28DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2035192
Giorgos Katsambekis, Christos Iliadis, Ioannis Balampanidis, Evthymios Papataxiarchis
ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the 2011 ‘squares movement’ in Greece to enquire into the importance of (popular) sovereignty for mobilized individuals in relation to representation and crisis. We draw on tools of political theory and discourse analysis, adopt a ‘bottom up’ ethnographic perspective, and incorporate insights from social movement studies and the sociology of emotions. The aim is to reconstruct the key narratives and frames used by individuals to make sense of their motivations and aspirations, but also to trace the movement’s legacy. Our data is drawn from archival research in media outlets and semi-structured interviews with individuals that participated in or observed the ‘squares movement’. Our findings highlight the importance of the moment of dislocation and its destabilizing effect on individuals, while stressing the positive/productive aspect of crisis. Using emotions as a thread that runs through the mobilization and links it to subsequent ones, we highlight the explanatory value of our analysis for understanding the radical realignment of the political system and the rise of anti-establishment parties, and show how a cycle of tensions at the heart of representation that opened up in 2010 seems to have now closed.
{"title":"Emotions of protest in times of crisis: representation, dislocation and remedy in the Greek ‘squares movement’","authors":"Giorgos Katsambekis, Christos Iliadis, Ioannis Balampanidis, Evthymios Papataxiarchis","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2035192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2035192","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the 2011 ‘squares movement’ in Greece to enquire into the importance of (popular) sovereignty for mobilized individuals in relation to representation and crisis. We draw on tools of political theory and discourse analysis, adopt a ‘bottom up’ ethnographic perspective, and incorporate insights from social movement studies and the sociology of emotions. The aim is to reconstruct the key narratives and frames used by individuals to make sense of their motivations and aspirations, but also to trace the movement’s legacy. Our data is drawn from archival research in media outlets and semi-structured interviews with individuals that participated in or observed the ‘squares movement’. Our findings highlight the importance of the moment of dislocation and its destabilizing effect on individuals, while stressing the positive/productive aspect of crisis. Using emotions as a thread that runs through the mobilization and links it to subsequent ones, we highlight the explanatory value of our analysis for understanding the radical realignment of the political system and the rise of anti-establishment parties, and show how a cycle of tensions at the heart of representation that opened up in 2010 seems to have now closed.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45793519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-08DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2031233
Gabriel Zohar, J. Domènech-Abella, Free De Backer, Koen Lombaerts
ABSTRACT Several studies show that political violence justification (PVJ) is associated with unfavourable social and economic characteristics such as poor education, low income, and poverty at the national level. However, the mechanisms by which these factors interact remain unclear. This study aims to find out whether poverty at the country level (contextual poverty) moderates the relationship between individuals’ educational level and household income, and PVJ in the European Union (EU). We perform an analysis using a dataset of 15.347 individuals from twelve EU countries who participated in the European Values Survey, 2017. Logistic regressions models with interaction terms were used to analyze factors related to PVJ. Our findings are twofold. First, we find no evidence of educational level and PVJ's relationship in countries with medium levels of contextual poverty. In contrast, in countries with low levels of contextual poverty, individuals with medium educational level were associated with higher PVJ. Second, individuals living in countries with lower levels of contextual poverty and higher household income were associated with higher PVJ. We conclude that more individuals tend to justify political violence in countries with lower contextual poverty levels—individuals with medium educational level and higher household income. To our knowledge, this is the first study to find evidence that education and socioeconomic status may amplify PVJ in the EU.
{"title":"The relationship between level of education and household income in the justification of political violence in the EU. the moderating effect of poverty at the country level","authors":"Gabriel Zohar, J. Domènech-Abella, Free De Backer, Koen Lombaerts","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2031233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2031233","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Several studies show that political violence justification (PVJ) is associated with unfavourable social and economic characteristics such as poor education, low income, and poverty at the national level. However, the mechanisms by which these factors interact remain unclear. This study aims to find out whether poverty at the country level (contextual poverty) moderates the relationship between individuals’ educational level and household income, and PVJ in the European Union (EU). We perform an analysis using a dataset of 15.347 individuals from twelve EU countries who participated in the European Values Survey, 2017. Logistic regressions models with interaction terms were used to analyze factors related to PVJ. Our findings are twofold. First, we find no evidence of educational level and PVJ's relationship in countries with medium levels of contextual poverty. In contrast, in countries with low levels of contextual poverty, individuals with medium educational level were associated with higher PVJ. Second, individuals living in countries with lower levels of contextual poverty and higher household income were associated with higher PVJ. We conclude that more individuals tend to justify political violence in countries with lower contextual poverty levels—individuals with medium educational level and higher household income. To our knowledge, this is the first study to find evidence that education and socioeconomic status may amplify PVJ in the EU.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-02-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44354170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2029217
M. Reveilhac, D. Morselli
ABSTRACT Automated text analysis methods have made it possible to classify large corpora of text by measures such as frames and tonality, with a growing popularity in social, political and psychological science. These methods often demand a training dataset of sufficient size to generate accurate models that can be applied to unseen texts. In practice, however, there are no clear recommendations about how big the training samples should be. This issue becomes especially acute when dealing with texts skewed toward categories and when researchers cannot afford large samples of annotated texts. Leveraging on the case of support for democracy, we provide a guide to help researchers navigate decisions when producing measures of tonality and frames from a small sample of annotated social media posts. We find that supervised machine learning algorithms outperform dictionaries for tonality classification tasks. However, custom dictionaries are useful complements of these algorithms when identifying latent democracy dimensions in social media messages, especially as the method of elaborating these dictionaries is guided by word embedding techniques and human validation. Therefore, we provide easily implementable recommendations to increase estimation accuracy under non-optimal condition.
{"title":"Dictionary-based and machine learning classification approaches: a comparison for tonality and frame detection on Twitter data","authors":"M. Reveilhac, D. Morselli","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2029217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2029217","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Automated text analysis methods have made it possible to classify large corpora of text by measures such as frames and tonality, with a growing popularity in social, political and psychological science. These methods often demand a training dataset of sufficient size to generate accurate models that can be applied to unseen texts. In practice, however, there are no clear recommendations about how big the training samples should be. This issue becomes especially acute when dealing with texts skewed toward categories and when researchers cannot afford large samples of annotated texts. Leveraging on the case of support for democracy, we provide a guide to help researchers navigate decisions when producing measures of tonality and frames from a small sample of annotated social media posts. We find that supervised machine learning algorithms outperform dictionaries for tonality classification tasks. However, custom dictionaries are useful complements of these algorithms when identifying latent democracy dimensions in social media messages, especially as the method of elaborating these dictionaries is guided by word embedding techniques and human validation. Therefore, we provide easily implementable recommendations to increase estimation accuracy under non-optimal condition.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44013305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-07DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2021.2021095
Benjamin Schürmann, Johann Gründl
ABSTRACT The possibilities of unfiltered communication in social media provide the perfect opportunity structure for spreading populist ideas. Generally, populist communication features an antagonistic worldview that blames elites for betraying the people and promises to reverse a ‘downward societal trend’ by bringing the people's ‘real’ interests back into politics. Although populist success is often attributed to crisis-induced dissatisfaction, research remains unclear on whether and how political actors foster such negative societal perceptions. Building on the German case, our paper accomplishes two things: It explores the use of populist social media communication and relates it to the exploitation of crisis-related messages among political parties. Conducting a manual content analysis of 3,500 Facebook posts by German parties and leading politicians, we find that the outsider parties AfD and the Left use and combine populist and crisis-related messages by far the most. Insider parties also spread crisis-related content to some extent. However, like the government parties, they are very reluctant to communicate in a populist way. By explaining the communicative output with their relative position in the party system, we deepen the understanding of parties’ social media behaviour. Overall, this study offers more in-depth insights into how politicians influence perceptions of the societal state.
{"title":"Yelling from the sidelines? How German parties employ populist and crisis-related messages on Facebook","authors":"Benjamin Schürmann, Johann Gründl","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2021.2021095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2021.2021095","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The possibilities of unfiltered communication in social media provide the perfect opportunity structure for spreading populist ideas. Generally, populist communication features an antagonistic worldview that blames elites for betraying the people and promises to reverse a ‘downward societal trend’ by bringing the people's ‘real’ interests back into politics. Although populist success is often attributed to crisis-induced dissatisfaction, research remains unclear on whether and how political actors foster such negative societal perceptions. Building on the German case, our paper accomplishes two things: It explores the use of populist social media communication and relates it to the exploitation of crisis-related messages among political parties. Conducting a manual content analysis of 3,500 Facebook posts by German parties and leading politicians, we find that the outsider parties AfD and the Left use and combine populist and crisis-related messages by far the most. Insider parties also spread crisis-related content to some extent. However, like the government parties, they are very reluctant to communicate in a populist way. By explaining the communicative output with their relative position in the party system, we deepen the understanding of parties’ social media behaviour. Overall, this study offers more in-depth insights into how politicians influence perceptions of the societal state.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41905761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-17DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2022.2109493
Henrik Serup Christensen, I. Saikkonen
ABSTRACT Several studies have examined the success of populist leaders in recent decades. These studies focus on both supply side factors that concern the traits of populist actors and demand side factors in the form of characteristics of the supporters. However, we still lack a solid understanding of how these supply and demand side factors interact to explain the support of populist leaders. We contribute to this literature by examining the interplay of two central supply side factors, people-centeredness and anti-immigration policies, and two demand side factors, political dissatisfaction and generational differences, in determining populist support. We test these explanations by leveraging a choice-based conjoint analysis embedded in a representative sample of the Finnish population (n = 1030). The results show that while people-centeredness enhance the favourability of prospective political leaders among the general population, only anti-immigration policies appeal to the politically dissatisfied. In contrast to recent studies, we find no evidence that populist leader traits would be more favoured by younger generations. These results indicate that the interplay between supply and demand may well be more intricate than what previous studies suggest.
{"title":"The lure of populism: a conjoint experiment examining the interplay between demand and supply side factors","authors":"Henrik Serup Christensen, I. Saikkonen","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2022.2109493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2022.2109493","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Several studies have examined the success of populist leaders in recent decades. These studies focus on both supply side factors that concern the traits of populist actors and demand side factors in the form of characteristics of the supporters. However, we still lack a solid understanding of how these supply and demand side factors interact to explain the support of populist leaders. We contribute to this literature by examining the interplay of two central supply side factors, people-centeredness and anti-immigration policies, and two demand side factors, political dissatisfaction and generational differences, in determining populist support. We test these explanations by leveraging a choice-based conjoint analysis embedded in a representative sample of the Finnish population (n = 1030). The results show that while people-centeredness enhance the favourability of prospective political leaders among the general population, only anti-immigration policies appeal to the politically dissatisfied. In contrast to recent studies, we find no evidence that populist leader traits would be more favoured by younger generations. These results indicate that the interplay between supply and demand may well be more intricate than what previous studies suggest.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2021-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46994148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2021.1949358
Bernd Schlipphak, M. Bollwerk, M. Back
ABSTRACT While there is an increasing body of research on the individual predispositions affecting conspiracy beliefs, little research has to date analysed potential effects on the context level. In this research note, we develop the argument that socialization and communication factors on the context level may directly affect aggregate levels of generic conspiracy beliefs. Second, we analyse whether these context level factors also interact with specific characteristics of the conspiracy theory – in our case, the actors involved in the CT. Running survey experiments in Germany, Poland, and Jordan (total N = 4,113), we find evidence for aggregate level differences between countries and for interactions between country-specific heuristics and characteristics of the CT. These findings are in line with expectations based on context level socialization and communication mechanisms. In closing, we discuss remaining limitations and outline promising avenues for future research.
{"title":"Beliefs in conspiracy theories (CT): the role of country context","authors":"Bernd Schlipphak, M. Bollwerk, M. Back","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2021.1949358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2021.1949358","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While there is an increasing body of research on the individual predispositions affecting conspiracy beliefs, little research has to date analysed potential effects on the context level. In this research note, we develop the argument that socialization and communication factors on the context level may directly affect aggregate levels of generic conspiracy beliefs. Second, we analyse whether these context level factors also interact with specific characteristics of the conspiracy theory – in our case, the actors involved in the CT. Running survey experiments in Germany, Poland, and Jordan (total N = 4,113), we find evidence for aggregate level differences between countries and for interactions between country-specific heuristics and characteristics of the CT. These findings are in line with expectations based on context level socialization and communication mechanisms. In closing, we discuss remaining limitations and outline promising avenues for future research.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736X.2021.1949358","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43548200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2021.1932533
A. Reinl, Geoffrey Evans
ABSTRACT Britain’s decision to leave the EU did not go unnoticed by the remaining EU states. Previous studies have shown that the assessment of the Brexit decision shortly after the referendum took place influenced the voting behaviour of citizens in a hypothetical EU referendum held in their country. This research note goes one step further by examining whether citizens’ willingness to leave the EU changed during the following three years of prolonged Brexit negotiations. To this end, Eurobarometer and ESS data are used to descriptively trace public votes in hypothetical referendums on EU membership over time. In addition, a cross-sectional analysis of Eurobarometer data collected two years after the referendum finds that citizens’ assessment of the British Brexit experience is strongly associated with attitudes towards EU membership. If Brexit is seen as the right decision for Britain, withdrawal of one’s own country from the EU is seen as more attractive although reassuringly for the EU, most people in the EU do not hold this belief.
{"title":"The Brexit learning effect? Brexit negotiations and attitudes towards leaving the EU beyond the UK","authors":"A. Reinl, Geoffrey Evans","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2021.1932533","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2021.1932533","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Britain’s decision to leave the EU did not go unnoticed by the remaining EU states. Previous studies have shown that the assessment of the Brexit decision shortly after the referendum took place influenced the voting behaviour of citizens in a hypothetical EU referendum held in their country. This research note goes one step further by examining whether citizens’ willingness to leave the EU changed during the following three years of prolonged Brexit negotiations. To this end, Eurobarometer and ESS data are used to descriptively trace public votes in hypothetical referendums on EU membership over time. In addition, a cross-sectional analysis of Eurobarometer data collected two years after the referendum finds that citizens’ assessment of the British Brexit experience is strongly associated with attitudes towards EU membership. If Brexit is seen as the right decision for Britain, withdrawal of one’s own country from the EU is seen as more attractive although reassuringly for the EU, most people in the EU do not hold this belief.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736X.2021.1932533","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45992549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2021.1989985
Lea Heyne, Luca Manucci
ABSTRACT Since their transition to democracy in the 1970s, Spain and Portugal have been ‘immune’ to the success of populist radical right (PRR) parties. This exceptional situation, however, came to an end: Chega’s leader, André Ventura, was elected in the Portuguese parliament, while VOX has become the third most voted political party of Spain. Using new online survey data from the Spanish and Portuguese national elections in 2019, we find that the Iberian PRR electorate is mostly in line with the characteristics of the PRR electorate in Western Europe when it comes to socio-demographics, political dissatisfaction, media diet, and the rejection of immigration and feminism. Interestingly, however, the support for Chega and VOX does not come from economic losers of globalization. Finally, both parties capitalize on country-specific issues —national unity in Spain and welfare in Portugal— but PRR parties might struggle to establish themselves within the party system of the two Iberian countries.
{"title":"A new Iberian exceptionalism? Comparing the populist radical right electorate in Portugal and Spain","authors":"Lea Heyne, Luca Manucci","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2021.1989985","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2021.1989985","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since their transition to democracy in the 1970s, Spain and Portugal have been ‘immune’ to the success of populist radical right (PRR) parties. This exceptional situation, however, came to an end: Chega’s leader, André Ventura, was elected in the Portuguese parliament, while VOX has become the third most voted political party of Spain. Using new online survey data from the Spanish and Portuguese national elections in 2019, we find that the Iberian PRR electorate is mostly in line with the characteristics of the PRR electorate in Western Europe when it comes to socio-demographics, political dissatisfaction, media diet, and the rejection of immigration and feminism. Interestingly, however, the support for Chega and VOX does not come from economic losers of globalization. Finally, both parties capitalize on country-specific issues —national unity in Spain and welfare in Portugal— but PRR parties might struggle to establish themselves within the party system of the two Iberian countries.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42142100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2021.1942087
Michal Neubauer-Shani, Omri Shamir
ABSTRACT Non-decision making, as a worldwide public policy pattern, has been gathering attention in the research field of late. In Israel, we are witnessing various issues in which the status quo is, in effect, maintained, often with the intention and design of the interested players. In the absence of a constitutional separation between religion and state, and the lack of a comprehensive law articulating exactly what the public sphere should look like on the day of rest (Shabbat), this issue has continued to preoccupy the State of Israel since its foundation. This article argues that the issue of opening businesses on Shabbat in the State of Israel represents a case demonstrating how policymakers operate to maintain the status-quo by adopting a policy of non-decision making. Th is a result of two structural factors in Israeli politics: the consociational model and the multiplicity of political parties. The article elaborates upon the multiple tactics used by the policymakers to carry out the non-decision making policy and characterizes this process.
{"title":"The art of non-decision in Israel: religion, business, and the day of rest","authors":"Michal Neubauer-Shani, Omri Shamir","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2021.1942087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2021.1942087","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Non-decision making, as a worldwide public policy pattern, has been gathering attention in the research field of late. In Israel, we are witnessing various issues in which the status quo is, in effect, maintained, often with the intention and design of the interested players. In the absence of a constitutional separation between religion and state, and the lack of a comprehensive law articulating exactly what the public sphere should look like on the day of rest (Shabbat), this issue has continued to preoccupy the State of Israel since its foundation. This article argues that the issue of opening businesses on Shabbat in the State of Israel represents a case demonstrating how policymakers operate to maintain the status-quo by adopting a policy of non-decision making. Th is a result of two structural factors in Israeli politics: the consociational model and the multiplicity of political parties. The article elaborates upon the multiple tactics used by the policymakers to carry out the non-decision making policy and characterizes this process.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736X.2021.1942087","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45936795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/2474736X.2021.1893608
Eva Krick
ABSTRACT This study analyses a particularly auspicious and seemingly thriving kind of democratic innovation in terms of its potential to deal with epistemic and democratic demands to policy-making at the same time. In focus are highly complex, multi-layered arrangements of policy deliberation, consultation and advice that combine an array of input channels and actor groups in a shared quest for a joint, consensual solution to a policy problem. The study asks under which conditions these democratic innovations manage to deal with the double challenge of delivering reliable expertise and providing for substantive participation of all affected viewpoints. Two cases from the German environmental policy context are analyzed in-depth, i.e. the committee on the final storage of nuclear waste and the dialogue on the government’s climate action plan. The comparative case analysis is guided by an assessment framework that builds on input-oriented democratic theory, participatory governance research as well as sociological and epistemological debates of expertise and knowledge in the policy context. Based on the case analyses, the study traces favourable institutional design conditions for striking a balance between the multiple normative demands at play.
{"title":"Dealing with the epistemic-democratic tension in policy-making. Institutional design choices for multi-layered democratic innovations","authors":"Eva Krick","doi":"10.1080/2474736X.2021.1893608","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2474736X.2021.1893608","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study analyses a particularly auspicious and seemingly thriving kind of democratic innovation in terms of its potential to deal with epistemic and democratic demands to policy-making at the same time. In focus are highly complex, multi-layered arrangements of policy deliberation, consultation and advice that combine an array of input channels and actor groups in a shared quest for a joint, consensual solution to a policy problem. The study asks under which conditions these democratic innovations manage to deal with the double challenge of delivering reliable expertise and providing for substantive participation of all affected viewpoints. Two cases from the German environmental policy context are analyzed in-depth, i.e. the committee on the final storage of nuclear waste and the dialogue on the government’s climate action plan. The comparative case analysis is guided by an assessment framework that builds on input-oriented democratic theory, participatory governance research as well as sociological and epistemological debates of expertise and knowledge in the policy context. Based on the case analyses, the study traces favourable institutional design conditions for striking a balance between the multiple normative demands at play.","PeriodicalId":20269,"journal":{"name":"Political Research Exchange","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2474736X.2021.1893608","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45751204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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