Pub Date : 2018-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000587
Ronnee Schreiber
The question of conservative feminism in the United States did not really arise before the 2008 elections; most politically active conservative women leaders did not refer to themselves as feminists. Sarah Palin's vice presidential bid, however, prompted a shift. On a number of well-publicized occasions, Palin called herself a feminist, generating considerable discussion over whether conservative feminism is now a political movement. Using data from in-depth interviews with conservative women leaders, this article asks whether conservative women in the United States identify as feminists. Findings indicate that on the whole they do not, but conservative women are important gender-conscious political actors whose efforts compel questions about ideology and women's activism. Implications for understanding feminist and conservative movement politics more broadly are also explored.
{"title":"Is There a Conservative Feminism? An Empirical Account","authors":"Ronnee Schreiber","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X17000587","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X17000587","url":null,"abstract":"The question of conservative feminism in the United States did not really arise before the 2008 elections; most politically active conservative women leaders did not refer to themselves as feminists. Sarah Palin's vice presidential bid, however, prompted a shift. On a number of well-publicized occasions, Palin called herself a feminist, generating considerable discussion over whether conservative feminism is now a political movement. Using data from in-depth interviews with conservative women leaders, this article asks whether conservative women in the United States identify as feminists. Findings indicate that on the whole they do not, but conservative women are important gender-conscious political actors whose efforts compel questions about ideology and women's activism. Implications for understanding feminist and conservative movement politics more broadly are also explored.","PeriodicalId":203979,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127926722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000599
Rosa Campbell, Silvia Erzeel
This contribution to the Special Issue on Gender and Conservatism uses expert and election surveys to explore the extent to which the feminist or traditional gender ideology of parties of the right relates to their economic and liberal/authoritarian ideology. We show that although parties of the left generally espouse more feminist ideologies than parties of the right, there are a significant number of rightist parties in Western Europe that combine laissez-faire economic values with liberal feminist ideals. That said, there is more homogeneity among parties of the populist radical right than rightist parties more generally. We find that despite some variation in their gender ideology, parties of the populist radical right overwhelmingly—with the exception of one party in the Netherlands—continue to adopt traditional or antifeminist gender ideologies. In terms of attracting women voters, we find that rightist parties who adopt a feminist gender ideology are able to attract more women voters than other parties of the right. We detect several examples of center-right parties that include feminist elements in their gender ideologies and are able to win over larger proportions of women voters than rightist parties that fail to adopt feminist positions.
{"title":"Exploring Gender Differences in Support for Rightist Parties: The Role of Party and Gender Ideology","authors":"Rosa Campbell, Silvia Erzeel","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X17000599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X17000599","url":null,"abstract":"This contribution to the Special Issue on Gender and Conservatism uses expert and election surveys to explore the extent to which the feminist or traditional gender ideology of parties of the right relates to their economic and liberal/authoritarian ideology. We show that although parties of the left generally espouse more feminist ideologies than parties of the right, there are a significant number of rightist parties in Western Europe that combine laissez-faire economic values with liberal feminist ideals. That said, there is more homogeneity among parties of the populist radical right than rightist parties more generally. We find that despite some variation in their gender ideology, parties of the populist radical right overwhelmingly—with the exception of one party in the Netherlands—continue to adopt traditional or antifeminist gender ideologies. In terms of attracting women voters, we find that rightist parties who adopt a feminist gender ideology are able to attract more women voters than other parties of the right. We detect several examples of center-right parties that include feminist elements in their gender ideologies and are able to win over larger proportions of women voters than rightist parties that fail to adopt feminist positions.","PeriodicalId":203979,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114993614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000629
Jocelyn M. Boryczka
“Lock her up! Lock her up! Lock her up!” This battle cry erupted at one Donald Trump rally after another throughout the 2016 presidential campaign. Trump even threatened to jail Hillary Rodham Clinton (HRC) if he won the election. “Crooked Hillary” emerged as Trump's disparaging nickname for his Democratic opponent. Taking a further moralistic step, Trump equated HRC with pure evil, calling her the “devil” at an August 2016 campaign rally in Pennsylvania.
{"title":"WANTED: Hillary Clinton, Suspect Citizen","authors":"Jocelyn M. Boryczka","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X17000629","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X17000629","url":null,"abstract":"“Lock her up! Lock her up! Lock her up!” This battle cry erupted at one Donald Trump rally after another throughout the 2016 presidential campaign. Trump even threatened to jail Hillary Rodham Clinton (HRC) if he won the election. “Crooked Hillary” emerged as Trump's disparaging nickname for his Democratic opponent. Taking a further moralistic step, Trump equated HRC with pure evil, calling her the “devil” at an August 2016 campaign rally in Pennsylvania.","PeriodicalId":203979,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"272 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122775726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-03-01DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x18000107
{"title":"PAG volume 14 issue 1 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s1743923x18000107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000107","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":203979,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114733978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000617
Elisabeth R. Anker
Hillary Clinton's memoir of the 2016 election and her life in politics, What Happened, is an affective rollercoaster. Wrath, frustration, regret, and sorrow, among other intensified emotions, saturate the book's pages. This range of affect is surprising for a political autobiography. Books in this genre typically present their subject-selves as stalwart and emotionally controlled actors whose range of feeling is limited to the proper amount of righteous irritation or vague empathy necessary to justify a policy proposal. None has the rawness of Clinton's book, a rawness that is, I would argue, made possible by her gender. This is one of the few vectors of political expression that is expanded, not contracted, for Clinton in her role as the first woman to become a major-party presidential candidate.
{"title":"I Feel Your Pain: A Reckoning","authors":"Elisabeth R. Anker","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X17000617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X17000617","url":null,"abstract":"Hillary Clinton's memoir of the 2016 election and her life in politics, What Happened, is an affective rollercoaster. Wrath, frustration, regret, and sorrow, among other intensified emotions, saturate the book's pages. This range of affect is surprising for a political autobiography. Books in this genre typically present their subject-selves as stalwart and emotionally controlled actors whose range of feeling is limited to the proper amount of righteous irritation or vague empathy necessary to justify a policy proposal. None has the rawness of Clinton's book, a rawness that is, I would argue, made possible by her gender. This is one of the few vectors of political expression that is expanded, not contracted, for Clinton in her role as the first woman to become a major-party presidential candidate.","PeriodicalId":203979,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130118153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000642
M. Conroy
On September 11, 2016, less than two months before Election Day, Hillary Clinton attended the 9/11 memorial service in New York City. Reportedly, Clinton left the event early, and as she was getting into her SUV, she fainted. A bystander caught on camera a wobbly Clinton needing assistance getting into her vehicle, which he posted to Twitter, where it immediately circulated (Kafka 2016). News media outlets soon picked it up and were quick to air the footage. Initially, the Clinton campaign explained that Clinton had been “overheated.” Later that afternoon, however, the campaign announced that two days prior, Clinton had been diagnosed with walking pneumonia, and despite being advised to rest, she had attended the memorial event.
{"title":"Strength, Stamina, and Sexism in the 2016 Presidential Race","authors":"M. Conroy","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X17000642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X17000642","url":null,"abstract":"On September 11, 2016, less than two months before Election Day, Hillary Clinton attended the 9/11 memorial service in New York City. Reportedly, Clinton left the event early, and as she was getting into her SUV, she fainted. A bystander caught on camera a wobbly Clinton needing assistance getting into her vehicle, which he posted to Twitter, where it immediately circulated (Kafka 2016). News media outlets soon picked it up and were quick to air the footage. Initially, the Clinton campaign explained that Clinton had been “overheated.” Later that afternoon, however, the campaign announced that two days prior, Clinton had been diagnosed with walking pneumonia, and despite being advised to rest, she had attended the memorial event.","PeriodicalId":203979,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122321217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-03-01DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x18000090
{"title":"PAG volume 14 issue 1 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s1743923x18000090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000090","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":203979,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"487 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125910240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-02-06DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000319
Women and the Orange Order: Female Activism, Diaspora and Empire in the British World, 1850–1940 makes a significant contribution to the literature related to the Orange Order, gender studies, and diaspora studies. Examining the case of the women’s Orange associations in England, Scotland, and Canada, it illuminates women’s activism and identity within the British Empire during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The book explores the role that female members of the Orange Order played in the migration process and how Orange diasporic networks were facilitated by letters and return visits by Orangewomen who had emigrated from England or Scotland to other parts of the empire and by visits from Orangewomen from other parts of the empire to Scotland, Ireland, and England. These “diasporic connections” (10) were also established through the pages of the Belfast Weekly News, the weekly edition of the Belfast News-Letter that was available across the empire. Employing case studies of the women’s Orange organizations in England, Scotland, and Canada, D. A. H. MacPherson reveals the ways in which Orangewomen used the associational culture of the Orange Order to create “diasporic connections” across the British Empire.
《女性与橙色秩序:1850-1940年英国世界的女性行动主义、流散和帝国》一书对橙色秩序、性别研究和流散研究的相关文献做出了重大贡献。通过考察英格兰、苏格兰和加拿大的妇女橙色协会的案例，它阐明了19世纪和20世纪大英帝国内部妇女的激进主义和身份。这本书探讨了橙色教团的女性成员在移民过程中所扮演的角色，以及从英格兰或苏格兰移民到帝国其他地区的橙色女性的信件和回访，以及帝国其他地区的橙色女性对苏格兰、爱尔兰和英格兰的访问，如何促进了橙色散居网络的发展。这些“散居的联系”(10)也通过《贝尔法斯特周刊新闻》的页面建立起来，《贝尔法斯特新闻快报》的周报在整个帝国都可以读到。D. A. H.麦克弗森通过对英格兰、苏格兰和加拿大女性橘色组织的案例研究，揭示了橘色女性如何利用橘色教团的社团文化，在整个大英帝国建立“流散的联系”。
{"title":"Themed Book Review on Gender and Conservatism","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X17000319","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X17000319","url":null,"abstract":"Women and the Orange Order: Female Activism, Diaspora and Empire in the British World, 1850–1940 makes a significant contribution to the literature related to the Orange Order, gender studies, and diaspora studies. Examining the case of the women’s Orange associations in England, Scotland, and Canada, it illuminates women’s activism and identity within the British Empire during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The book explores the role that female members of the Orange Order played in the migration process and how Orange diasporic networks were facilitated by letters and return visits by Orangewomen who had emigrated from England or Scotland to other parts of the empire and by visits from Orangewomen from other parts of the empire to Scotland, Ireland, and England. These “diasporic connections” (10) were also established through the pages of the Belfast Weekly News, the weekly edition of the Belfast News-Letter that was available across the empire. Employing case studies of the women’s Orange organizations in England, Scotland, and Canada, D. A. H. MacPherson reveals the ways in which Orangewomen used the associational culture of the Orange Order to create “diasporic connections” across the British Empire.","PeriodicalId":203979,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128331565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-02-02DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000290
Terrell Carver
This is quite a novel book, and indeed almost a novel in itself. The (anti)hero is “modern American conservatism,” born (in Dudas’s account) in 1955 with the publication of William F. Buckley Jr.’s “Our Mission Statement” in the first issue of his own National Review. Dudas’s novel of education recounts the highs and lows, triumphs and tribulations, of this discursive character (i.e., “modern American conservatism”) through the Ronald Reagan era in state and federal politics, Clarence Thomas’s tenure on the U.S. Supreme Court, and on to Donald Trump’s presidential campaign as a concluding flourish. Crucially, though, we have a “figure” here, a discourse, a trope that is central to Dudas’s narrative, as opposed to the (apparently) real men — Buckley, Reagan, and Thomas — whose personalities are not really their own. As Dudas presents his conservative troika of titans, they are instead avatars of a paradox. The paradox is this: how do political actors embrace both the radical independence of “rugged individualism” and submission to the authoritarianism of “fatherly rule”? This paradox is clearly of interest to political theorists, as it pits the moral and political individualism of rights discourse against the dependency and subservience of authoritarian and gender-hierarchical patriarchalism. Dudas takes this opposition pretty much as read and formulates his
这是一本相当新颖的书，实际上它本身几乎就是一本新颖的书。(反)英雄是“现代美国保守主义”，(在杜达斯的描述中)诞生于1955年，当时威廉·f·巴克利(William F. Buckley Jr.)的《我们的使命宣言》(Our Mission Statement)发表在他自己的《国家评论》(National Review)的第一期上。杜达斯的这部教育小说讲述了这位散文家(即“现代美国保守主义”)在罗纳德·里根时代的州和联邦政治、克拉伦斯·托马斯(Clarence Thomas)在美国最高法院的任期，以及唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)的总统竞选中的盛衰、胜利和磨难。然而，至关重要的是，我们在这里有一个“人物”，一种话语，一种比喻，这是杜达斯叙事的核心，与(显然)真实的人——巴克利、里根和托马斯——相反，他们的个性并不真正属于他们自己。当杜达斯展示他的保守派三巨头时，他们反而是一个悖论的化身。矛盾之处在于:政治行动者如何既接受“粗犷的个人主义”的激进独立，又屈服于“父权统治”的威权主义?这一悖论显然引起了政治理论家的兴趣，因为它将权利话语的道德和政治个人主义与专制主义和性别等级父权主义的依赖和屈从对立起来。杜达斯把这种反对意见看得很清楚，并制定了自己的反对意见
{"title":"Themed Book Review on Gender and Conservatism Raised Right: Fatherhood in Modern American Conservatism","authors":"Terrell Carver","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X17000290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X17000290","url":null,"abstract":"This is quite a novel book, and indeed almost a novel in itself. The (anti)hero is “modern American conservatism,” born (in Dudas’s account) in 1955 with the publication of William F. Buckley Jr.’s “Our Mission Statement” in the first issue of his own National Review. Dudas’s novel of education recounts the highs and lows, triumphs and tribulations, of this discursive character (i.e., “modern American conservatism”) through the Ronald Reagan era in state and federal politics, Clarence Thomas’s tenure on the U.S. Supreme Court, and on to Donald Trump’s presidential campaign as a concluding flourish. Crucially, though, we have a “figure” here, a discourse, a trope that is central to Dudas’s narrative, as opposed to the (apparently) real men — Buckley, Reagan, and Thomas — whose personalities are not really their own. As Dudas presents his conservative troika of titans, they are instead avatars of a paradox. The paradox is this: how do political actors embrace both the radical independence of “rugged individualism” and submission to the authoritarianism of “fatherly rule”? This paradox is clearly of interest to political theorists, as it pits the moral and political individualism of rights discourse against the dependency and subservience of authoritarian and gender-hierarchical patriarchalism. Dudas takes this opposition pretty much as read and formulates his","PeriodicalId":203979,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126666578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-02-01DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000605
Timothy V. Kaufman-Osborn
As noted in the introduction to this issue of Politics & Gender, for this Special Issue on Gender and Conservatism, we have coordinated the book review section with the thematics of the volume's four research articles. This lends the volume an intellectual cohesion that we hope will prove engaging, as it also expands the purview of topics that come into play where the intersections of conservatism and feminism are concerned. The books reviewed here suggest the rich diversity of the scholarly work that is now being generated on this question.
{"title":"Introduction to Book Review Section on Gender and Conservatism","authors":"Timothy V. Kaufman-Osborn","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X17000605","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X17000605","url":null,"abstract":"As noted in the introduction to this issue of Politics & Gender, for this Special Issue on Gender and Conservatism, we have coordinated the book review section with the thematics of the volume's four research articles. This lends the volume an intellectual cohesion that we hope will prove engaging, as it also expands the purview of topics that come into play where the intersections of conservatism and feminism are concerned. The books reviewed here suggest the rich diversity of the scholarly work that is now being generated on this question.","PeriodicalId":203979,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123318972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：