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From the Colonial to Feminist IR: Feminist IR Studies, the Wider FSS/GPE Research Agenda, and the Questions of Value, Valuation, Security, and Violence 从殖民到女权主义国际关系:女权主义国际关系研究,更广泛的FSS/GPE研究议程,以及价值、估值、安全和暴力问题
Pub Date : 2017-11-24 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000484
Anna M. Agathangelou
International relations (IR) feminists have significantly impacted the way we analyze the world and power. However, as Cynthia Enloe points out, “there are now signs—worrisome signs—that feminist analysts of international politics might be forgetting what they have shared” and are “making bricks to construct new intellectual barriers. That is not progress” (2015, 436). I agree. The project/process that has led to the separation/specialization of feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist global political economy (FGPE) does not constitute progress but instead ends up embodying forms of violence that erase the materialist bases of our intellectual labor's divisions (Agathangelou 1997), the historical and social constitution of our formations as intellectuals and subjects. This amnesiac approach evades our personal lives and colludes with those forces that allow for the violence that comes with abstraction. These “worrisome signs” should be explained if we are to move FSS and FGPE beyond a “merger” (Allison 2015) that speaks only to some issues and some humans in the global theater.
国际关系(IR)女权主义者对我们分析世界和权力的方式产生了重大影响。然而,正如辛西娅·恩洛所指出的,“现在有迹象——令人担忧的迹象——国际政治的女权主义分析人士可能正在忘记他们共同拥有的东西”,并且正在“制造砖头来构建新的知识壁垒”。这不是进步”(2015,436)。我同意。导致女性主义安全研究(FSS)和女性主义全球政治经济学(FGPE)分离/专业化的项目/过程并没有构成进步,而是最终体现了暴力的形式,它抹去了我们智力劳动分工的唯物主义基础(Agathangelou 1997),抹去了我们作为知识分子和主体的历史和社会构成。这种失忆的方法回避了我们的个人生活,并与那些允许暴力的力量勾结,这些暴力伴随着抽象而来。如果我们要让FSS和FGPE超越“合并”(Allison 2015),那么这些“令人担忧的迹象”应该得到解释,因为“合并”只涉及全球舞台上的一些问题和一些人。
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引用次数: 8
The UN Security Council and the Political Economy of the WPS Resolutions 联合国安理会和WPS决议的政治经济学
Pub Date : 2017-11-24 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X1700037X
Soumita Basu
As of June 2017, there were eight United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs) on “women and peace and security”—UNSCRs 1325, 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, 2122, and 2242. These UNSCRs recognize the gendered nature of armed conflicts and peace processes. They propose institutional provisions geared mainly toward protecting women and girls during armed conflicts and promoting their participation in conflict resolution and prevention. In addition, in March 2016, the Security Council adopted UNSCR 2272, which recommends concrete steps to combat sexual exploitation and abuse in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, an issue that is of significant concern for women, peace, and security (WPS) advocates. The volume of resolutions and policy literature on WPS would suggest that UNSCR 1325 and the follow-up UNSCRs have become central to the mandate of the Security Council. Yet there is a paucity of financial resources to pay for implementation of the resolutions; this has been described as “perhaps the most serious and persistent obstacle … over the past 15 years” (UN Women 2015, 372).
截至2017年6月,联合国安理会共有8项关于“妇女与和平与安全”的决议,即第1325号、第1820号、第1888号、第1889号、第1960号、第2106号、第2122号和第2242号决议。这些安理会决议承认武装冲突与和平进程的性别性质。他们提出的体制规定主要是为了在武装冲突期间保护妇女和女童,并促进她们参与解决和预防冲突。此外,2016年3月,安理会通过了第2272号决议,建议采取具体步骤打击联合国维持和平行动中的性剥削和性虐待行为,这是妇女、和平与安全倡导者非常关注的问题。大量有关WPS的决议和政策文献表明,第1325号决议及其后续决议已成为安全理事会任务的核心。然而,缺乏财政资源来支付执行这些决议的费用;这被描述为“也许是过去15年来最严重和最持久的障碍”(联合国妇女署,2015,372)。
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引用次数: 6
Beyond the “Helpless Nepali Woman” versus the “Fierce Maoist Fighter”: Challenging the Artificial Security/Economy Divide 超越“无助的尼泊尔妇女”与“凶猛的毛派战士”:挑战人为的安全/经济鸿沟
Pub Date : 2017-11-24 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000393
R. Kunz
Recent discussions over similarities and differences between feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist global political economy (FGPE) approaches invite us to reflect on the underlying assumptions about knowledge production within feminist international relations (IR) more broadly (Allison 2015; Enloe 2015; see also the introduction to this forum). I use Nepali women ex-combatants’ life stories to make two specific points relating to these discussions. First, I illustrate how the separation of security and political economy issues cannot fully account for their life experiences. Second, and by way of overcoming this separation, I show how by beginning with life stories, we can develop a holistic analysis that challenges the broader Eurocentric politics of feminist IR knowledge production.
最近关于女权主义安全研究(FSS)和女权主义全球政治经济学(FGPE)方法之间的异同的讨论邀请我们更广泛地反思女权主义国际关系(IR)中关于知识生产的潜在假设(Allison 2015;Enloe 2015;请参阅本论坛的介绍)。我用尼泊尔女性前战斗人员的生活故事来说明与这些讨论相关的两个具体观点。首先,我说明了将安全和政治经济问题分开并不能完全解释他们的生活经历。其次,通过克服这种分离,我展示了如何从生活故事开始,我们可以发展一个全面的分析,挑战女权主义国际关系知识生产的更广泛的欧洲中心政治。
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引用次数: 5
PAG volume 13 issue 4 Cover and Front matter PAG第13卷第4期封面和封面问题
Pub Date : 2017-11-24 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x1700054x
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引用次数: 0
(Re)integrating Feminist Security Studies and Feminist Global Political Economy: Continuing the Conversation (续)整合女性主义安全研究与女性主义全球政治经济学:继续对话
Pub Date : 2017-11-24 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000356
Amanda Chisholm, Saskia Stachowitsch
Considerations to integrate feminist security studies (FSS) and global political economy (GPE) were first systematically reflected in the Critical Perspectives section of the June 2015 issue of this journal. That collection presented engaging essays on how the divide between the two fields has evolved and ways we can seek to overcome it—or, indeed, whether we should attempt to bridge the divide. This debate has gained momentum in workshops and conference panels attempting to build bridges between the two feminist subfields. Given the richness of scholarship associated with the two fields, we aim to continue this productive conversation by bringing new voices and ideas into the debate and by engaging in further possibilities for theoretical, methodological, and empirical advancement that allow for a more comprehensive approach to global gendered inequalities and hierarchies—one that is not disciplined by academic boundaries. With this, we hope to challenge the constructed and sometimes violently sustained borders between public and private, domestic and international, political and economic, Global North and Global South, as well as disciplinary “camp structures” (Parashar 2013) that too often shape academic, and also feminist, knowledge production.
将女权主义安全研究(FSS)与全球政治经济学(GPE)相结合的考虑首先系统地反映在该杂志2015年6月刊的“批判视角”部分。这本合集展示了一些引人入胜的文章,讨论了两个领域之间的鸿沟是如何演变的,以及我们可以寻求克服它的方法——或者,实际上,我们是否应该尝试弥合鸿沟。这场辩论在试图在两个女权主义分支领域之间建立桥梁的研讨会和会议小组中获得了动力。考虑到与这两个领域相关的学术成果的丰富性,我们的目标是通过在辩论中引入新的声音和想法,并通过参与理论、方法和经验进步的进一步可能性来继续这一富有成效的对话,从而允许对全球性别不平等和等级制度采取更全面的方法-一种不受学术界限约束的方法。通过这一点,我们希望挑战公共与私人、国内与国际、政治与经济、全球北方与全球南方之间构建的、有时是暴力持续的边界,以及经常塑造学术和女权主义知识生产的学科“阵营结构”(Parashar 2013)。
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引用次数: 17
Feminist Global Political Economy and Feminist Security Studies? The Politics of Delineating Subfields 女性主义全球政治经济与女性主义安全研究?划定子领域的政治
Pub Date : 2017-11-24 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000381
M. Stern
When considering possible conversations, synergies, overlaps, similarities, conflicts, and distinctions between two subfields or “camps” (Sylvester 2010), the question of limits looms large. Where, why, and how are the limits of feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist global political economy (FGPE) currently being drawn, and to what effect? Building upon previous conversations about the relationship between FSS and FGPE, particularly as they were discussed in the Critical Perspectives section in Politics & Gender (June 2015), as well as those about FSS and FGPE more generally, I briefly touch on a few central points regarding the politics of boundary drawing and the practices of feminist research.
当考虑到两个子领域或“阵营”之间可能的对话、协同作用、重叠、相似、冲突和区别时(Sylvester 2010),限制问题就显得很突出。女性主义安全研究(FSS)和女性主义全球政治经济学(FGPE)的局限性目前在哪里,为什么以及如何被划定,以及产生了什么影响?基于之前关于FSS和FGPE之间关系的讨论,特别是在《政治与性别》(2015年6月)的“批判视角”部分中讨论的,以及关于FSS和FGPE的更广泛的讨论,我简要地触及了关于边界绘制政治和女权主义研究实践的几个中心点。
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引用次数: 8
Rebuilding Bridges: Toward a Feminist Research Agenda for Postwar Reconstruction 重建桥梁:战后重建的女性主义研究议程
Pub Date : 2017-11-24 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000368
S. Bergeron, Carol Cohn, C. Duncanson
As feminists who think about war and peacebuilding, we cannot help but encounter the complex, entwined political economic processes that underlie wars’ causes, their courses, and the challenges of postwar reconstruction. For us, then, the increasing academic division between feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist (international) political economy (FPE/FIPE) has been a cause for concern, and we welcomed Politics & Gender’s earlier Critical Perspectives section on efforts to bridge the two (June 2015). We noticed, however, that although violence was addressed in several of the special section's articles, war made only brief and somewhat peripheral appearances, and peacebuilding was all but absent. While three contributions (Hudson 2015; Sjoberg 2015; True 2015) mentioned the importance of political economy in the analysis of armed conflict, the aspects of war on which the articles focused were militarized sexualities (Sjoberg 2015) or conflict-related and postwar sexual and gender-based violence (Hudson 2015; True 2015).
作为思考战争与和平建设的女权主义者,我们不得不面对复杂的、交织在一起的政治经济过程,这些过程构成了战争的起因、过程和战后重建的挑战。对我们来说,女权主义安全研究(FSS)和女权主义(国际)政治经济学(FPE/FIPE)之间日益加深的学术分歧引起了我们的关注,我们欢迎《政治与性别》早期关于弥合这两者的努力的批判性观点部分(2015年6月)。然而,我们注意到,虽然特别部分的几篇文章讨论了暴力问题,但战争只是短暂而有些次要的出现,而建设和平几乎没有。而三个贡献(Hudson 2015;Sjoberg 2015;True 2015)提到了政治经济学在武装冲突分析中的重要性,文章关注的战争方面是军事化的性行为(Sjoberg 2015)或与冲突相关的战后性暴力和基于性别的暴力(Hudson 2015;真正的2015)。
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引用次数: 21
Continuing the Conversation … Some Reflections 继续对话…一些思考
Pub Date : 2017-11-24 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000496
Juanita Elias
The diverse collection of short reflections included in this Critical Perspectives section looks to continue a conversation—a conversation that played out in the pages of this journal (Elias 2015) regarding the relationship between two strands of feminist international relations scholarship: feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist international political economy (IPE). In this forum, the contributors return to some of the same ground, but in doing so, they bring in new concerns and agendas. New empirical sites of thinking through the nexus between security and political economy from a feminist perspective are explored: war, women's lives in postconflict societies, and international security governance institutions and practices.
在这个批判性观点部分中包含的各种简短反思的集合看起来是在继续一场对话——一场在本刊(Elias 2015)中进行的关于女权主义国际关系奖学金两股之间关系的对话:女权主义安全研究(FSS)和女权主义国际政治经济学(IPE)。在这个论坛上,贡献者回到了一些相同的基础上,但在这样做时,他们带来了新的关注和议程。从女权主义的角度探讨了安全与政治经济学之间联系的新经验:战争,冲突后社会中的妇女生活,以及国际安全治理机构和实践。
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引用次数: 0
PAG volume 13 issue 4 Cover and Back matter PAG第13卷第4期封面和封底
Pub Date : 2017-11-24 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x17000551
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引用次数: 0
The Rise and Decline of “Gender Gaps” in Support for Military Action: United States, 1986–2011 支持军事行动的“性别差距”的上升和下降:美国,1986-2011
Pub Date : 2017-11-02 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X17000228
Yuval Feinstein
In the past several decades, many scholars of public opinion in the United States have argued that American women are less likely than American men to endorse military action as a means to deal with international problems. Evidence for this “gender gap” has been found in studies of public opinion during major international conflicts (Bendyna et al. 1996; Wilcox, Ferrara, and Allsop 1993), as well as studies of longitudinal trends that examined pooled data sets from multiple conflict periods (Berinsky 2009; Burris 2008; Fite, Genest, and Wilcox 1990; Shapiro and Mahajan 1986). Researchers sometimes view men's generally greater rates of support for military actions as part of a more general “gender gap” phenomenon in U.S. politics, but the cumulative evidence has suggested that foreign policy issues and questions of peace/war generate the widest and most consistent gender gaps (see Holsti 2004, 209–10 for a review).
在过去的几十年里,许多研究美国舆论的学者认为,美国女性比美国男性更不可能支持将军事行动作为处理国际问题的手段。在对重大国际冲突期间公众舆论的研究中发现了这种“性别差距”的证据(Bendyna等人,1996;Wilcox, Ferrara, and Allsop 1993),以及纵向趋势研究,这些研究检查了来自多个冲突时期的汇总数据集(Berinsky 2009;伯2008;Fite, Genest, and Wilcox 1990;Shapiro and Mahajan 1986)。研究人员有时将男性对军事行动的普遍支持率视为美国政治中更普遍的“性别差距”现象的一部分,但累积的证据表明,外交政策问题和和平/战争问题产生了最广泛和最一致的性别差距(见Holsti 2004,209 - 10的评论)。
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引用次数: 9
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Politics & Gender
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