In developing countries, crop insurance is a major factor of sustainability for farming business. Due to the lack of infrastructure and of claims experts in these regions, parametric crop insurance is the favorite way of providing insurance. Parametric insurance has the advantage of reducing the moral hazard and the difficulty to reach remote locations when it comes to estimating indemnification. In this context, it is important to be able to model properly the yield distributions, such distribution being at the heart of the insurance pricing. This article proposes a way to derive general characteristics of the crop yields based on first principles.
{"title":"Modelling yield distribution for parametric crop insurance","authors":"Eric Dal Moro","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3927026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3927026","url":null,"abstract":"In developing countries, crop insurance is a major factor of sustainability for farming business. Due to the lack of infrastructure and of claims experts in these regions, parametric crop insurance is the favorite way of providing insurance. Parametric insurance has the advantage of reducing the moral hazard and the difficulty to reach remote locations when it comes to estimating indemnification. In this context, it is important to be able to model properly the yield distributions, such distribution being at the heart of the insurance pricing. This article proposes a way to derive general characteristics of the crop yields based on first principles.","PeriodicalId":210701,"journal":{"name":"Decision-Making in Public Policy & the Social Good eJournal","volume":"5092 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124230026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Why do some rebel groups, who expect third parties to militarily intervene on their behalf, commit provocative violence while others do not? If armed conflict is costly, an incumbent government that faces increasing demands from a rebel group that is backed by a third party should offer a concession that the rebel is likely to accept. Existing theories have been unable to fully explain why some rebel groups still provoke the government, despite the possibility of government concessions. I argue that the expected impact on the local balance of power caused by humanitarian intervention tends to be temporary and that this temporariness of the expected shift in power causes a commitment problem. It generates a "now-or-never" effect and leads the rebel to commit provocative violence to induce the government retaliation and humanitarian intervention before the "window of opportunity" closes. I demonstrate this by developing a simple game model in which a rebel group, the government and an intervening party interact. Simple comparative statics suggest that decreasing the cost of international intervention can have a pacifying effect by making the potential rebel and the incumbent government more resilient to fluctuation of feasibility of intervention. NATO’s intervention in Libya aptly illustrates the core logic of the theory.
{"title":"The Mercurial Commitment: Revisiting the Unintended Consequence of Military Humanitarian Intervention and Anti-atrocity Norms","authors":"Hiroto Sawada","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3522870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3522870","url":null,"abstract":"Why do some rebel groups, who expect third parties to militarily intervene on their behalf, commit provocative violence while others do not? If armed conflict is costly, an incumbent government that faces increasing demands from a rebel group that is backed by a third party should offer a concession that the rebel is likely to accept. Existing theories have been unable to fully explain why some rebel groups still provoke the government, despite the possibility of government concessions. I argue that the expected impact on the local balance of power caused by humanitarian intervention tends to be temporary and that this temporariness of the expected shift in power causes a commitment problem. It generates a \"now-or-never\" effect and leads the rebel to commit provocative violence to induce the government retaliation and humanitarian intervention before the \"window of opportunity\" closes. I demonstrate this by developing a simple game model in which a rebel group, the government and an intervening party interact. Simple comparative statics suggest that decreasing the cost of international intervention can have a pacifying effect by making the potential rebel and the incumbent government more resilient to fluctuation of feasibility of intervention. NATO’s intervention in Libya aptly illustrates the core logic of the theory.","PeriodicalId":210701,"journal":{"name":"Decision-Making in Public Policy & the Social Good eJournal","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122753135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper models how key technological and financial aspects of a potential fossil fuel phase-out interact in a stylized setting. In the energy generation part of the model, the substitutability between green and dirty energy is endogenized such that firms can invest into substitutability enhancing infrastructure that allows for a fossil fuel phase-out to take place for reasonable carbon tax schedules. We find that, if substitutability improvements in the final energy generation process, involving green and dirty energy, are physically and economically feasible, there will be a technological tipping point that is triggered at some level of climate policy (carbon price or green energy subsidies) after which a rapid decarbonization of the energy sector becomes possible. Equipped with this mechanism for phasing out the fossil fuel sector, we consider the financial implications of key stylized facts, like the high capital intensity of renewables, and find that, in the presence of performance-based lending, the need for a fast accumulation of green capital during the transition can slow down the phase-out and can potentially lead to financial instability. To ensure a swift and robust transition, direct supportive policy measures for renewables can be used, which, depending on technological developments, might need to be permanent.
{"title":"Financing the Fossil Fuel Phase-Out","authors":"Boyan Yanovski, K. Lessmann","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3903026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3903026","url":null,"abstract":"This paper models how key technological and financial aspects of a potential fossil fuel phase-out interact in a stylized setting. In the energy generation part of the model, the substitutability between green and dirty energy is endogenized such that firms can invest into substitutability enhancing infrastructure that allows for a fossil fuel phase-out to take place for reasonable carbon tax schedules. We find that, if substitutability improvements in the final energy generation process, involving green and dirty energy, are physically and economically feasible, there will be a technological tipping point that is triggered at some level of climate policy (carbon price or green energy subsidies) after which a rapid decarbonization of the energy sector becomes possible. Equipped with this mechanism for phasing out the fossil fuel sector, we consider the financial implications of key stylized facts, like the high capital intensity of renewables, and find that, in the presence of performance-based lending, the need for a fast accumulation of green capital during the transition can slow down the phase-out and can potentially lead to financial instability. To ensure a swift and robust transition, direct supportive policy measures for renewables can be used, which, depending on technological developments, might need to be permanent.","PeriodicalId":210701,"journal":{"name":"Decision-Making in Public Policy & the Social Good eJournal","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129620663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Efficiency Adjusted Deferred Acceptance Matching Rule (EDA) is a promising candidate mechanism for public school assignment. A potential drawback of EDA is that it could encourage students to game the system since it is not strategy-proof. However, to successfully strategize, students typically need information that is unlikely to be available to them in practice. We model school choice under incomplete information and show that EDA is regret-free truth-telling, which is a weaker incentive property than strategy-proofness and was introduced by Fernandez (2020). We also show that there is no efficient matching rule that Pareto dominates a stable matching rule and is regret-free truth-telling.
{"title":"Regret-Free Truth-Telling in School Choice with Consent","authors":"Yiqiu Chen, Markus Möller","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3896306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3896306","url":null,"abstract":"The Efficiency Adjusted Deferred Acceptance Matching Rule (EDA) is a promising candidate mechanism for public school assignment. A potential drawback of EDA is that it could encourage students to game the system since it is not strategy-proof. However, to successfully strategize, students typically need information that is unlikely to be available to them in practice. We model school choice under incomplete information and show that EDA is regret-free truth-telling, which is a weaker incentive property than strategy-proofness and was introduced by Fernandez (2020). We also show that there is no efficient matching rule that Pareto dominates a stable matching rule and is regret-free truth-telling.","PeriodicalId":210701,"journal":{"name":"Decision-Making in Public Policy & the Social Good eJournal","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121152330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cooperation among group members is the ultimate pursuit in any collective actions. We examine the collective tasks of approving the use of a reserve fund for maintaining facilities covering approximately 5,000 projects and 635 communities in Nanjing, China. In these communities, any maintenance projects that are covered by the Reserve Fund for Maintenance (RFM) need to be approved by the households. Once the RFM is insufficient to cover, households should be notified about the situation and pay in cash by themselves. We focus on the effect of insufficient RFM on the approval rates of maintenance projects. Using an instrumental variable approach, we show that a 1,000 yuan increase in extra cash payment will increase the consent rates of implementing a maintenance plan by approximately 1.04%. Our results suggest that additional information revealed by RFM-uncovered maintenance costs could be a potential mechanism to promote cooperation in making public maintenance decisions by surveying 112 householders involved in the maintenance projects.
{"title":"Promoting Cooperation in Collective Actions: Evidence from the Reserve Fund for Maintenance in China","authors":"Tao Li, Hao Li, Jin Di Zheng","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3916078","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3916078","url":null,"abstract":"Cooperation among group members is the ultimate pursuit in any collective actions. We examine the collective tasks of approving the use of a reserve fund for maintaining facilities covering approximately 5,000 projects and 635 communities in Nanjing, China. In these communities, any maintenance projects that are covered by the Reserve Fund for Maintenance (RFM) need to be approved by the households. Once the RFM is insufficient to cover, households should be notified about the situation and pay in cash by themselves. We focus on the effect of insufficient RFM on the approval rates of maintenance projects. Using an instrumental variable approach, we show that a 1,000 yuan increase in extra cash payment will increase the consent rates of implementing a maintenance plan by approximately 1.04%. Our results suggest that additional information revealed by RFM-uncovered maintenance costs could be a potential mechanism to promote cooperation in making public maintenance decisions by surveying 112 householders involved in the maintenance projects.","PeriodicalId":210701,"journal":{"name":"Decision-Making in Public Policy & the Social Good eJournal","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125819401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The rapid rise, expansion, and growing asymmetric power of online platform firms towards other businesses, labor and even the state itself occurred in a context of minimal regulatory oversight. In many respects, because the existing legal system was handicapped in understanding and regulating the new platform business models. The platform firms undermined traditional industry boundaries and developed surprising synergies by expanding in unexpected ways due to their ability leverage data and computational expertise. The growth of these platforms was accompanied by minimal intervention by state actors until recently, as concerns about the platform firms’ remarkable power has attracted the concern of States globally and the previous regime is giving way to intense debate and increasingly interventionist governmental policies and enforcement actions.
We examine several salient aspects of this emerging regulatory and political reaction, and suggest that this represents an attempt to rebalance the positions of social groups in their relationship to the increasingly central platform firms. First, we view the rise of, and recent political responses to, the often-predatory power and manipulative conduct of platform firm in terms of a “Polanyian” double movement in which the destabilizing and destructive effects of unchecked corporate power and market development eventually generates political and regulatory responses to constrain private actions by new economic actors as they threaten the social, political, and economic order. Second, incipient legal changes, most notably the EU’s proposed Digital Markets Act and Digital Services Act, indicate a shift in regulatory emphasis from competition (and antitrust) policy and law, which has proven limited in its capacity to address inherent monopolistic tendencies of platform firms and markets, towards more intensive and encompassing forms of social and economic regulation. Finally, the political dynamics of legal and institutional change open up new possibilities for political economic and societal reordering, but the particular changes will likely vary in character and significance across political jurisdictions, and therefore follow distinctive and possibly divergent developmental trajectories. We hypothesize that the EU may be able to become the first-mover in regulating the powerful multinational platform firms. We recognize that we are at the very beginning of a transformational process that is likely to reorder old and generate new political economic interests, identities, coalitions, and conflicts at the sectoral, national, regional, and international levels.
{"title":"Platform Power and Regulatory Politics: Polanyi for the 21st Century","authors":"J. Cioffi, M. Kenney, J. Zysman","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3859075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3859075","url":null,"abstract":"The rapid rise, expansion, and growing asymmetric power of online platform firms towards other businesses, labor and even the state itself occurred in a context of minimal regulatory oversight. In many respects, because the existing legal system was handicapped in understanding and regulating the new platform business models. The platform firms undermined traditional industry boundaries and developed surprising synergies by expanding in unexpected ways due to their ability leverage data and computational expertise. The growth of these platforms was accompanied by minimal intervention by state actors until recently, as concerns about the platform firms’ remarkable power has attracted the concern of States globally and the previous regime is giving way to intense debate and increasingly interventionist governmental policies and enforcement actions. <br><br>We examine several salient aspects of this emerging regulatory and political reaction, and suggest that this represents an attempt to rebalance the positions of social groups in their relationship to the increasingly central platform firms. First, we view the rise of, and recent political responses to, the often-predatory power and manipulative conduct of platform firm in terms of a “Polanyian” double movement in which the destabilizing and destructive effects of unchecked corporate power and market development eventually generates political and regulatory responses to constrain private actions by new economic actors as they threaten the social, political, and economic order. Second, incipient legal changes, most notably the EU’s proposed Digital Markets Act and Digital Services Act, indicate a shift in regulatory emphasis from competition (and antitrust) policy and law, which has proven limited in its capacity to address inherent monopolistic tendencies of platform firms and markets, towards more intensive and encompassing forms of social and economic regulation. Finally, the political dynamics of legal and institutional change open up new possibilities for political economic and societal reordering, but the particular changes will likely vary in character and significance across political jurisdictions, and therefore follow distinctive and possibly divergent developmental trajectories. We hypothesize that the EU may be able to become the first-mover in regulating the powerful multinational platform firms. We recognize that we are at the very beginning of a transformational process that is likely to reorder old and generate new political economic interests, identities, coalitions, and conflicts at the sectoral, national, regional, and international levels.","PeriodicalId":210701,"journal":{"name":"Decision-Making in Public Policy & the Social Good eJournal","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121644920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The COVID-19 pandemic has shown the critical role of political leaders in influencing social behavior. Leaders in denial contributed to different outcomes regarding virus transmission. Mr. Jair Bolsonaro is the archetype of a leader in denial. The current president of Brazil made a sequence of television and radio speeches downplaying the severity of COVID-19 pandemic. The content of Mr. Bolsonaro's communications minimized the disease's effects, disregarded the importance of social distance, and stimulated the adoption of treatments without scientific proof of efficacy. Our analysis reveals different responses of the population to Mr. Bolsonaro's speeches. Municipalities in which Mr. Bolsonaro received the majority of votes in 2018 presidential election are more affected by COVID-19 cases and related deaths. This paper associates the denialist attitude of national leadership with his supporters' riskier behavior, leading to disastrous results in terms of lives lost.
{"title":"The Disastrous Effects of Leaders in Denial: Evidence from the COVID-19 Crisis in Brazil","authors":"Sandro Cabral, N. Ito, L. Pongeluppe","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3836147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3836147","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic has shown the critical role of political leaders in influencing social behavior. Leaders in denial contributed to different outcomes regarding virus transmission. Mr. Jair Bolsonaro is the archetype of a leader in denial. The current president of Brazil made a sequence of television and radio speeches downplaying the severity of COVID-19 pandemic. The content of Mr. Bolsonaro's communications minimized the disease's effects, disregarded the importance of social distance, and stimulated the adoption of treatments without scientific proof of efficacy. Our analysis reveals different responses of the population to Mr. Bolsonaro's speeches. Municipalities in which Mr. Bolsonaro received the majority of votes in 2018 presidential election are more affected by COVID-19 cases and related deaths. This paper associates the denialist attitude of national leadership with his supporters' riskier behavior, leading to disastrous results in terms of lives lost.","PeriodicalId":210701,"journal":{"name":"Decision-Making in Public Policy & the Social Good eJournal","volume":"20 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132652805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rakshya Lamichhane, D. Gautam, M. S. Miya, Hom Bahadur Chhetri, S. Timilsina
Non-timber forest products are the major source of income for mountainous countries like Nepal. This article attempts to explore a case of traded non-timber forest products (NTFPs) in Jajarkot district and its contribution to the economy. Collection of medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPs) and resin tapping are some of the major sources of employment for a large number of rural people. 53 different types of NTFPs are traded from the Jajarkot district. Local people collect these NTFPs from the forest and export them within and outside the district mainly to India and China. Jajarkot district on average exported 1,590,681.72 kg NTFPs worth NRs. 3,819,271.6 (equivalent to USD 32,081.88) from the year 2015 to 2020 to the national economy through royalty. NRs. 2,246,719.4 (equivalent to USD 18,872.44) per year came from MAPs and NRs. 1,572,552.2 (equivalent to USD 13,209.4) from resin during the years 2015 to 2020. If this district could produce all the commonly available NTFPs in a large scale, then there would be a high possibility of transforming the current unviable economy into a practical and vibrant economy. A proper inventory, identification and sustainable harvesting, are essential to promote and conserve these NTFPs.
{"title":"Role of Non-Timber Forest Products in National Economy: A Case of Jajarkot District, Nepal","authors":"Rakshya Lamichhane, D. Gautam, M. S. Miya, Hom Bahadur Chhetri, S. Timilsina","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3813767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3813767","url":null,"abstract":"Non-timber forest products are the major source of income for mountainous countries like Nepal. This article attempts to explore a case of traded non-timber forest products (NTFPs) in Jajarkot district and its contribution to the economy. Collection of medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPs) and resin tapping are some of the major sources of employment for a large number of rural people. 53 different types of NTFPs are traded from the Jajarkot district. Local people collect these NTFPs from the forest and export them within and outside the district mainly to India and China. Jajarkot district on average exported 1,590,681.72 kg NTFPs worth NRs. 3,819,271.6 (equivalent to USD 32,081.88) from the year 2015 to 2020 to the national economy through royalty. NRs. 2,246,719.4 (equivalent to USD 18,872.44) per year came from MAPs and NRs. 1,572,552.2 (equivalent to USD 13,209.4) from resin during the years 2015 to 2020. If this district could produce all the commonly available NTFPs in a large scale, then there would be a high possibility of transforming the current unviable economy into a practical and vibrant economy. A proper inventory, identification and sustainable harvesting, are essential to promote and conserve these NTFPs.","PeriodicalId":210701,"journal":{"name":"Decision-Making in Public Policy & the Social Good eJournal","volume":"113 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120989434","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bianca C. Reisdorf, Grant Blank, S. Cotten, Craig T. Robertson, Y. Argyris, M. Knittel, J. Bauer
This policy brief reports findings from two nationally representative online surveys that were conducted in the United States (N=2,280) and in the United Kingdom (N=2,000) in October and November 2020 to explore the factors that influence the willingness to be vaccinated against Covid-19. The study was conducted before vaccines were officially approved and on the market. However, it very closely tracks the actual developments in both countries through the summer of 2021. Findings suggest that socioeconomic factors, some very difficult to influence by policy in the short term, strongly shape the willingness to be vaccinated. In addition, the contested and divided political landscape and the highly competitive and fragmented media system in the United States help explain the findings. The surveys identify similarities but also major differences between the two countries. In the United States, 51% of the adult population said they were willing to be vaccinated against COVID-19, 28% were not, and 21% were undecided. In the United Kingdom, 71% of the adult population said they were willing to be vaccinated, 14% were not, and 15% were undecided. Race may be a major barrier to achieving high COVID-19 vaccination rates in the United States. Black respondents were 46% less willing to be vaccinated than White respondents. Gender may be a barrier to achieving high vaccination rates in the United States and United Kingdom. Women were 43% less willing to be vaccinated than men in the United States. They were 41% less willing than men to be vaccinated in the United Kingdom. Older individuals and those with higher income indicated a higher willingness to be vaccinated in both countries. Trust appears key to vaccination acceptance. Individuals with higher levels of trust in mass media were more willing to be vaccinated in both countries. Individuals with a higher general level of trust in others were more willing to be vaccinated in the United States. Medical information. Individuals who consulted medical sources were more willing to be vaccinated. Media sources. Reliance on conservative outlets, mainstream outlets, and television was not associated in a statistically significant way with the willingness to be vaccinated. Concern about getting COVID-19 is strongly associated with willingness to get vaccinated. Individuals who were more concerned about the pandemic indicated they were more willing to be vaccinated, but this effect was much stronger in the United Kingdom than in the United States. Overall, in the United States, the factors most strongly associated with willingness to be vaccinated are race (White), gender (male), age (older), income (higher), trust in mass media, and concern about getting coronavirus. In the United Kingdom, the factors most strongly associated with willingness to be vaccinated are gender (male), age (older), income (higher), trust in mass media, and concern about getting coronavirus. Race is not associated with the willingness to
{"title":"Overcoming Covid-19 Vaccine Hesitancy: The United States Faces a Steeper Uphill Struggle than the United Kingdom","authors":"Bianca C. Reisdorf, Grant Blank, S. Cotten, Craig T. Robertson, Y. Argyris, M. Knittel, J. Bauer","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3898202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3898202","url":null,"abstract":"This policy brief reports findings from two nationally representative online surveys that were conducted in the United States (N=2,280) and in the United Kingdom (N=2,000) in October and November 2020 to explore the factors that influence the willingness to be vaccinated against Covid-19. The study was conducted before vaccines were officially approved and on the market. However, it very closely tracks the actual developments in both countries through the summer of 2021. Findings suggest that socioeconomic factors, some very difficult to influence by policy in the short term, strongly shape the willingness to be vaccinated. In addition, the contested and divided political landscape and the highly competitive and fragmented media system in the United States help explain the findings. The surveys identify similarities but also major differences between the two countries. In the United States, 51% of the adult population said they were willing to be vaccinated against COVID-19, 28% were not, and 21% were undecided. In the United Kingdom, 71% of the adult population said they were willing to be vaccinated, 14% were not, and 15% were undecided. Race may be a major barrier to achieving high COVID-19 vaccination rates in the United States. Black respondents were 46% less willing to be vaccinated than White respondents. Gender may be a barrier to achieving high vaccination rates in the United States and United Kingdom. Women were 43% less willing to be vaccinated than men in the United States. They were 41% less willing than men to be vaccinated in the United Kingdom. Older individuals and those with higher income indicated a higher willingness to be vaccinated in both countries. Trust appears key to vaccination acceptance. Individuals with higher levels of trust in mass media were more willing to be vaccinated in both countries. Individuals with a higher general level of trust in others were more willing to be vaccinated in the United States. Medical information. Individuals who consulted medical sources were more willing to be vaccinated. Media sources. Reliance on conservative outlets, mainstream outlets, and television was not associated in a statistically significant way with the willingness to be vaccinated. Concern about getting COVID-19 is strongly associated with willingness to get vaccinated. Individuals who were more concerned about the pandemic indicated they were more willing to be vaccinated, but this effect was much stronger in the United Kingdom than in the United States. Overall, in the United States, the factors most strongly associated with willingness to be vaccinated are race (White), gender (male), age (older), income (higher), trust in mass media, and concern about getting coronavirus. In the United Kingdom, the factors most strongly associated with willingness to be vaccinated are gender (male), age (older), income (higher), trust in mass media, and concern about getting coronavirus. Race is not associated with the willingness to ","PeriodicalId":210701,"journal":{"name":"Decision-Making in Public Policy & the Social Good eJournal","volume":"119 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127265274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The past decade has witnessed the emergence of many technologies that have the potential to fundamentally alter our economic, social, and indeed personal lives. The problems they pose are in many ways unprecedented, posing serious challenges for policymakers. How should governments respond to the challenges given that the technologies are still evolving with unclear trajectories? Are there general principles that can be developed to design governance arrangements for these technologies? These are questions confronting policymakers around the world and it is the objective of this special issue to offer insights into answering them both in general and with respect to specific emerging disruptive technologies. Our objectives are to help better understand the regulatory challenges posed by disruptive technologies and to develop generalizable propositions for governments' responses to them.
{"title":"Assessing the Regulatory Challenges of Emerging Disruptive Technologies","authors":"Araz Taeihagh, M. Ramesh, Michael Howlett","doi":"10.1111/REGO.12392","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/REGO.12392","url":null,"abstract":"The past decade has witnessed the emergence of many technologies that have the potential to fundamentally alter our economic, social, and indeed personal lives. The problems they pose are in many ways unprecedented, posing serious challenges for policymakers. How should governments respond to the challenges given that the technologies are still evolving with unclear trajectories? Are there general principles that can be developed to design governance arrangements for these technologies? These are questions confronting policymakers around the world and it is the objective of this special issue to offer insights into answering them both in general and with respect to specific emerging disruptive technologies. Our objectives are to help better understand the regulatory challenges posed by disruptive technologies and to develop generalizable propositions for governments' responses to them.","PeriodicalId":210701,"journal":{"name":"Decision-Making in Public Policy & the Social Good eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129790973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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