Pub Date : 2023-10-27DOI: 10.1080/07491409.2023.2261190
Wei Luo
AbstractThis article examines the web series Guardian (dir. Zhou Yuanzhou, 2018) as exemplary cultural texts of Chinese danmei, which portrays homoeroticism and male queerness in postsocialist China within the contexts of increasing institutional and political homophobia. The textual evidence shows that Guardian constructs queer subtexts and brings out the queer potentialities of the seemingly nonhomosexual media production via the following strategic negotiations: first, by creating a bricolage of science fiction, fantasy, and superhero genres to contest the homophobic social reality; second, by portraying qing, a powerful emotional bonding in queer relationships, and magnifying same sex intimacy as normal, natural, and moral; and last but not least, by interrogating queer stereotypes through deconstructing essentialized gender boundaries and further transcending stereotypical gong-shou aesthetics in danmei. Its commercial values notwithstanding, Guardian exemplifies a critical representational terrain that envisions alternative, imaginative ways to reconfigure gender and sexual identities, rearticulate queer desires, and disrupt insidious gender politics and homophobic discourse. Importantly, Guardian signifies the danmei genre’s disruptive potential to offer abundant space for queer worldmaking, thereby challenging censored representations of homosexuality.Keywords: Chinese danmeiqueer subtextsqueer relationalitymasculine identitiesGuardian web series AcknowledgmentsThe author thanks the editor, Marissa J. Doshi, and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this essay.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Hu et al. (Citation2023) chronicle three nodes of official-level “condemnation against male effeminacy” in postsocialist China (p. 282). The first node emerged under the so-called “Purifying the Internet Campaign,” targeting danmei that was suspected of containing “obscene and pornographic content” (p. 282); the second node appeared in 2018 when the official media marginalized danmei as “subcultures, subjugated to hegemonic masculinity” (p. 283); the harshest node started in 2021, which witnessed official “restrictions against both male effeminacy and danmei,” as manifested in the official crackdown of Word of Honor (山河令), a most popular danmei web series in 2021.2 When using the term “homoeroticism” throughout this article, I draw from Brennan (Citation2018), who positions homoeroticism within Sedgwick’s continuum, “between the poles of homosocial and homosexual, or suggestion and actualisation/validation” (p. 195). I further concur with Hatt (Citation1993) that homoeroticism edges toward “ambiguous sexuality,” situated at “the homosocial end of Sedgwick’s continuum” (Brennan, Citation2018, p.195).
摘要本文分析了网络系列《卫报》。周元洲，2018)作为中国旦美文化文本的典范，在制度和政治上对同性恋的恐惧日益增加的背景下，描绘了后社会主义中国的同性恋和男性酷儿。文本证据表明，《卫报》构建了酷儿潜语，并通过以下战略谈判，揭示了看似非同性恋的媒体产品的酷儿潜能:首先，通过创造科幻小说、奇幻小说和超级英雄类型的拼凑，来对抗同性恋恐惧症的社会现实;其次，通过描绘酷儿关系中强大的情感纽带“情”，并将同性亲密关系放大为正常、自然和道德;最后，通过解构本质化的性别界限，对酷儿的刻板印象进行质疑，进一步超越了传统的舞美功夫美学。尽管《卫报》具有商业价值，但它体现了一个批判性的代表性领域，它设想了另一种富有想象力的方式来重新配置性别和性身份，重新表达酷儿的欲望，并破坏阴险的性别政治和同性恋话语。重要的是，《卫报》标志着丹美这一流派具有颠覆性的潜力，它为酷儿世界的形成提供了丰富的空间，从而挑战了对同性恋的审查。关键词:中国漫画、酷儿潜台词、两性关系、男性身份《卫报》网络系列致谢作者感谢编辑Marissa J. Doshi和匿名审稿人对本文早期版本提出的有见地的评论和建议。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 Hu等人(Citation2023)记录了后社会主义中国官方层面“谴责男性柔弱”的三个节点(p. 282)。第一个节点出现在所谓的“净化互联网运动”中，针对的是涉嫌含有“淫秽色情内容”的豆瓣(第282页);第二个节点出现在2018年，当时官方媒体将丹美边缘化为“屈从于霸权男性气质的亚文化”(第283页);最严酷的节点开始于2021年，官方“限制男性柔弱和丹美”，这体现在官方对最受欢迎的丹美网络系列《荣誉之词》的打击中。当我在本文中使用“同性恋”一词时，我引用了布伦南(Citation2018)的观点，他将同性恋置于塞奇威克的连续体中，“介于同性恋和同性恋的两极之间，或者暗示和实现/确认之间”(第195页)。我进一步同意Hatt (Citation1993)的观点，即同性恋倾向于“模棱两可的性行为”，位于“塞奇威克连续体的同性恋社会末端”(Brennan, Citation2018, p.195)。
{"title":"The Power of <i>Qing</i> : The <i>Guardian</i> Web Series and Queer Worldmaking in Chinese <i>Danmei</i>","authors":"Wei Luo","doi":"10.1080/07491409.2023.2261190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07491409.2023.2261190","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis article examines the web series Guardian (dir. Zhou Yuanzhou, 2018) as exemplary cultural texts of Chinese danmei, which portrays homoeroticism and male queerness in postsocialist China within the contexts of increasing institutional and political homophobia. The textual evidence shows that Guardian constructs queer subtexts and brings out the queer potentialities of the seemingly nonhomosexual media production via the following strategic negotiations: first, by creating a bricolage of science fiction, fantasy, and superhero genres to contest the homophobic social reality; second, by portraying qing, a powerful emotional bonding in queer relationships, and magnifying same sex intimacy as normal, natural, and moral; and last but not least, by interrogating queer stereotypes through deconstructing essentialized gender boundaries and further transcending stereotypical gong-shou aesthetics in danmei. Its commercial values notwithstanding, Guardian exemplifies a critical representational terrain that envisions alternative, imaginative ways to reconfigure gender and sexual identities, rearticulate queer desires, and disrupt insidious gender politics and homophobic discourse. Importantly, Guardian signifies the danmei genre’s disruptive potential to offer abundant space for queer worldmaking, thereby challenging censored representations of homosexuality.Keywords: Chinese danmeiqueer subtextsqueer relationalitymasculine identitiesGuardian web series AcknowledgmentsThe author thanks the editor, Marissa J. Doshi, and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this essay.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Hu et al. (Citation2023) chronicle three nodes of official-level “condemnation against male effeminacy” in postsocialist China (p. 282). The first node emerged under the so-called “Purifying the Internet Campaign,” targeting danmei that was suspected of containing “obscene and pornographic content” (p. 282); the second node appeared in 2018 when the official media marginalized danmei as “subcultures, subjugated to hegemonic masculinity” (p. 283); the harshest node started in 2021, which witnessed official “restrictions against both male effeminacy and danmei,” as manifested in the official crackdown of Word of Honor (山河令), a most popular danmei web series in 2021.2 When using the term “homoeroticism” throughout this article, I draw from Brennan (Citation2018), who positions homoeroticism within Sedgwick’s continuum, “between the poles of homosocial and homosexual, or suggestion and actualisation/validation” (p. 195). I further concur with Hatt (Citation1993) that homoeroticism edges toward “ambiguous sexuality,” situated at “the homosocial end of Sedgwick’s continuum” (Brennan, Citation2018, p.195).","PeriodicalId":211920,"journal":{"name":"Women's Studies in Communication","volume":"4 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136234930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-26DOI: 10.1080/07491409.2023.2264144
Shui-yin Sharon Yam, Natalie Fixmer-Oraiz
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Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1080/07491409.2023.2264138
Lisa B. Y. Calvente
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Borrowing from Black Studies theorist, Barnor Hesse, I have identified Lorde’s structural, multi-headed monster and its duration through repeated colonial violence as “white sovereignty” (Calvente 271; Hesse 517).2 In Columbus’ biography, his son, Ferdinand Columbus describes how the tribute system to Catholic Sovereigns occurred every three months and, for those children outside of the 14 and older policy, they “were each to pay 25 pounds of cotton” (qtd. in Loewen 56). Tribute payment every three months was an “impossible task” due to the scarcity of gold (Zinn 6).3 While my interpretation of the western world order and its colonial terror and violence is attributed to Achille Mbembe’s work on necropolitical life and power, it strays from Mbembe in two distinct ways. First, it does not accept the modernity theorization that western territorialization, i.e., colonization, exists “outside the normal state of law” (Mbembe 13). Territorialization strategies of colonial violence were justified into and as law within the early periods of colonialization including conquest for white sovereignty; this was no paradox but a necessary part of the new world order. Here, I emphasize Mbembe’s point that “the sovereign might kill at any time or in any manner” and “colonial wars are conceived of as the expression of an absolute hostility that sets the conqueror against an absolute enemy” (25). Second, I underscore the temporal rather than the spatial when discussing colonized natives and their state of nonbeing. Theorizing upon temporalities breaks away from the space-based permanency of “death worlds” and the “living dead” (Mbembe 40). Not-yet-dead accounts for temporal subjectivities of Black(ened) becoming in terms of both its regulations and its excess possibilities. Aligned with decolonization, alternative temporal subjectivities signify future worlds that are both “anti-capitalist” and “ante-capitalist” (Césaire 44).4 I differentiate labor as “the endless cycle of production and consumption required for the maintenance of human life” from work, “the creation of endless artifacts which add to the world of things” (Mbembe 19). Both of these definitions reinforce how white sovereignty operated and depended on colonization and its modes of violent extraction to maintain western life. “Formal humanism” equates human life to White life in the modern world (Césaire 36-37).
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Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1080/07491409.2023.2264140
Billy Huff
"Can You Tell by Looking at Me?." Women's Studies in Communication, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
“你看着我就知道吗?”《传播学中的女性研究》，出版前第1-2页。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1080/07491409.2023.2264149
Elise Higgins, Meggie Mapes, Lore/tta LeMaster
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Podcast transcripts were slightly edited to allow ease of reading comprehension.
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Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.1080/07491409.2023.2258862
Lenka Vochocová
AbstractThis article contributes to the relatively scarce research on the intersection of various anti-discourses in online hatred by focusing on online verbal attacks on publicly active, nonmature actors of diverse genders. It reveals that patterns of the discursive rejection of youth political actors are similar to the more extensively described hatred against activist women. It also documents that these violent expressions are no longer limited to the realm of extreme or far-right political circles, the typical focus of previous studies, but have penetrated mainstream civic discussions across the media sphere. Youth actors are vulnerable, the article argues, because their individual characteristics are singled out, made hypervisible and mocked as abnormal in the online sphere, or because they are associated with ideologies which the discussants reject as dangerous in their construction of imagined collective identities and mobilization of anti-discourses.Keywords: Youth activismonline hatredintersectionalityhypervisibilitydiscursive exclusion Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 I borrow the term “anti-discourses” from Martinsson and Ericson (Citation2022) who employ it in their article on anti-gender movements as a generalization of various forms of rejection based on ideological stances (such as “anti-gender” or “anti-Islam”). They mention that whereas they selected anti-gender discourses for their analysis, anti-Islam and racists discourses in their material could also be the subject of the article and conclude that “it is important to emphasize the interconnectedness of these different forms of anti-discourses” (Martinsson & Ericson Citation2022, 2). I find this term especially useful in my analysis of intersectional hatred targeting youth actors in which various anti-discourses are combined.2 For a summary of the “long history of backlash against feminist and female political action” including girl activists and the “backlash against their politics and selves,” see also Duvall (Citation2022, 2).3 The term “anti-gender” movement or discourse is established in literature (Kováts & Põim Citation2015; Martinsson & Ericson, Citation2022) as a set of ideas refusing gender equality efforts by producing “a vision about a society where the struggle for gender equality and LGBTQ rights is abandoned” (Martinsson & Ericson Citation2022, pp. 2–3). Kováts and Põim define “anti-gender movements” by stating that these movements “want to claim that gender equality is an ‘ideology’, and introduce the misleading terms ‘gender ideology’ or ‘gender theory’ which distort the achievements of gender equality” (2015, 11). According to the authors, the main targets of anti-gender movements are “the alleged ‘propaganda’ for LGBTI rights, for reproductive rights and biotechnology, for sexual and equality education” and the activity of anti-gender movements has negative consequences for the legislation on gender equa
摘要本文通过关注对公开活跃的、不成熟的性别行动者的网络言语攻击，对网络仇恨中各种反话语的交集进行了相对稀缺的研究。它揭示了对青年政治行动者的话语拒绝模式与更广泛描述的对活动家妇女的仇恨相似。报告也证明，这些暴力表达不再局限于极端或极右翼政治圈子，也就是以往研究的典型焦点，而是渗透到媒体领域的主流公民讨论中。这篇文章认为，青年演员是脆弱的，因为他们的个人特征被挑出来，在网络领域被过度关注和嘲笑为不正常，或者因为他们与意识形态有关，而讨论家认为这些意识形态在构建想象的集体身份和动员反话语方面是危险的。关键词:青年活动、网络仇恨、交叉性、超可见性、话语排斥披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1我从Martinsson和Ericson (Citation2022)那里借用了“反话语”一词，他们在关于反性别运动的文章中使用了这个词，作为基于意识形态立场(如“反性别”或“反伊斯兰”)的各种形式的拒绝的概括。他们提到，虽然他们选择反性别话语进行分析，但材料中的反伊斯兰和种族主义话语也可以成为文章的主题，并得出结论，“强调这些不同形式的反话语的相互联系是很重要的”(Martinsson和Ericson Citation2022, 2)。我发现这个术语在我分析针对青年演员的交叉仇恨时特别有用，其中各种反话语结合在一起关于“反对女权主义和女性政治行动的长期历史”(包括女孩积极分子)和“反对她们的政治和自我”的总结，参见Duvall (Citation2022, 2)“反性别”运动或话语一词是在文学中建立起来的(Kováts & Põim Citation2015;Martinsson & ericsson, Citation2022)，认为这是一套拒绝性别平等努力的想法，产生了“一个关于性别平等和LGBTQ权利斗争被放弃的社会愿景”(Martinsson & ericsson Citation2022，第2-3页)。Kováts和Põim对“反性别运动”的定义是，这些运动“想要宣称性别平等是一种‘意识形态’，并引入误导性的‘性别意识形态’或‘性别理论’，这些术语扭曲了性别平等的成就”(2015,11)。作者认为，反性别运动的主要目标是“所谓的‘宣传’LGBTI权利、生殖权利和生物技术、性教育和平等教育”，反性别运动的活动对性别平等立法产生了负面影响(2015,11)。Barla和Bjork-James (Citation2021)将“反性别主义”定义为一种“排斥性解放、LGBTQI权利和性别平等”的方法(2021,381)已经1991年,克伦肖指出她的文本“相交的种族主义和性别主义模式”(克伦肖Citation1991, p . 1243)有色妇女的生活,她的“关注种族和性别的十字路口只强调了需要考虑的多个理由身份在考虑社会世界是如何构建”(1991,第1245页),因为其他因素,如类或性,往往同样color.5的关键在塑造女性的经验并不是涵盖下面列出的案例的每篇文章都有可用的讨论部分，只有那些支持讨论并保持可访问性的文章才被选择用于分析。我们只选取主流的日报和周刊新闻媒体进行分析，以确保样本能够代表主流的网络公民话语。5 .对某些案件进行大量负面报道的虚假信息渠道未包括在调查范围内所有评论都是在2022年8月收集的，因此反映了当时讨论的性质。当然，有可能(而且极有可能)，由于违反了某些特定的期刊规则或标准(如过于攻击性的语言等)，一些最初发表的针对文章的评论被管理员删除了。这也意味着，由于这些评论是在发表数月甚至数年后收集的，因此被抽样的评论代表了新闻机构决定(主动或被动)保留在其网站上的内容Alžbětko是一个非官方的名字，试图创造一个中性的语法性别形式的女性名字Alžběta。这个名字是Alžbětko自己提出的，但被大众挪用，成为嘲弄非二元性的典型例子。
{"title":"Singled Out and Mocked: Intersection of (Hetero)Sexism and Ableism and Mobilization of Anti-Discourses in Online Hatred towards Hypervisibilized Youth Activists","authors":"Lenka Vochocová","doi":"10.1080/07491409.2023.2258862","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07491409.2023.2258862","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis article contributes to the relatively scarce research on the intersection of various anti-discourses in online hatred by focusing on online verbal attacks on publicly active, nonmature actors of diverse genders. It reveals that patterns of the discursive rejection of youth political actors are similar to the more extensively described hatred against activist women. It also documents that these violent expressions are no longer limited to the realm of extreme or far-right political circles, the typical focus of previous studies, but have penetrated mainstream civic discussions across the media sphere. Youth actors are vulnerable, the article argues, because their individual characteristics are singled out, made hypervisible and mocked as abnormal in the online sphere, or because they are associated with ideologies which the discussants reject as dangerous in their construction of imagined collective identities and mobilization of anti-discourses.Keywords: Youth activismonline hatredintersectionalityhypervisibilitydiscursive exclusion Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 I borrow the term “anti-discourses” from Martinsson and Ericson (Citation2022) who employ it in their article on anti-gender movements as a generalization of various forms of rejection based on ideological stances (such as “anti-gender” or “anti-Islam”). They mention that whereas they selected anti-gender discourses for their analysis, anti-Islam and racists discourses in their material could also be the subject of the article and conclude that “it is important to emphasize the interconnectedness of these different forms of anti-discourses” (Martinsson & Ericson Citation2022, 2). I find this term especially useful in my analysis of intersectional hatred targeting youth actors in which various anti-discourses are combined.2 For a summary of the “long history of backlash against feminist and female political action” including girl activists and the “backlash against their politics and selves,” see also Duvall (Citation2022, 2).3 The term “anti-gender” movement or discourse is established in literature (Kováts & Põim Citation2015; Martinsson & Ericson, Citation2022) as a set of ideas refusing gender equality efforts by producing “a vision about a society where the struggle for gender equality and LGBTQ rights is abandoned” (Martinsson & Ericson Citation2022, pp. 2–3). Kováts and Põim define “anti-gender movements” by stating that these movements “want to claim that gender equality is an ‘ideology’, and introduce the misleading terms ‘gender ideology’ or ‘gender theory’ which distort the achievements of gender equality” (2015, 11). According to the authors, the main targets of anti-gender movements are “the alleged ‘propaganda’ for LGBTI rights, for reproductive rights and biotechnology, for sexual and equality education” and the activity of anti-gender movements has negative consequences for the legislation on gender equa","PeriodicalId":211920,"journal":{"name":"Women's Studies in Communication","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135729439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-10DOI: 10.1080/07491409.2023.2259844
Emma Frances Bloomfield, Rebecca M. Rice
AbstractIn September 2020, a gender reveal party started the El Dorado Fire in southern California. We analyzed comments on news coverage of the fire from two outlets with different political leanings to evaluate how the rhetorical process of assigning guilt is influenced by interlocking systems of power, making an intersectional lens useful for analyzing responses to environmental crises. Some comments evoked scapegoat ecology, which is a response to guilt that narrows the scope of climate change to the igniters of the wildfire. Other comments evoked what we call ecological transcendence, which replaces scapegoating with attention to systems-level concerns. In analyzing ecological transcendence, we outline differences between collective action mobilized by inclusive care and seemingly unifying discourses of selective care that foster marginalization and oppression. We contribute to environmental rhetoric and feminist studies by emphasizing the importance of attending to intersectionality in analyzing rhetorics of guilt in ecological contexts and through our proposal of ecological transcendence as an alternative to scapegoat ecology.Keywords: Guilthegemonic masculinityscapegoat ecologyintersectionalityenvironmental rhetoric AcknowledgmentsThe authors thank the editor, the paper’s anonymous reviewers, Nick Paliewicz, Paul Elliott Johnson, James Wynn, and attendees to their panel at the 2021 National Communication Association annual convention for the valuable feedback they provided on the paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 While these parties are commonly referred to as “gender” reveal parties, it is more accurate to say that they announce the sex the child is assigned at birth using the binary of male-female. Some comments on the news coverage of the wildfire made note of this discrepancy. For example, one commenter wrote, “It’s a sex reveal party. If and when the kid is good and ready they will reveal their gender” (Morales & Waller, Citation2020).2 The New York Times is consistently in the top five newspapers for national circulation and has won the most Pulitzer awards for journalistic excellence (Augustyn, Citationn.d.; Cision, Citation2019). The newspaper tends to be more liberal leaning, whereas Breitbart is more conservative and a news outlet symbolic of the populist rhetoric resurgence during the presidency of Donald Trump.3 To preserve anonymity, commenters will not be referenced by name but will be identified by the article where their comment appeared. Five New York Times articles in the corpus did not have a comments section, leaving two, cited here, that make up the bulk of the analysis (Arango et al., Citation2020; Morales & Waller, Citation2020).4 New York Times subscribers are disproportionately White (71%), are 51% male and 49% female, most (63%) are under the age of 50, 72% have at least an undergraduate degree, and 38% earn more than $75,000 a year (Djordjevic, Citat
2020年9月，一场性别揭秘派对引发了南加州的埃尔多拉多大火。我们分析了两家具有不同政治倾向的媒体对火灾新闻报道的评论，以评估分配罪责的修辞过程如何受到连锁权力系统的影响，从而使交叉镜头有助于分析对环境危机的反应。一些评论引发了替罪羊生态学，这是一种将气候变化的范围缩小到野火点燃者的内疚反应。其他评论引发了我们所谓的生态超越，它取代了替罪羊，关注系统层面的问题。在分析生态超越时，我们概述了由包容性护理动员的集体行动与助长边缘化和压迫的选择性护理看似统一的话语之间的差异。我们通过强调在生态背景下分析内疚修辞时关注交叉性的重要性，以及通过我们提出的生态超越作为替罪羊生态学的替代方案，为环境修辞学和女权主义研究做出了贡献。作者感谢编辑，论文的匿名审稿人，Nick Paliewicz, Paul Elliott Johnson, James Wynn以及他们在2021年全国传播协会年会上的小组成员，他们为论文提供了宝贵的反馈。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:虽然这些派对通常被称为“性别”披露派对，但更准确的说法是，他们用男女二元来宣布孩子出生时的性别。一些关于野火新闻报道的评论注意到了这种差异。例如，一位评论者写道:“这是一场性别揭秘派对。如果孩子准备好了，他们就会揭示自己的性别”(莫拉莱斯和沃勒，Citation2020)《纽约时报》一直是全国发行量前五的报纸之一，并获得了最多的普利策新闻奖(奥古斯丁，引文和;Cision Citation2019)。《纽约时报》倾向于自由主义，而布赖特巴特则更保守，是唐纳德·特朗普(Donald trump)担任总统期间民粹主义言论复苏的象征。3为了保持匿名，评论者不会被指名，而是通过发表评论的文章来识别。语料库中的五篇《纽约时报》文章没有评论部分，留下两篇，在这里引用，构成了大部分分析(Arango等人，Citation2020;莫拉莱斯和沃勒，引文2020)《纽约时报》的订阅者不成比例地是白人(71%)，男性占51%，女性占49%，大多数(63%)年龄在50岁以下，72%至少拥有本科学位，38%年收入超过7.5万美元(Djordjevic, Citation2021)这些陈述是对犯罪统计数字的不准确颠倒。5 .拉丁美洲公民联合联盟(Citation2017)报告称，在美国，拉丁裔因同样的罪行被起诉的比例高于白人，超过一半的拉丁裔(56%)自己或通过家庭成员与刑事司法系统有过接触一个人不需要有子宫才能成为女人或母亲，但这些评论的背景很大程度上表明了这种性别差异的广义概念。
{"title":"Care and Constraints in the Climate Crisis: An Intersectional Rhetorical Analysis of News Comments about the El Dorado Fire","authors":"Emma Frances Bloomfield, Rebecca M. Rice","doi":"10.1080/07491409.2023.2259844","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07491409.2023.2259844","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractIn September 2020, a gender reveal party started the El Dorado Fire in southern California. We analyzed comments on news coverage of the fire from two outlets with different political leanings to evaluate how the rhetorical process of assigning guilt is influenced by interlocking systems of power, making an intersectional lens useful for analyzing responses to environmental crises. Some comments evoked scapegoat ecology, which is a response to guilt that narrows the scope of climate change to the igniters of the wildfire. Other comments evoked what we call ecological transcendence, which replaces scapegoating with attention to systems-level concerns. In analyzing ecological transcendence, we outline differences between collective action mobilized by inclusive care and seemingly unifying discourses of selective care that foster marginalization and oppression. We contribute to environmental rhetoric and feminist studies by emphasizing the importance of attending to intersectionality in analyzing rhetorics of guilt in ecological contexts and through our proposal of ecological transcendence as an alternative to scapegoat ecology.Keywords: Guilthegemonic masculinityscapegoat ecologyintersectionalityenvironmental rhetoric AcknowledgmentsThe authors thank the editor, the paper’s anonymous reviewers, Nick Paliewicz, Paul Elliott Johnson, James Wynn, and attendees to their panel at the 2021 National Communication Association annual convention for the valuable feedback they provided on the paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 While these parties are commonly referred to as “gender” reveal parties, it is more accurate to say that they announce the sex the child is assigned at birth using the binary of male-female. Some comments on the news coverage of the wildfire made note of this discrepancy. For example, one commenter wrote, “It’s a sex reveal party. If and when the kid is good and ready they will reveal their gender” (Morales & Waller, Citation2020).2 The New York Times is consistently in the top five newspapers for national circulation and has won the most Pulitzer awards for journalistic excellence (Augustyn, Citationn.d.; Cision, Citation2019). The newspaper tends to be more liberal leaning, whereas Breitbart is more conservative and a news outlet symbolic of the populist rhetoric resurgence during the presidency of Donald Trump.3 To preserve anonymity, commenters will not be referenced by name but will be identified by the article where their comment appeared. Five New York Times articles in the corpus did not have a comments section, leaving two, cited here, that make up the bulk of the analysis (Arango et al., Citation2020; Morales & Waller, Citation2020).4 New York Times subscribers are disproportionately White (71%), are 51% male and 49% female, most (63%) are under the age of 50, 72% have at least an undergraduate degree, and 38% earn more than $75,000 a year (Djordjevic, Citat","PeriodicalId":211920,"journal":{"name":"Women's Studies in Communication","volume":"13 39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136294502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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