The analysis presented in this paper extends the uniform intersective (“boolean”) treatment of conjunctive coordinators to Heterofunctional Coordination (HC), i.e., coordination of different grammatical functions. A compositional account of HC based on mainstream derivational syntax is proposed, one that makes Champollion’s (2015) “quantificational event semantics” compatible with derivational syntax. The analysis is based on the assumption, common in Minimalism, that traces of moved quantifiers denote domain restrictions rather than just variables.
{"title":"A compositional intersective account of Heterofunctional Coordination","authors":"A. Przepiórkowski","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5333","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5333","url":null,"abstract":"The analysis presented in this paper extends the uniform intersective (“boolean”) treatment of conjunctive coordinators to Heterofunctional Coordination (HC), i.e., coordination of different grammatical functions. A compositional account of HC based on mainstream derivational syntax is proposed, one that makes Champollion’s (2015) “quantificational event semantics” compatible with derivational syntax. The analysis is based on the assumption, common in Minimalism, that traces of moved quantifiers denote domain restrictions rather than just variables.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87205727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores seemingly puzzling subject-verb agreement patterns with Finnish numeral noun constructions (NNCs, e.g. three birds) in subject position, which can occur with singular or plural verbs. This alternation is not predicted by current theories. Building on properties of Finnish independent of NNCs, I argue that the Finnish data can be reconciled with prior analyses if we analyze verb number marking as dependent on referential properties of the NNC. I suggest that NNCs with singular verbs do not involve agreement, but rather a default verb form that surfaces in contexts involving existential construal, while NNCs with plural verbs are a true case of (semantic) agreement. According to my analysis, the lack of subject-verb agreement with existentially-interpreted NNCs is related to the fact that, more generally, existentially-construed subjects do not trigger verb agreement in Finnish (which presumably stems from their underlying syntactic position, given the discourse-configurational nature of Finnish). By arguing that subject-verb agreement in Finnish NNCs is variable and depends on existential vs. definite construals, while agreement patterns in the nominal domain are more rigid, these data pose a challenge to attempts to unify agreement mechanisms in the verbal and nominal domains.
{"title":"Referential effects on verb agreement: Finnish numeral-noun constructions","authors":"E. Kaiser","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5388","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5388","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores seemingly puzzling subject-verb agreement patterns with Finnish numeral noun constructions (NNCs, e.g. three birds) in subject position, which can occur with singular or plural verbs. This alternation is not predicted by current theories. Building on properties of Finnish independent of NNCs, I argue that the Finnish data can be reconciled with prior analyses if we analyze verb number marking as dependent on referential properties of the NNC. I suggest that NNCs with singular verbs do not involve agreement, but rather a default verb form that surfaces in contexts involving existential construal, while NNCs with plural verbs are a true case of (semantic) agreement. According to my analysis, the lack of subject-verb agreement with existentially-interpreted NNCs is related to the fact that, more generally, existentially-construed subjects do not trigger verb agreement in Finnish (which presumably stems from their underlying syntactic position, given the discourse-configurational nature of Finnish). By arguing that subject-verb agreement in Finnish NNCs is variable and depends on existential vs. definite construals, while agreement patterns in the nominal domain are more rigid, these data pose a challenge to attempts to unify agreement mechanisms in the verbal and nominal domains.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89327248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The grammatical approach to scalar implicatures attributes their introduction to a covert operator exh, which can be posited in various structural positions. By studying the interaction of scalar implicature calculation and the presuppositions of English also and again, we are able to pinpoint the structural position of exh. This diagnostic shows that some triggers of scalar implicature require exh to be adjoined as low as possible above them, whereas other triggers allow for more delayed adjunction of exh. We offer a concrete proposal for these behaviors in terms of syntactic feature-checking and show how it extends to cases involving ignorance inferences.
{"title":"Restrictions on the position of exh","authors":"Keng Ji Chow, M. Erlewine","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5403","url":null,"abstract":"The grammatical approach to scalar implicatures attributes their introduction to a covert operator exh, which can be posited in various structural positions. By studying the interaction of scalar implicature calculation and the presuppositions of English also and again, we are able to pinpoint the structural position of exh. This diagnostic shows that some triggers of scalar implicature require exh to be adjoined as low as possible above them, whereas other triggers allow for more delayed adjunction of exh. We offer a concrete proposal for these behaviors in terms of syntactic feature-checking and show how it extends to cases involving ignorance inferences.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"126 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77857843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper argues that there are lexical items that conventionally express the idea of dividing one quantity by another, and per is one of them. In particular, the proposal is that there are three ratio-related senses of per: (i) a quotient function; (ii) a quotient operator; and (iii) quotient of measure functions. The ratio-based approach, which is built up here in order to handle a wider range of data than previous ratio-based approaches could, is contrasted with an opposing view, one on which per is a distributivity marker like each. Four types of evidence are used: (i) cases involving measurement of an object or an event whose measure is smaller than the unit given by per’s complement; (ii) uses in the differential argument of a comparative; (iii) uses modifying a measure function noun; and and (iv) uses modifying a gradable predicate. All of these are problematic for a distributivity- marker analysis, and support the idea that per expresses the concept of ratio. Along the way, we gain diagnostics for whether a given item conventionally expresses the concept of a ratio in a given language.
{"title":"Division vs. distributivity: Is per just like each?","authors":"E. Coppock","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5335","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that there are lexical items that conventionally express the idea of dividing one quantity by another, and per is one of them. In particular, the proposal is that there are three ratio-related senses of per: (i) a quotient function; (ii) a quotient operator; and (iii) quotient of measure functions. The ratio-based approach, which is built up here in order to handle a wider range of data than previous ratio-based approaches could, is contrasted with an opposing view, one on which per is a distributivity marker like each. Four types of evidence are used: (i) cases involving measurement of an object or an event whose measure is smaller than the unit given by per’s complement; (ii) uses in the differential argument of a comparative; (iii) uses modifying a measure function noun; and and (iv) uses modifying a gradable predicate. All of these are problematic for a distributivity- marker analysis, and support the idea that per expresses the concept of ratio. Along the way, we gain diagnostics for whether a given item conventionally expresses the concept of a ratio in a given language.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"68 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81649935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
S. Alexandropoulou, Henrik Discher, Marisha Herb, Nicole Gotzner
While for relative gradable adjectives the value on the underlying measurement scale that serves as a standard of comparison is contextually determined, for absolute gradable adjectives this is typically taken to be a fixed, context-invariant value (Rotstein & Winter 2004; Kennedy & McNally 2005). The present study investigates how lexical-semantic factors, such as the type of standard of comparison invoked by gradable adjectives, affect the incremental computation of scalar implicatures triggered by such adjectives. Our study shows that the incremental computation of scalar implicatures is facilitated by the immediate visual context but only for relative adjectives. Minimum standard absolute adjectives, which impose a lower bound on their corresponding measurement scales, robustly trigger upper-bounded interpretations independently of the availability of contrastive visual information. Our findings indicate that different kinds of scalar meaning are computed incrementally and potentially in parallel. Overall, these findings shed new light on theories of scalar implicatures and highlight the need for a model of adjective meaning that incorporates semantic and pragmatic factors (see also Gotzner 2021; and for related ideas in the domain of quantifiers see Franke & Bergen 2020 and Cremers, Wilcox & Spector 2022, and Magri (2017) for Hirschberg scales).
{"title":"Incremental pragmatic interpretation of gradable adjectives: The role of standards of comparison","authors":"S. Alexandropoulou, Henrik Discher, Marisha Herb, Nicole Gotzner","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5399","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5399","url":null,"abstract":"While for relative gradable adjectives the value on the underlying measurement scale that serves as a standard of comparison is contextually determined, for absolute gradable adjectives this is typically taken to be a fixed, context-invariant value (Rotstein & Winter 2004; Kennedy & McNally 2005). The present study investigates how lexical-semantic factors, such as the type of standard of comparison invoked by gradable adjectives, affect the incremental computation of scalar implicatures triggered by such adjectives. Our study shows that the incremental computation of scalar implicatures is facilitated by the immediate visual context but only for relative adjectives. Minimum standard absolute adjectives, which impose a lower bound on their corresponding measurement scales, robustly trigger upper-bounded interpretations independently of the availability of contrastive visual information. Our findings indicate that different kinds of scalar meaning are computed incrementally and potentially in parallel. Overall, these findings shed new light on theories of scalar implicatures and highlight the need for a model of adjective meaning that incorporates semantic and pragmatic factors (see also Gotzner 2021; and for related ideas in the domain of quantifiers see Franke & Bergen 2020 and Cremers, Wilcox & Spector 2022, and Magri (2017) for Hirschberg scales).","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79371001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper observes that adverbs meaning ‘back’ systematically give rise to restitutive readings which have long been thought of only as secondary readings of adverbs meaning ‘again’. Restitutive readings are argued to arise from two sources: repetition of a state, or reversal of an event. Languages like English and Hindi-Urdu have a separate dedicated adverb for each, showing the independence of these two sources. A single reversal-based/counterdirectional lexical entry (originally proposed for AGAIN) is demonstrated to capture an intuitive relationship that exists between three core readings of BACK. These readings are, however, shown to have several as yet unconsidered properties that necessitate a finer-grained expression of counterdirectionality than is afforded by the broad concept of reverse events. The paper significantly revises the counterdirectional presupposition, capturing the core readings of BACK-adverbs by appealing not to repetition or reversal but to elements that can be copied from the assertion itself: THEME, SCALE, and end point of scalar change.
{"title":"Back to restitutive readings again","authors":"J. Iyer","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5409","url":null,"abstract":"This paper observes that adverbs meaning ‘back’ systematically give rise to restitutive readings which have long been thought of only as secondary readings of adverbs meaning ‘again’. Restitutive readings are argued to arise from two sources: repetition of a state, or reversal of an event. Languages like English and Hindi-Urdu have a separate dedicated adverb for each, showing the independence of these two sources. A single reversal-based/counterdirectional lexical entry (originally proposed for AGAIN) is demonstrated to capture an intuitive relationship that exists between three core readings of BACK. These readings are, however, shown to have several as yet unconsidered properties that necessitate a finer-grained expression of counterdirectionality than is afforded by the broad concept of reverse events. The paper significantly revises the counterdirectional presupposition, capturing the core readings of BACK-adverbs by appealing not to repetition or reversal but to elements that can be copied from the assertion itself: THEME, SCALE, and end point of scalar change.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85435240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Classic analyses of propositional attitude reports assume that attitude verbs compose with a clausal argument that expresses a proposition. I use original fieldwork data to demonstrate that Amahuaca (Panoan; Peru) attitude reports involve high adjunct switch-reference clauses rather than clausal complements to an attitude verb. This structure raises issues for the traditionally assumed compositional semantics of attitude reports. I present two potential analyses that do not require the verb to compose directly with a complement CP, ultimately arguing in favor of an analysis that aligns with proposals by Kratzer (2006) and Moulton (2015) that the internal arguments of attitude verbs are individuals with propositional content. Amahuaca therefore provides novel empirical support for this approach to the semantics of attitude reports.
{"title":"Attitude reports without complementation: The case of Amahuaca","authors":"Emily Clem","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5365","url":null,"abstract":"Classic analyses of propositional attitude reports assume that attitude verbs compose with a clausal argument that expresses a proposition. I use original fieldwork data to demonstrate that Amahuaca (Panoan; Peru) attitude reports involve high adjunct switch-reference clauses rather than clausal complements to an attitude verb. This structure raises issues for the traditionally assumed compositional semantics of attitude reports. I present two potential analyses that do not require the verb to compose directly with a complement CP, ultimately arguing in favor of an analysis that aligns with proposals by Kratzer (2006) and Moulton (2015) that the internal arguments of attitude verbs are individuals with propositional content. Amahuaca therefore provides novel empirical support for this approach to the semantics of attitude reports.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"55 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90112760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
J. Tellings, Martín Fuchs, Martijn van der Klis, Bert Le Bruyn, H. de Swart
The variation in distribution and meaning of the English Present Perfect compared to its counterparts in other European languages raises a puzzle for the cross-linguistic semantics and pragmatics of tense and aspect. We apply Translation Mining, a form-based approach, to analyze the meaning of the HAVE-PERFECT across languages in a parallel corpus based on "Harry Potter and the Philosopher's Stone" and its translations in Swedish, Spanish, Dutch, German and French. We use the alternation in the Harry Potter novel between narrative discourse (storytelling) and dialogue (the characters talking to each other) to establish the PERFECT as an indexical tense-aspect category that appears exclusively in dialogue. We then link the proposed information management roles of the Present Perfect (Portner 2003, Nishiyama & Koenig 2010) to moves in the language game. We find different distributions of PERFECT use across the sentence types corresponding to these moves (declarative vs. interrogative). This lends support to a cross-linguistically common rhetorical structure in sequences of PERFECT sentences (de Swart 2007).
{"title":"Perfect variations in dialogue: a parallel corpus approach","authors":"J. Tellings, Martín Fuchs, Martijn van der Klis, Bert Le Bruyn, H. de Swart","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5342","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5342","url":null,"abstract":"The variation in distribution and meaning of the English Present Perfect compared to its counterparts in other European languages raises a puzzle for the cross-linguistic semantics and pragmatics of tense and aspect. We apply Translation Mining, a form-based approach, to analyze the meaning of the HAVE-PERFECT across languages in a parallel corpus based on \"Harry Potter and the Philosopher's Stone\" and its translations in Swedish, Spanish, Dutch, German and French. We use the alternation in the Harry Potter novel between narrative discourse (storytelling) and dialogue (the characters talking to each other) to establish the PERFECT as an indexical tense-aspect category that appears exclusively in dialogue. We then link the proposed information management roles of the Present Perfect (Portner 2003, Nishiyama & Koenig 2010) to moves in the language game. We find different distributions of PERFECT use across the sentence types corresponding to these moves (declarative vs. interrogative). This lends support to a cross-linguistically common rhetorical structure in sequences of PERFECT sentences (de Swart 2007).","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89732444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Recent has begun to show systematic connections between social information and pragmatic reasoning. These findings raise the question of whether social information shapes comprehenders' assessments of the correctness of linguistic description in light of a single known and determined fact. We explore this question by testing the impact of speaker identity on T(ruth)-V(alue) J(udgment)s based on the interpretation of number words. We find that imprecise statements from speakers socially expected to be less precise – i.e. “Chill" ones – are rejected at a higher rate, and thus held to more stringent evaluation standards, than those from speakers socially expected to speak more precisely – i.e. “Nerdy" ones. We explain the new finding by appealing to the idea that, by virtue of generally being perceived to be more precise, Nerdy speakers are granted higher epistemic credibility than Chill ones. The emerging picture is one in which TVJ assessments are affected by social considerations in a different way from other experimental tasks, suggesting a nuanced interplay between social information and different interpretation tasks and processes
{"title":"Social identity, precision and charity: when less precise speakers are held to stricter standard","authors":"Andrea Beltrama, F. Schwarz","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5406","url":null,"abstract":"Recent has begun to show systematic connections between social information and pragmatic reasoning. These findings raise the question of whether social information shapes comprehenders' assessments of the correctness of linguistic description in light of a single known and determined fact. We explore this question by testing the impact of speaker identity on T(ruth)-V(alue) J(udgment)s based on the interpretation of number words. We find that imprecise statements from speakers socially expected to be less precise – i.e. “Chill\" ones – are rejected at a higher rate, and thus held to more stringent evaluation standards, than those from speakers socially expected to speak more precisely – i.e. “Nerdy\" ones. We explain the new finding by appealing to the idea that, by virtue of generally being perceived to be more precise, Nerdy speakers are granted higher epistemic credibility than Chill ones. The emerging picture is one in which TVJ assessments are affected by social considerations in a different way from other experimental tasks, suggesting a nuanced interplay between social information and different interpretation tasks and processes","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"49 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79902581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I ask what a small set of modification data requires of clausal event semantics. Classic Davidsonian semantics posits that modifiers like "in the hallway" express properties of events, and expects that iterations of such modifiers will simply contribute additional conjuncts at logical form. The data I consider challenges this view, and others cast in the Davidsonian spirit, at least so long as we hope to preserve an important and plausible semantic principle, Role Exhaustion (Williams 2015). As I show, preserving the principle and accounting for the facts can be accomplished by adopting two independently-motivated sets of claims: first, that verbs introduce existential closure over their event argument, and modifiers take verb meanings as semantic arguments (Champollion 2015); second, that simple clauses have two layers of event description, "framing" and "framed" (Schein 2016). In the end, I sketch two possible extensions of the approach, towards the interpretation of temporal modification and negative perceptual reports.
{"title":"Framing events in the logic of verbal modification","authors":"Alexis Wellwood","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5354","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5354","url":null,"abstract":"I ask what a small set of modification data requires of clausal event semantics. Classic Davidsonian semantics posits that modifiers like \"in the hallway\" express properties of events, and expects that iterations of such modifiers will simply contribute additional conjuncts at logical form. The data I consider challenges this view, and others cast in the Davidsonian spirit, at least so long as we hope to preserve an important and plausible semantic principle, Role Exhaustion (Williams 2015). As I show, preserving the principle and accounting for the facts can be accomplished by adopting two independently-motivated sets of claims: first, that verbs introduce existential closure over their event argument, and modifiers take verb meanings as semantic arguments (Champollion 2015); second, that simple clauses have two layers of event description, \"framing\" and \"framed\" (Schein 2016). In the end, I sketch two possible extensions of the approach, towards the interpretation of temporal modification and negative perceptual reports.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"70 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85806444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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