Security Dialogue最新文献_第3页

Rebel spirits at sea: Disrupting EUrope’s weaponizing of time in maritime migration governance 海上的反叛精神:破坏欧洲在海上移民治理中的时间武器化

IF 3.2 1区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Dialogue

Pub Date : 2023-04-23 DOI: 10.1177/09670106231163990

M. Stierl

In August 2020, a motor yacht formerly owned by French customs authorities set sail in the Mediterranean Sea in search of migrant boats in distress. Funded by the street artist Banksy, the search and rescue engagement of the Louise Michel was meant to prevent both the continuous loss of migrant lives at sea and mass interceptions to North Africa. Assessing her maiden voyage and strategic conception, as well as her operational and political impact, the article argues that the intervention of the Louise Michel and her activist crew can be regarded as an attempt to disrupt EUrope’s ‘weaponization’ of time in the governance of maritime migration. Over recent years, EU member states have sought to systematically decelerate rescues while accelerating interceptions of escaping migrant boats. With her speed, unprecedented in the ‘civil fleet’ and on a par with EUropean and Libyan naval assets, the activists have sought to disrupt the EUro–Libyan interception regime which has led to the forced return of over 120,000 people to Libya since 2016.

2020年8月，一艘原法国海关所有的机动游艇在地中海启航，寻找遇险的移民船只。Louise Michel号的搜救工作由街头艺术家Banksy资助，旨在防止移民在海上的持续死亡和大规模拦截到北非。在评估她的处女航和战略构想，以及她的行动和政治影响时，文章认为，Louise Michel号及其激进船员的干预可以被视为试图破坏欧盟绳索组织在管理海上移民方面对时间的“武器化”。近年来，欧盟成员国试图系统地减缓救援速度，同时加快拦截逃离的移民船只。活动人士以其在“民用舰队”中前所未有的速度，与欧盟和利比亚海军资产不相上下，试图破坏欧盟-利比亚拦截制度，自2016年以来，该制度已导致超过12万人被迫返回利比亚。

引用次数: 1

Porous bunker: Private security contractors and the plasticity of Mogadishu’s international ‘green zone’ 多孔掩体:私人安全承包商和摩加迪沙国际“绿区”的可塑性

IF 3.2 1区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Dialogue

Pub Date : 2023-04-20 DOI: 10.1177/09670106231158890

Jethro Norman

From Baghdad’s ‘Emerald City’ to Kabul’s ‘Kabubble’, international green zones have been characterized as ‘bunkerized’ and temporary. Despite efforts to make these spaces appear sealed, they are more porous than we assume. Drawing on fieldwork in Mogadishu and research with private security contractors, this article reconceptualizes international enclaves in terms of their inherent plasticity, moulded by the mobilities, intentions and bureaucracies of those within. The article illustrates the heterogenous sociospatial relations within Mogadishu’s green zone, arguing that it is sustained through internal frictions and transgressive spatial practices that are not captured by the bunkerization motif. The limits of bunkerization are revealed most starkly through the work of security contractors who enjoy greater mobility and access to information than many of the green zone’s transient international workers. They assume the gatekeeper role, sustaining conditions of manageable insecurity by ordering the messy sociopolitical space of the city into bounded zones. Beyond the façade of the enclave, however, their mobility is reliant on ‘local’ Somali partners navigating the complexities of Mogadishu on their behalf. As an interface between the secure inside and the dangerous outside, some contractors have emerged as opportunistic power-brokers connecting Somali entrepreneurs on the outside to the resources within.

从巴格达的“翡翠城”到喀布尔的“卡布布尔”，国际绿色区域都被描述为“临时的”。尽管努力使这些空间看起来是密封的，但它们比我们想象的更多孔。根据在摩加迪沙的实地调查和对私人安保承包商的研究，本文根据国际飞地的内在可塑性重新定义了国际飞地，这些可塑性是由内部人员的流动性、意图和官僚机构塑造的。这篇文章阐述了摩加迪沙绿区内异质的社会空间关系，认为这种关系是通过内部摩擦和越轨的空间行为维持的，而这些行为并没有被加油主题所捕捉到。通过安保承包商的工作，最明显地揭示了加油的局限性，他们比许多绿区的临时国际工作人员享有更大的机动性和信息获取渠道。他们扮演着守门人的角色，通过将城市混乱的社会政治空间划分为有限的区域来维持可控制的不安全状况。然而，在飞地的外表之外，他们的流动性依赖于“当地”索马里合作伙伴代表他们在摩加迪沙的复杂环境中航行。作为安全内部和危险外部之间的接口，一些承包商已经成为机会主义的权力掮客，将外部的索马里企业家与内部的资源联系起来。

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引用次数: 1

Dreaming biometrics in Niger: The security techniques of migration control in West Africa 尼日尔的生物识别梦想：西非移民控制的安全技术

IF 3.2 1区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Dialogue

Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/09670106231158893

Alizée Dauchy

Since 2015, Niger has been actively committed to migration control in West Africa in the context of the European Union Emergency Trust Fund for Africa. To enable better comprehension of the making of security in Niger, this article studies the implementation of biometrics under the EU Trust Fund by international agencies (Interpol, the International Organization for Migration, UNHCR) and national actors. Drawing on in-depth interviews, observation and anthropology of aid studies, I argue that biometrics is a travelling organizational model translated into a multiscalar process by state and non-state actors embedded in relations of power. Biometric technologies cannot be reduced to an added-value instrument for Nigerien authorities in order to enhance legibility, to better identify Nigeriens and foreigners crossing Niger’s borders within the free-movement area of ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States). I focus on heterogeneous actors’ situated discourses and practices to demonstrate that they do not share the same dream about biometrics. In practice, however, biometrics helps international actors to produce their own security knowledge in Niger that, in the end, augments the capacity to trace ECOWAS citizens and reinforce the EU border regime.

自2015年以来，尼日尔一直在欧洲联盟非洲紧急信托基金的框架内积极致力于西非的移民控制。为了更好地理解尼日尔的安全保障，本文研究了国际机构（国际刑警组织、国际移民组织、难民署）和国家行为者在欧盟信托基金下实施生物识别技术的情况。根据对援助研究的深入采访、观察和人类学，我认为生物识别是一种旅行组织模式，由嵌入权力关系中的国家和非国家行为者转化为多尺度过程。生物识别技术不能被简化为尼日利亚当局的附加值工具，以提高易读性，更好地识别在西非经共体（西非国家经济共同体）自由行动区内穿越尼日尔边境的尼日利亚人和外国人。我关注异质行动者的情境话语和实践，以证明他们在生物识别方面没有共同的梦想。然而，在实践中，生物识别技术有助于国际行为者在尼日尔积累自己的安全知识，最终增强了追踪西非经共体公民的能力，并加强了欧盟边境制度。

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引用次数: 0

The intersectionality of health (in)security: Healthcare, disposable workers, and exposure within Brazil's pandemic politics. 卫生安全的交叉性:医疗保健、一次性工作者和巴西流行病政治中的暴露

IF 3.2 1区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Dialogue

Pub Date : 2023-04-01 Epub Date: 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/09670106221148375

José O Pérez, Vinícius Mendes

Brazil has suffered severe consequences from the Covid-19 pandemic, currently ranking second globally in terms of total fatalities, with more than 682,000 lives lost. This article critically outlines how a 'health security' framework overlooks processes of intersectionality and the varying impacts of the virus on different segments of society, or what we term health insecurity. We organize our analysis around three aspects of the pandemic that have become salient in Brazilian society, namely access to healthcare, disposable workers, and exposure to the virus, and delineate the intersectional impact of gendered inequality, neoliberal ideologies, and racial hierarchies within these three themes. Our methodology employs media and scholarly interpretations of Covid-19, and other secondary empirical and statistical data, to outline the virus's impacts on differently positioned bodies throughout Brazilian society. Our main findings reveal that during the pandemic, women's labor and health concerns have been undervalued, exploitative working conditions have been exacerbated, and Afro-Brazilians have been put in situations of higher exposure to the virus in both public and private spaces. This article underscores the need to better examine how public health, systems of oppression and exclusion, and (in)security overlap with each other.

巴西遭受了新冠肺炎大流行的严重后果，目前死亡人数在全球排名第二，超过68.2万人丧生。本文批判性地概述了“卫生安全”框架如何忽视交叉过程以及病毒对不同社会阶层的不同影响，或我们所说的卫生不安全。我们围绕巴西社会中已变得突出的大流行的三个方面进行分析，即获得医疗保健、一次性工人和接触病毒，并在这三个主题中描述性别不平等、新自由主义意识形态和种族等级的交叉影响。我们的方法采用媒体和学术对Covid-19的解释，以及其他二手经验和统计数据，概述了病毒对巴西社会不同位置群体的影响。我们的主要调查结果显示，在大流行期间，妇女的劳动和健康问题被低估，剥削性工作条件恶化，非裔巴西人在公共和私人场所都处于更容易接触病毒的境地。本文强调需要更好地研究公共卫生、压迫和排斥制度以及安全如何相互重叠。

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引用次数: 0

Topologies of power in China's grid-style social management during the COVID-19 pandemic. 新冠肺炎疫情期间中国网格化社会管理中的权力拓扑

IF 3.2 1区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Dialogue

Pub Date : 2023-04-01 Epub Date: 2022-12-06 DOI: 10.1177/09670106221134968

Sabrina Habich-Sobiegalla, Franziska Plümmer

This article analyses the organization of Chinese grassroots social management during the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing on a range of local cases researched through policy documents, media coverage and interviews, we scrutinize the appropriation of emergency measures and the utilization of grid-style social management since the outbreak of COVID-19. Grid-style social management - a new grassroots administrative division aiming to mobilize neighbourhood control and services - is a core element in China's pursuit of economic growth without sacrificing political stability. Conceptualizing grids as confined spaces of power, we show how the Chinese party-state is able to flexibly redeploy diverse forms of power depending on the particular purpose of social management. During non-crisis times, grid-style social management primarily uses security power, casting a net over the population that remains open for population elements to contribute their share to the national economy. Once a crisis has been called, sovereign power swiftly closes the net to prevent further circulation while disciplinary power works towards a speedy return to a pre-crisis routine.

本文分析了新冠肺炎疫情期间中国基层社会管理的组织情况。我们通过政策文件、媒体报道和采访等方式研究了一系列当地案例，审视了疫情爆发以来应急措施的使用和网格化社会管理的运用。网格式社会管理——一种新的基层行政区划，旨在调动邻里控制和服务——是中国在不牺牲政治稳定的情况下追求经济增长的核心要素。我们将网格概念化为权力的有限空间，展示了中国党国如何能够根据社会管理的特定目的灵活地重新部署各种形式的权力。在非危机时期，网格式社会管理主要利用安全力量，在人口上撒下一张网，让人口要素为国民经济贡献自己的份额。一旦危机爆发，主权权力迅速收网，以防止进一步循环，而纪律权力则致力于迅速恢复危机前的常规。

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引用次数: 0

Global silences as privilege: The international community’s white silence on far-right terrorism 全球沉默是一种特权:国际社会对极右翼恐怖主义的白色沉默

IF 3.2 1区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Dialogue

Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1177/09670106221142425

Alice Martini

Silences are not only absences in the spoken discourse or gaps in the discursive texture of international politics. They are important nodes of this texture and, as such, they constitute the political too. The said and the unsaid may work together to reify knowledge and shape international politics. Starting from this idea, this article scrutinizes global counter-terrorism as a discursive formation, composed of a spoken and an unspoken sphere. Within the silent dimension, the work focuses specifically on the silences in far-right terrorism and extremism. Scrutinizing global counter-terrorism as a racialized formation, the article argues that these silences are produced and reproduced by whiteness. Within the international community’s debates, whiteness gives rise to two kinds of silence – silence as the unspoken and the spoken as silencing. Examining them through the prism of whiteness, the article shows that these silences allow the maintenance of white privilege. This is the privilege of not being identified as a terrorist Other and not becoming the object of counter-terrorism measures, while having this privilege silenced and hidden. This work thus shows that, as gears of discursive formations, silences are racialized and may have colors – in this case, the color of white privilege.

沉默不仅是国际政治话语中的缺席或话语结构中的空白。它们是这种结构的重要节点，因此，它们也构成了政治。说的和不说的可能会共同努力，将知识具体化，塑造国际政治。从这一观点出发，本文将全球反恐视为一种话语形式，由一个口头的和一个非口头的领域组成。在沉默方面，这部作品特别关注极右翼恐怖主义和极端主义的沉默。文章将全球反恐视为一种种族化的形式，认为这些沉默是白人制造和复制的。在国际社会的辩论中，白人产生了两种沉默——沉默是无声的，而口语是无声的。通过白人的棱镜来审视他们，这篇文章表明，这些沉默可以维持白人的特权。这是一种不被认定为恐怖分子的特权，也不成为反恐措施的对象，同时让这种特权被沉默和隐藏。因此，这项工作表明，作为话语形式的齿轮，沉默是种族化的，可能有颜色——在这种情况下，是白人特权的颜色。

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引用次数: 1

Security technology, urban prototyping, and the politics of failure 安全技术、城市原型和失败政治

IF 3.2 1区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Dialogue

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/09670106221139770

R. Jaffe, Francesca Pilo’

In response to broader political and corporate tendencies towards ‘techno-solutionism’, critical studies of security technology highlight the threat that security technologies pose to civil rights and democratic accountability. This article argues for a slightly different perspective: rather than taking claims of technological efficacy at face value, it explores the multiple ways in which security-related technology so frequently fails to deliver its – confidently anticipated or feared – effects. A focus on sociotechnical failure can offer more comprehensive, on-the-ground understanding of the technopolitics of security. We suggest that these politics may lie precisely in the blurring of concepts of failure and success, as ‘prototyping’ and experimentation become an increasingly powerful logic of urban governance. This argument is developed through an analysis of security interventions in Jamaica, a context characterized by high levels of violent crime. The article focuses on three technologies that have been adapted to security-related purposes: a communication channel connecting police and private security guards, a public–private CCTV network, and a smart electricity grid. Drawing on approaches from science and technology studies, the article adopts a process-oriented approach, attending to both the discourses surrounding the introduction of these technologies and their everyday interactions with their social and built environments.

针对更广泛的政治和企业倾向于“技术解决主义”，对安全技术的批判性研究强调了安全技术对公民权利和民主问责制构成的威胁。这篇文章提出了一个略有不同的观点：它没有从表面上看待技术功效的说法，而是探讨了安全相关技术经常无法产生其自信预期或令人担忧的效果的多种方式。关注社会技术失败可以提供对安全技术政治的更全面的实地理解。我们认为，随着“原型”和实验成为城市治理越来越强大的逻辑，这些政治可能恰恰在于失败和成功概念的模糊。这一论点是通过对牙买加安全干预措施的分析得出的，牙买加的暴力犯罪率很高。本文重点介绍了三种适用于安全相关目的的技术：连接警察和私人保安的通信通道、公私闭路电视网络和智能电网。本文借鉴了科学技术研究的方法，采用了一种以过程为导向的方法，关注了围绕这些技术引入的话语，以及它们与社会和建筑环境的日常互动。

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引用次数: 1

Networked security in the colonial present: Mapping infrastructures of digital surveillance and control in São Paulo 殖民时代的网络安全：圣保罗数字监控的地图基础设施

IF 3.2 1区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Dialogue

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/09670106221141340

Claudio Altenhain

The saturation of urban space with all kinds of information and communication technology–driven security devices has long since turned into a recurrent topic of both human geography and critical security studies. However, comparatively little effort has been made to analyze these technologies and infrastructures in relation to their locally specific modes of deployment. This relative failure to account for technopolitical path-dependencies may result in unilaterally positivistic descriptions, when, in fact, there is no such thing as a technopolitically and/or semantically ‘virgin’ urban fabric waiting to accommodate a new securitarian blueprint. The present article aims to address this lacuna by analyzing the introduction of a ‘smart’ surveillance system in São Paulo, Brazil. Taking as its point of departure the condomínio fechado (the ‘closed condominium’) as a locally specific urban diagram, it sets out to trace the system’s implementation along the lines of a (post)colonial topology sorting bodies and organizing circulations according to a historically entrenched pattern of social domination. Accordingly, despite its failure to significantly reduce crime rates and raise the general level of public security, the system succeeded in further normalizing a configuration in which the obsession with personal security eclipses any potential for political transformation. Its implementation thus endorses a social status quo that is both structurally violent and profoundly unequal.

各种信息和通信技术驱动的安全设备使城市空间饱和，这早已成为人文地理学和关键安全研究的一个反复出现的话题。然而，在分析这些技术和基础设施的本地特定部署模式方面，所做的工作相对较少。这种相对未能解释技术政治路径依赖性的情况可能会导致单方面的实证主义描述，而事实上，没有技术政治和/或语义上的“原始”城市结构在等待适应新的安全主义蓝图。本文旨在通过分析巴西圣保罗引入的“智能”监控系统来解决这一缺陷。以安全套（“封闭式共管公寓”）为出发点，作为一个特定于当地的城市图，它开始沿着（后）殖民地拓扑结构的路线来追踪该系统的实施，根据历史上根深蒂固的社会统治模式来分类机构和组织流通。因此，尽管该系统未能显著降低犯罪率和提高公共安全的总体水平，但它成功地使对个人安全的痴迷掩盖了任何政治变革的潜力，从而使这种配置进一步正常化。因此，它的实施认可了一种既有结构性暴力又极不平等的社会现状。

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引用次数: 2

The triangle of security governance: Sovereignty, discipline and the ‘government of things’ in Olympic Rio de Janeiro 安全治理的三角关系:主权、纪律和里约热内卢奥运中的“物之政府”

IF 3.2 1区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Dialogue

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/09670106221142142

D. Pauschinger

This article reconsiders contemporary urban security governance. Conceptually, it revisits Foucault’s governmentality lectures to comprehend how security governance is carried out in places where the use of digital security technologies co-exists with overly lethal and repressive forms of policing. The author advances his analysis by conceptualizing a triangle of security governance in which disciplinary powers of control, apparatuses of security and sovereign/necropower are at work simultaneously, complemented by a fourth dimension that takes into account what Foucault outlined in the lectures as the ‘government of things’, which is the sociotechnical relationship between the agency of humans and machines. Empirically, the article explores the technopolitical turn in urban security policies in the city of Rio de Janeiro in the wake of the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympics. Using discourses that are embedded in globalized mega-event security standards and legacy claims, authorities in Rio promoted a narrative of new material and non-material security measures that were intended both to secure the World Cup and the Olympics and to help overcome permanently entrenched urban conflicts in the city. By critically analysing these two approaches of new material and non-material security measures, the author shows how new security technologies are perfectly integrated into a continuum of death politics in Rio de Janeiro in ways that are conceptually best appreciated by considering how the triangle of security governance works in the digital era.

本文对当代城市安全治理进行了反思。从概念上讲，它重新审视了福柯的政府心理学讲座，以理解安全治理是如何在数字安全技术的使用与过度致命和镇压的警务形式共存的地方进行的。作者通过概念化安全治理的三角来推进他的分析，在这个三角中，纪律控制权、安全机构和主权/死亡权力同时发挥作用，并辅以第四个维度，该维度考虑了福柯在讲座中概述的“物的政府”，这是人的能动性和机器之间的社会技术关系。根据经验，本文探讨了2014年世界杯和2016年奥运会之后，里约热内卢市城市安全政策的技术政治转变。里约当局利用全球化大型赛事安全标准和遗产主张中的话语，宣传了新的物质和非物质安全措施，旨在确保世界杯和奥运会的安全，并帮助克服该市根深蒂固的城市冲突。通过批判性地分析这两种新的物质和非物质安全措施，作者展示了新的安全技术是如何完美地融入里约热内卢死亡政治的连续体中的，通过考虑数字时代安全治理的三角关系，这种方式在概念上最受欢迎。

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引用次数: 1

Indigenous environmental perspectives: Challenging the oceanic security state 土著环境观点：挑战海洋安全国家

IF 3.2 1区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Dialogue

Pub Date : 2023-01-31 DOI: 10.1177/09670106221139765

Tiara R. Na’puti, S. Frain

This article centers Indigenous epistemologies to critique the United States oceanic security state, a modality of militarization and blue-washing conservation that extends beyond land borders to encompass federal conceptualizations of national security throughout the Pacific Ocean. Beginning with Indigenous perspectives from Oceania, it provides examples of Indigenous peoples’ continuing connections to ocean spaces and challenges to United States colonial geographic imaginaries and militarized destruction. Then, advancing the concept of the oceanic security state, it examines how United States assertions of sovereignty over Oceania are used to justify hyper-militarization while simultaneously destroying the environment and contributing to the climate crisis. These phenomena occur while the USA remains exempt from federal environmental conservation laws through ‘blue-washing’, and the United States government benefits from the exclusion of military emission data within international climate targets. The findings reveal how militarizing all ocean space in the name of United States national security operates within delineated borders of Exclusive Economic Zones, Marine National Monuments, and Marine Protected Areas. Guided by Indigenous epistemologies, the article concludes with alternative ways of understanding ocean spaces and constructing futures of genuine security.

本文以土著认识论为中心，批判美国的海洋安全状态，这是一种超越陆地边界的军事化和蓝洗保护模式，涵盖了整个太平洋国家安全的联邦概念。从大洋洲的土著视角开始，它提供了土著人民与海洋空间的持续联系以及对美国殖民地理想象和军事化破坏的挑战的例子。然后，提出了海洋安全国家的概念，探讨了美国对大洋洲的主权主张是如何被用来为超军事化辩护的，同时又破坏了环境，加剧了气候危机。这些现象发生的同时，美国仍然通过“洗蓝”免受联邦环境保护法的约束，而美国政府则受益于将军事排放数据排除在国际气候目标之外。调查结果揭示了美国如何以国家安全的名义在划定的专属经济区、海洋国家纪念碑和海洋保护区的边界内军事化所有海洋空间。在土著认识论的指导下，本文总结了理解海洋空间和构建真正安全未来的替代方法。

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引用次数: 1