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Polnost praznine: budizem med podobo in izkustvom
Pub Date : 2022-12-29 DOI: 10.4312/ars.16.2.5-12
Nina Petek
Rdeča nit tematskega bloka pričujoče številke revije Ars & Humanitas, kot je zgovoren že njegov naslov »Polnost praznine: budizem med podobo in izkustvom«, je praznina, temeljna idejna podstat celotnega budizma, že vse od njegovih začetkov, ki jih je ob uvidu v nestalnost vsega živečega vztrajno gradil utemeljitelj tradicije Siddhartha Gavtama Buddha (ok. 560–480 pr. n. št.). Po njegovi smrti, ko se je budizem v svojem plodnem razvoju razvejal na številne tokove in šole, tudi izven meja Indije, je praznina privzela raznolike podobe, te pa druži njena bistvena lastnost, ki se pretaka skozi vsa miselna obzorja tradicije, in je povsem nasprotna običajnemu razumevanju praznine kot negativitete v smislu breztemeljnega in brezplodnega niča. V budizmu, zlasti v luči nauka o minljivosti in tesni medsebojni povezanosti vsega živečega, je praznina namreč opredeljena kot dinamična totaliteta bivajočega.
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Elimination and Construction 超越消除和建设
Pub Date : 2022-12-29 DOI: 10.4312/ars.16.2.165-178
Adnan Sivić, S. Vörös
As Zen took root in the West over the past century, there emerged a number of differing interpretations of one of its key facets, namely the question of the relationship between language and enlightenment. The two camps which came to garner the most attention in philosophical circles are eliminativism, which understands enlightenment as the cutting off of linguistic and socio-cultural categories, accomplished by arbitrary means, and constructivism, which identifies satori with the exercise of certain linguistic and cultural conventions. In the present paper, we first lay out some of the most important criticisms of these two positions, arguing that the two accounts fall into the error of either demonizing or fetishizing language, respectively, before outlining a different approach to the relationship between practice and realization, drawing on the largely neglected work of perennialist thinkers and a phenomenologically informed notion of symbolism. By taking the idea of the symbol in its double meaning, namely as that which “casts together” the culturally conditioned particularities of Zen into a unified tradition, and yet points beyond them as a “sign” of something that itself transcends all description, we propose an interpretation that can do justice both to the crucial role played by concrete practices and to the transcendent nature of their soteriological “end”.
在过去的一个世纪里,禅宗在西方生根发芽,对它的一个关键方面,即语言与启蒙之间的关系问题,出现了许多不同的解释。在哲学界最受关注的两个阵营是消除主义和建构主义,前者认为启蒙是通过任意手段切断语言和社会文化范畴,后者认为顿悟是对某些语言和文化习俗的实践。在本文中,我们首先列出了对这两种立场的一些最重要的批评,认为这两种说法分别陷入了将语言妖魔化或拜物教化的错误,然后概述了实践与实现之间关系的不同方法,借鉴了长期主义思想家的大部分被忽视的工作和现象学上的象征主义概念。通过将符号的概念置于其双重含义中,即将禅宗的文化条件特殊性“投射”到一个统一的传统中,并将其超越为超越所有描述的事物的“符号”,我们提出了一种解释,既可以公正地对待具体实践所起的关键作用,也可以公正地对待其救赎“目的”的超越性。
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引用次数: 0
Valores de universalidad y representaciones simbólicas (escritores españoles extraterritoriales) 普世价值和象征表现(域外西班牙作家)
Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.4312/ars.16.1.167-180
Enrique Baena Peña
A partir de las vanguardias, la quiebra estética del universo cerrado dio carta de naturaleza de modo agudo a la autoconciencia literaria. Asimismo, frente a una invención unívoca, lo extraterritorial asumió un papel renovador en el propio desarrollo de esta autoconciencia. Afloran en ello raíces de universalidad y de representaciones simbólicas, a partir de las propias lejanías espaciales. Una inmensa capacidad del imaginario donde no solo se desvela la utopía, junto a los procesos de persuasión, sino también el abismo de la escritura y su carácter fragmentario. Proyecciones que alentaron en el círculo de escritores tratados la rehumanización, que daba entrada a otra época, a un camino de futuro fundado en la expresividad existencial, su realización en lo histórico y los sincretismos entre poesía, filosofía, ensayo y narratividad. María Zambrano, Emilio Prados, Manuel Altolaguirre, José Gaos, José Moreno Villa, Juan David García Bacca, Luis Cernuda, Manuel Andújar, José Bergamín o Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez, entre otros, componen el conjunto de los autores que desde el exilio en México protagonizaron uno de los capítulos más relevantes de la autoconciencia literaria y estética contemporánea en el orbe hispánico.
从先锋派开始,封闭宇宙的美学崩溃以一种尖锐的方式赋予了文学自我意识的自然字母。在这种自我意识的发展中,域外因素也发挥了更新的作用,而不是单一的发明。在这里,普遍性和象征表现的根源从空间的遥远中浮现出来。这是一种巨大的想象能力,它不仅揭示了乌托邦,以及说服的过程,而且还揭示了写作的深渊及其碎片性。这些预测鼓励了作家圈的重新人性化,开启了另一个时代,一条基于存在表现力的未来之路,它在历史上的实现,以及诗歌、哲学、散文和叙事的融合。玛丽亚Zambrano Emilio草地、何塞·曼努埃尔·吉雷Gaos Juan David garcia Bacca,何塞·莫雷诺别墅Manuel Andújar jose Luis Cernuda Bergamín桑切斯或阿道夫·巴斯克斯等联合组成的起草者从流亡在墨西哥联盟最重要的一个世界当代文学和美学意识在西班牙。
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引用次数: 0
Qua maxima Roma est
Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.4312/ars.16.1.7-27
Francesca Boldrer
L’articolo approfondisce il rapporto tra la letteratura latina e il principato augusteo con attenzione alle elegie romane di Properzio. Vengono prese in esame le trasformazioni del suo genere letterario nel IV libro, ricco di nuovi temi (religiosi, eziologici, morali), sia nel contesto storico-culturale che nel rapporto con gli altri membri del circolo di Mecenate (Virgilio, Orazio), evidenziando anche i possibili influssi dell’autore sul princeps.
这篇文章深入探讨了拉丁文学和奥古斯都公国之间的关系,重点是罗马的普罗佩提乌斯。第四本书探讨了他的文学流派在历史文化背景和与赞助人圈子其他成员(维吉尔,荷瑞修)的关系方面的变化。
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引用次数: 0
“He is Human, Too” “他也是人。”
Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.4312/ars.16.1.65-75
David Movrin
The paper analyses the passage from Athanasius’ Vita Antonii, where Antony is corresponding with Constantine, Constantius and Constans, contrasting it with a very different portrayal of Constantine in Eusebius’ Vita Constantini. While Eusebius, in a famous statement, presented the emperor as a sort of a bishop, the Greek Vita Antonii tried to present a very different model, one that seems to be sceptical of the imperial power and perhaps of earthly society as such. The point was not lost on those who later developed the genre, as can be seen in the writings of Sulpicius Severus, the author of Vita Martini, written at the end of the fourth century, where the three emperors from Vita Antonii are paralleled with three different emperors, in a much sharper relief, subverting secular power and underlining the superiority of its spiritual alternative.
本文分析了亚他那修的《君士坦丁的一生》中安东尼与君士坦丁、君士坦丁、君士坦丁对应的段落,并与优西比乌斯的《君士坦丁的一生》中对君士坦丁的截然不同的描述进行了对比。优西比乌斯在一篇著名的声明中,将皇帝描述为某种主教,而希腊人维塔·安东尼则试图呈现一种截然不同的模式,一种似乎对皇权和世俗社会持怀疑态度的模式。这一点在后来发展这一流派的人身上并没有被忽视,正如在四世纪末《维塔·马蒂尼》(Vita Martini)的作者苏尔皮西乌斯·塞维鲁(Sulpicius Severus)的作品中所看到的那样,《维塔·安东尼》(Vita Antonii)的三位皇帝与三位不同的皇帝并列,以一种更加鲜明的形式,颠覆了世俗权力,强调了精神选择的优越性。
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引用次数: 0
Potere imperiale romano e strumenti eulogistici greci 罗马帝国的力量和希腊的美学工具
Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.4312/ars.16.1.29-45
E. Pitotto
Il presente articolo assume due celebri passi di Virgilio (Eneide, VI 860–886) e di Orazio (Odi, IV 2) come casi di studio per indagare la relazione fra il potere imperiale romano allo stato nascente e gli strumenti eulogistici di tradizione greca.In mancanza di modelli ellenistici specificamente riconoscibili, l’“epicedio per Marcello” sembra riproporre motivi topici della lirica celebrativa arcaica: la bellezza come simbolo esteriore di valentia; la lode come elogio non strettamente ad personam, ma da rivolgere all’intera casata del destinatario; la poesia come insostituibile strumento di gloria immortale. Lo stesso vale per l’ode ad Augusto vincitore sui Sigambri, tutta giocata sul rapporto con il modello pindarico, e condotta secondo un accorto uso della recusatio e della praeteritio che ricorda la struttura dell’“encomio a Policrate” ibiceo.Nel momento stesso in cui viene a formarsi l’impero romano, e di conseguenza si manifesta la necessità di offrirne una rappresentazione letteraria che possa diventare paradigmatica, due fra i massimi poeti augustei si volgerebbero dunque agli autori della lirica greca arcaica, noti e praticati nella Roma del tempo, di cui riprendono temi e arsenale retorico: pare emergere, insomma, una tendenza di riappropriazione retorico-letteraria, meritevole di indagini sistematiche su un campione testuale più ampio.
这篇文章采用维吉尔(Eneide, VI 860 - 886)和荷瑞修(Odi, IV 2)的两个著名步骤,作为研究新兴罗马帝国权力与希腊传统文学工具之间关系的案例研究。在缺乏具体可识别的希腊模型的情况下,“马塞洛的享乐主义”似乎再现了古代庆祝歌剧的主题:美是瓦伦西亚的外在象征;赞美不只是对个人的赞美,而是对接受者的整个家庭的赞美;诗歌是不朽荣耀的不可替代的工具。同样的道理也适用于在Sigambri上获胜的Augusto ode,所有这些都是在与pindaric模型的关系上进行的,并且是在谨慎使用恢复和praeteritio的基础上进行的,这让人想起了ibiceo的“多聚引用”结构。在这个时候被罗马帝国形成明显,因此,需要带一个范式能够成为文学代表性,因此,两个最大的诗人augustei改动和古老的希腊歌剧的作者、知名的时间,其中包括罗马和修辞手段:因此,似乎出现了一种趋势,即对更广泛的文本样本进行系统的调查。
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引用次数: 0
Od nacistične Antigone do »antifašistične« etike svetosti
Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.4312/ars.16.1.193-204
Matic Kocijančič
Martin Heidegger je svoje branje Sofoklove Antigone razgrnil v dveh znamenitih sklopih predavanj na Univerzi v Freiburgu; prvi sklop, ki ga je študentom predstavil leta 1935, je osemnajst let pozneje s popravki in dopolnitvami objavil v knjigi Uvod v metafiziko (Einführung in die Metaphysik); drugega, ki ga je naslovil Hölderlinova himna »Ister« (Hölderlins Hymne »Der Ister«), je lahko leta 1942, sredi vojne vihre, podal le v okrnjeni različici, v natisnjeni celoti pa je svetovni javnosti postal dostopen šele leta 1984.Članek preučuje razloge, zakaj je razkritje Heideggerjeve druge obravnave Antigone – ki s prvo vzpostavlja intriganten interpretativni kontrast – odigralo ključno vlogo v osrednjem filozofskem projektu Tineta Hribarja in s tem v širši slovenski recepciji mita o Antigoni od druge polovice osemdesetih let do danes.
马丁-海德格尔在弗莱堡大学的两组著名演讲中阐述了他对索福克勒斯的《安提戈涅》的解读;第一组演讲是他于 1935 年向学生们发表的,18 年后,经过修改和补充,在《形而上学导论》(Einführung in die Metaphysik)中出版;第二册,他将其命名为《荷尔德林的颂歌 "Der Ister"》(Hölderlins Hymne "Der Ister"),1942 年,在战争的风暴中,只能以简略的版本发表,直到 1984 年才以印刷品的形式与世界公众见面。海德格尔对《安提戈涅》的第二种解读与第一种解读形成了有趣的诠释对比,本文探讨了海德格尔的第二种解读为何在蒂内-赫里巴尔的核心哲学项目中发挥了至关重要的作用,从而在斯洛文尼亚从 20 世纪 80 年代后半期至今对《安提戈涅》神话的广泛接受中发挥了至关重要的作用。
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引用次数: 0
The Roman Empire as a paradigm in politics and literature 罗马帝国作为政治和文学的典范
Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.4312/ars.16.1.5-6
Marko Marinčič
This thematic issue is not simply about political appropriations of Rome and its empire in later times (e. g. Byzantium as a New Rome, the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation, the US as the final goal of the translatio imperii from the East to the West, etc.). Instead, it is dedicated to the role specific paradigmatic patterns related to the Roman Empire played in political imaginaries and literature. The initiative for this collection of papers originated in the research project “Empire and Transformation of Genre in Roman Literature”, funded by the Slovenian Research Agency (J6-2585). A live conference on the topic was planned for 2021 but had to be called off for obvious reasons. In spite of this, the virtual exchange of ideas between the contributors amounted to forming an ad hoc research group that is supposed to come together again, in person, at a forthcoming international event.
这个主题问题不仅仅是关于罗马及其帝国在后期的政治拨款(例如,拜占庭作为新罗马,德意志民族的神圣罗马帝国,美国作为从东方到西方翻译的最终目标,等等)。相反,它致力于研究与罗马帝国有关的特定范例模式在政治想象和文学中所起的作用。本文的收集源于斯洛文尼亚研究机构(J6-2585)资助的“帝国与罗马文学体裁的转变”研究项目。关于该主题的现场会议原定于2021年举行,但由于显而易见的原因不得不取消。尽管如此,贡献者之间的虚拟思想交流相当于组成了一个特别研究小组,预计在即将举行的一次国际活动中,该小组将再次亲自聚在一起。
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引用次数: 0
Kleopatra, Imperialismus und Orientalismus 埃及帝国主义和东方主义
Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.4312/ars.16.1.131-164
Darja Šterbenc Erker
Im Aufsatz werden die literarischen Bilder der Kleopatra VII analysiert, der Königin des antiken Ägypten, welche die Verbündete des Antonius in seiner Auseinandersetzung mit Oktavian war. Oktavian hat Antonius und Kleopatra in der Schlacht bei Actium im Jahr 31 v. Chr. besiegt und Alexandrien im drauffolgenden Jahr erobert. Er propagierte Antonius als den verweiblichten Ehemann der Orientalin Kleopatra, der vermeintlich in Ausschweifung und außerordentlichem Luxus gelebt und eine drohende Gefahr für das römische Imperium und den Westen verkörpert habe. Darüber hinaus werden die Transformationen untersucht, die Kleopatras Bild in verschiedenen literarischen Gattungen in der Antike unterlief, seine Rezeption in der Renaissance-Malerei und im modernen Film. Dabei wird der Orientalismusbegriff von Edward Saïd in Bezug auf Aischylos’ Perser nuanciert, um herauszustellen, dass er die Perser nicht nur als mit griechischen Sitten vertraut darstellt, sondern auch als Barbaren. Weiter wird diskutiert, wie Oktavian durch seine politische Invektive gegen Antonius das Bild von Kleopatra beeinflusst hat.Augusteische Dichter arbeiteten in ihre Gedichte einige Reflexe von Oktavians Bild der ägyptischen Königin im Einvernehmen mit den Tropen ihrer jeweiligen literarischen Gattung ein. Horaz stellt in der Epode 9 Kleopatras Ehemann Antonius in einer der Invektive ähnlichen Weise als ihren Sklaven und Eunuchen dar. Im ersten Teil der Ode 1.37 suggeriert Horaz, Kleopatra sei ein Monster und eine verruchte Königin, wohingegen er im zweiten Teil betont, dass sie ihre Niederlage mit der Würde einer guten Herrscherin angenommen habe. Römische Elegiker schildern Kleopatra passend zu den Tropen der Liebeselegie als elegische Herrin und Antonius als ihren Sklaven. Vergil inszeniert in seiner Aeneis den Zusammenprall zwischen Kleopatras Osten und dem Westen, welcher durch Augustus repräsentiert ist, aber der epische Erzählrahmen der Episode, die Ekphrasis von Aeneas’ Schild, betont ihren fiktiven Charakter und hebt die Fluidität der stereotypen Zuschreibung von Fremdheit und Weiblichkeit hervor. In der europäischen Malerei und in Filmen eignete man sich stereotype und orientalisierende Kleopatra-Bilder an. Seit der Neuzeit ist Kleopatra zu einer konstruierten Figur geworden, die häufig im Dienste der orientalistischen Machtdiskurse, des nationalstaatlichen Imperialismus und im letzten Jahrhundert auch der Käuferlenkung steht.
埃及人似乎很迷信但我们不应忘记他们的文明程度罗马求你放一百一十五年!除新生之后征服亚历山大为此他提倡安东尼是东方克莉奥佩特拉的在位丈夫,他过着放荡奢侈的生活,对罗马帝国和西方构成了威胁。此外还研究了古文艺复兴绘画和现代电影中标志性质的变迁。时,会将Orientalismusbegriff爱德华周六ïd对Aischylos”波斯人nuanciert以表明他不仅波斯人比熟悉希腊风俗之一,不仅比野蛮人.埃及艳后的埃及艳后的埃及艳后古斯图的诗人在诗中反映了屋大维对埃及女王的描述,他与不同文学家热带直接结盟。根据埃及记9章,荷拉斯把埃及人的丈夫安东尼比作宦官和奴隶。在第1,37页,霍拉茨代人说克莉奥佩特拉是一个怪物,是个邪恶的女王罗马的大象学者把埃及艳后描绘成爱的热带。他们把埃及艳后描绘成爱的太太,又称安东尼为奴隶。维利尔在自己的雪地里上演了古奥古斯都所代表的克莉奥佩特拉东部与西方的冲突,但这出事件的史诗背景,即《艾奈奈斯的盾像》(e场记)突显了其虚构的本质,并强调了人们对异族和女性的看法是很不寻常的。在欧洲绘画和电影中,人们穿戴了些欧洲人的刻板印象和拒绝以东方为主的项链。自现代以来,克罗佩特拉已成为一个虚构的人物,常常服务于东方主义的权力论调、国家帝国主义和上个世纪的侵略。
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引用次数: 0
Sallust and Jean Bodin 萨罗斯特和让·博丹
Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.4312/ars.16.1.97-111
Gregor Pobežin
One of the most recognizable thinkers of the 16th century France, Jean Bodin, wrote what is perhaps the first methodological treatise of instructions and guidelines on how to not only read and write but also understand history. With his universal interest in all things human, Bodin predated Marc Bloch’s postulate that historians should ideally be interested in all forms of life if they were to perform their task as dutifully as possible. In 1566 Bodin published one of the most frequently reprinted works, the Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem – “The Method for the Easy Understanding of History”. Although he expressed keen interest and good knowledge of a score of ancient historians, listing them in the fourth chapter of his work (De historicorum delectu – “On the Choice of Historians”), one of them was particularly close to his heart. The Roman historian Gaius Sallustius Crispus who is, according to Bodin, “a most honest author [who] possessed experience of important affairs”, provided Bodin and many of his colleagues with a model (stasis) narrative for discussing a changing world in turmoil – something Bodin was no stranger to in the time of the French religious wars. However, the explanation that it was the rhetorically efficient model narrative that inspired Bodin to copy Sallust’s argument seems unsatisfactory and biographically superficial. Instead, this paper closely analyses the Sallustian chapters that purportedly motivated Bodin’s thinking and proposes that there are little grounds in Sallust for Bodin’s legal and historical framing of absolutist sovereignty.
16世纪法国最知名的思想家之一让·博丹(Jean Bodin)撰写了可能是第一部关于如何阅读和写作以及如何理解历史的指导和指南的方法论论文。博丹对人类的一切事物都有普遍的兴趣,他早于马克·布洛赫的假设,即历史学家如果要尽可能尽职尽责地完成自己的任务,就应该对所有形式的生命都感兴趣。1566年,博丹出版了最常被转载的著作之一,《方法与便利的历史认知》——《易于理解历史的方法》。虽然他对许多古代历史学家表现出浓厚的兴趣和渊博的知识,并将他们列在他著作的第四章(De historicorum delectu——“论历史学家的选择”)中,但其中有一个人特别贴近他的心。罗马历史学家盖乌斯·萨卢斯提乌斯·克里斯普斯(Gaius Sallustius Crispus)——据博丹称,他是“一位最诚实的作家,拥有重大事务的经验”——为博丹和他的许多同事提供了一种模式(停滞)叙事,用于讨论动荡中不断变化的世界——在法国宗教战争时期,博丹对这种叙事并不陌生。然而,解释这是修辞有效的模式叙事启发博丹复制萨罗斯特的论点似乎不令人满意和传记肤浅。相反,本文仔细分析了萨勒斯特的章节,这些章节据称激发了博丹的思想,并提出在萨勒斯特中,博丹对绝对主义主权的法律和历史框架几乎没有根据。
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