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Battle for Eurasia and Failure of Vladimir Putin as an Eurasian Leader 欧亚之战和普京作为欧亚领导人的失败
Pub Date : 2020-05-20 DOI: 10.55269/eurcrossrd.1.010210003
Lady Cecily Grey
Since mid-nineteenth century, Eurasian space has always been a place of political and cultural competition of several superpowers’ national meta-narratives. Now the competition continues. Reverse post-colonialism with idea of European Union guilt before former European colonies, Muslim assault on Eurasia, idea of incessant Chinese expansion, Russian idea are the major competitors in ideological tense struggle. That who wins in this struggle, will dominate Eurasia not only in cultural sense, but politically too. A special attention is given in the paper to investigating the “Russian idea,” a set of ideological stories having emerged in late nineteenth – early twentieth centuries within Eurasianism social movement. “Russian idea” has much in common with ideas of Slavophiles as it is to emphasise Russia’s dominating role in Eurasia. The ideological and political influence of Russia on Eurasia reached its apogee at the end of the nineteenth century, during the reign of Alexander III. Now in his international Eurasian politics, Vladimir Putin obviously wishes to be a successor of the last Russian emperors. However, his administration was critically defeated in its Eurasian claims, due to internal ideological insolvency of Putin’s regime in Siberia and external factors such as Chinese economic and trading Crusade on the whole of Eurasia.
自19世纪中叶以来,欧亚空间一直是几个超级大国国家元叙事的政治文化竞争之地。现在竞争还在继续。反后殖民主义与欧盟对前欧洲殖民地的内疚,穆斯林对欧亚大陆的攻击,中国不断扩张的想法,俄罗斯的想法是意识形态紧张斗争的主要竞争者。谁在这场斗争中获胜,谁将不仅在文化意义上,而且在政治上主宰欧亚大陆。本文特别关注“俄罗斯思想”,这是19世纪末至20世纪初欧亚主义社会运动中出现的一系列意识形态故事。“俄罗斯思想”与斯拉夫派的思想有很多共同之处,因为它强调俄罗斯在欧亚大陆的主导作用。19世纪末亚历山大三世统治时期,俄罗斯对欧亚大陆的意识形态和政治影响达到了顶峰。现在,在他的国际欧亚政治中,弗拉基米尔·普京显然希望成为俄罗斯前几任皇帝的继任者。然而,由于普京政权在西伯利亚的内部意识形态破产和中国在整个欧亚大陆的经济贸易十字军东征等外部因素,他的欧亚主张遭到了严重的失败。
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引用次数: 0
Does Democracy Impede Sustainability in Eurasia? 民主会阻碍欧亚大陆的可持续发展吗?
Pub Date : 2020-02-18 DOI: 10.55269/eurcrossrd.1.020000201
W. Sassin
Volker Hauff was Federal Minister of Research and Technology of the Federal Republic of Germany. In 1983, he became a member of the World Commission on Environment and Development set up by the United Nations. The final report of this commission (Brundtland 1987), entitled "Our Common Future,“ defined "environmentally friendly, long-term sustainable development as a global task." Looking back on globalization, general growth, environmental crises and climate change, Dr Hauff recently questioned the ability of democracy to ensure sustainability to a sufficient degree. He closely interlinked notions of sustainability with human dignity. In my paper, I examine the connection global democracy – sustainability – human dignity and what it may mean for Eurasia for future generations.
沃尔克·豪夫是德意志联邦共和国研究和技术部部长。1983年,他成为联合国设立的世界环境与发展委员会的成员。该委员会题为“我们共同的未来”的最后报告(布伦特兰1987年)确定“无害环境的长期可持续发展是一项全球任务”。回顾全球化、总体增长、环境危机和气候变化,豪夫博士最近质疑民主确保可持续发展到足够程度的能力。他把可持续性的概念与人类尊严紧密地联系在一起。在我的论文中,我研究了全球民主-可持续性-人类尊严之间的联系,以及它对欧亚大陆未来几代人的意义。
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引用次数: 1
Eurasia: Dawning of New Dark Age? The G20 Meeting in Hamburg 2017, a Milestone on the Blind Alley towards Common Global Future 欧亚大陆:新黑暗时代的曙光?2017年二十国集团汉堡峰会:通往全球共同未来死胡同的里程碑
Pub Date : 2020-02-18 DOI: 10.55269/eurcrossrd.1.010000201x
W. Sassin
The globalisation of mankind as a moral and ethical justification for the installation of a worldwide domestication policy distracts the attention of leading Eurasian politicians from the actual fundamentals and detrimental threats of globalisation in the Eurasian space, especially if economic issues, investment programmes and lending are put in the foreground. These topics can relate to only short-term necessary regulation and control interventions without strategic perspectives of development of Eurasia. Such a narrow understanding of the situation creates a myth that the global expansion of the Western “value system” can continue in Eurasia indefinitely. This basic assumption of the modern "Enlightened" politics of Europeanisation of Eurasia is not just a utopia, a non-existent place like the ancient Greeks thought. It may create a dystopia, the worst place in the world. Will we live in such Eurasia like this?
人类全球化作为建立全球驯化政策的道德和伦理理由,分散了欧亚主要政治家的注意力,使他们忽视了欧亚空间全球化的实际基础和有害威胁,特别是如果经济问题,投资计划和贷款被放在前景中。这些议题可能只涉及短期必要的管制和控制干预,而没有欧亚大陆发展的战略观点。这种对形势的狭隘理解创造了一个神话,即西方“价值体系”的全球扩张可以在欧亚大陆无限期地继续下去。欧亚大陆欧洲化的现代“开明”政治的基本假设不仅仅是一个乌托邦,一个像古希腊人认为的不存在的地方。它可能会创造一个反乌托邦,世界上最糟糕的地方。我们会生活在这样的欧亚大陆吗?
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引用次数: 1
Drug Abuse and Drug Trafficking: Non-Traditional Security Threats in Central Asia 毒品滥用和毒品贩运:中亚地区的非传统安全威胁
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.55269/eurcrossrd.3.010510022
S. Biswas
The post-cold war world has become susceptible to multiple non-traditional security threats that are no less formidable than the traditional security threats. Drug trafficking poses one such serious non-traditional security threat for contemporary Eurasian space and drug abuse provides its fuel. Not only do the drugs destroy the very fabric of human resource in a region where trafficking operates and thereby reduces communities to hollow card-boxes but also such trafficking generates loads of dirty money, which fosters the growth of non-state actors engaged in subversive activities. This paper argues that in the wake of the fall of the erstwhile Soviet empire, the entire Central Asia region has become a hotbed of such non-traditional security threats which is being primarily nourished by an enormous demand for drug abuse in Russia.
冷战后世界面临多种非传统安全威胁,其可怕程度不亚于传统安全威胁。毒品贩运对当代欧亚空间构成了严重的非传统安全威胁,而毒品滥用则为其火上浇油。毒品不仅破坏了一个有贩运活动的地区的人力资源结构,从而使社区沦为空洞的纸盒,而且这种贩运产生了大量的脏钱,促进了从事颠覆活动的非国家行为者的增长。本文认为,随着前苏联帝国的垮台,整个中亚地区已成为这种非传统安全威胁的温床,这种威胁主要是由俄罗斯对毒品滥用的巨大需求所滋养的。
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引用次数: 0
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Eurasian Crossroads
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