Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-101-113
D. I. Kaminchenko
The author studies the image of a regional leader in the communicative field of the Internet space. The objectives of the study are to establish thematic intentions in the symbolic content of the leader image, to display the ways of their implementation, as well as to identify the features of communication with other representatives of authorities and society. Based on the theory of the information society, the author analyzes the content of news messages posted on the official website of the Government of the Nizhny Novgorod Region for the period from November 27, 2021, to June 9, 2022, containing a mention of the head of the region. The study uses a set of applied methods, including quantitative content-analysis, network data analysis and linguistic analysis. The results of the study are visualized in the form of tag clouds and a thematic graph. The results show that the idea of goal achievement is the key one presented in the image of a political leader. The main topics of the image content were the interaction between authorities of various levels, economic development and construction, crisis management in the region, launching new projects and breakthrough decisions, and lastly close interaction between Russian regions and the center.
{"title":"COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS OF A REGIONAL LEADER’S IMAGE (BASED ON THE OFFICIAL WEBSITE MATERIALS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE NIZHNY NOVGOROD REGION)","authors":"D. I. Kaminchenko","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-101-113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-101-113","url":null,"abstract":"The author studies the image of a regional leader in the communicative field of the Internet space. The objectives of the study are to establish thematic intentions in the symbolic content of the leader image, to display the ways of their implementation, as well as to identify the features of communication with other representatives of authorities and society. Based on the theory of the information society, the author analyzes the content of news messages posted on the official website of the Government of the Nizhny Novgorod Region for the period from November 27, 2021, to June 9, 2022, containing a mention of the head of the region. The study uses a set of applied methods, including quantitative content-analysis, network data analysis and linguistic analysis. The results of the study are visualized in the form of tag clouds and a thematic graph. The results show that the idea of goal achievement is the key one presented in the image of a political leader. The main topics of the image content were the interaction between authorities of various levels, economic development and construction, crisis management in the region, launching new projects and breakthrough decisions, and lastly close interaction between Russian regions and the center.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135562029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-5-14
M. Y. Martynov
The article discusses the prerequisites for the inclusion of an article on local government in the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 1993. The study shows that at the time there were no objective prerequisites for the formation of local government in Russia in a radical form of local government bodies operating outside from the system of state authorities. Such a scenario was not considered in public discourse up till 1993. It emerged reactively in the context of a political confrontation between the Supreme Soviet and the presidential government in 1993. Soviet officials, in charge of local administrations during the collapse of the Soviet system of power, were the political force interested in such a radical move. In exchange for political support, the presidential draft of the constitution included a clause stating that local authorities are not part of the system of public administration. After political struggles get resolved, the need for the institution of local government disappears. Similar cases in Russian history were also caused by situational political reasons. Hence it is possible to talk about cases of local government emergence in Russia as a special fluctuating political reality. There are limits to institutional methodology, which absolutizes the role of institutions in solving problems of social development.
{"title":"LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN RUSSIA AS A FLUCTUATING POLITICAL REALITY (DEDICATED TO THE 30TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE ESTABLISHMENT OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT BY THE CONSTITUTION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION)","authors":"M. Y. Martynov","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-5-14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-5-14","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the prerequisites for the inclusion of an article on local government in the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 1993. The study shows that at the time there were no objective prerequisites for the formation of local government in Russia in a radical form of local government bodies operating outside from the system of state authorities. Such a scenario was not considered in public discourse up till 1993. It emerged reactively in the context of a political confrontation between the Supreme Soviet and the presidential government in 1993. Soviet officials, in charge of local administrations during the collapse of the Soviet system of power, were the political force interested in such a radical move. In exchange for political support, the presidential draft of the constitution included a clause stating that local authorities are not part of the system of public administration. After political struggles get resolved, the need for the institution of local government disappears. Similar cases in Russian history were also caused by situational political reasons. Hence it is possible to talk about cases of local government emergence in Russia as a special fluctuating political reality. There are limits to institutional methodology, which absolutizes the role of institutions in solving problems of social development.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135609736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-78-87
Zhang Yuyan
Based on the analysis of official documents of Turkic Council, Organization of Turkic States and the relevant media reports, the article examines the origin, motives, features and influence of Organization of Turkic States. The analysis shows that the internal structure of the Organization is highly systematized. Currently, OTS sets great development plans, although its five member-countries and two observer-countries have different aspirations. OTS has striking geopolitical features in terms of level of representation in Turkic-speaking populations. The author concludes that the prospects of OTS are limited by several conditions. First, the lack of internal motivation. Secondly, the absence of a continuous geographical space, which hinders the process of Turkic integration. Thirdly, the diversity of the geopolitical and geo-economic interests of its members and observer countries weakens the effectiveness of their collective actions. Fourthly, the efforts of the newly independent states to create a titular nation somewhat contradict the goals of Turkic integration. Moreover, OTS’s desire for integration in a wider space is a distant goal lacking strong leadership. However, OTS influences Central Asia, the ideological struggles of the respective countries, the initiative of the "Belt and Road" and the game of Major powers. In particular, the OTS is a serious challenge for Russia in its national security and foreign interests.
{"title":"ORGANIZATION OF TURKIC STATES: ORIGIN, MOTIVES, PARTICULARITIES AND INFLUENCE","authors":"Zhang Yuyan","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-78-87","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-78-87","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the analysis of official documents of Turkic Council, Organization of Turkic States and the relevant media reports, the article examines the origin, motives, features and influence of Organization of Turkic States. The analysis shows that the internal structure of the Organization is highly systematized. Currently, OTS sets great development plans, although its five member-countries and two observer-countries have different aspirations. OTS has striking geopolitical features in terms of level of representation in Turkic-speaking populations. The author concludes that the prospects of OTS are limited by several conditions. First, the lack of internal motivation. Secondly, the absence of a continuous geographical space, which hinders the process of Turkic integration. Thirdly, the diversity of the geopolitical and geo-economic interests of its members and observer countries weakens the effectiveness of their collective actions. Fourthly, the efforts of the newly independent states to create a titular nation somewhat contradict the goals of Turkic integration. Moreover, OTS’s desire for integration in a wider space is a distant goal lacking strong leadership. However, OTS influences Central Asia, the ideological struggles of the respective countries, the initiative of the \"Belt and Road\" and the game of Major powers. In particular, the OTS is a serious challenge for Russia in its national security and foreign interests.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135561086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-70-77
G. V. Kotsur
The article focuses on the recent geopolitical turn in the EU policy. Conceptually it presupposes the introduction of two notions into the official discourse of Brussels – strategic sovereignty and strategic autonomy. This move caused ambivalent response: traditionally the EU denied geopolitical thinking, sovereignty and balance of power. Moreover, the very identity of the project was based on explicit opposition to those notions. The purpose of the article is to show that there is no contradiction between these two poles. Through the prism of critical geopolitics, the author studies the key EU foreign policy texts and reveals that the normative universalism of Brussels has always been expressed through a certain vision of political geography, namely, the spatially-temporal symbolic mapping. It contains three components. First, the metaphor of a «path» or a «way» that structures reality by placing phenomena and events one after another. Secondly, the model, which turns this path into an ideological vector. The EU presents itself as a model in the official discourse. Thirdly, the European Union places different countries and entire regions along this normative route. Geopolitical concepts of strategic sovereignty and autonomy do not contradict this pattern, but rather continue it at a new stage.
{"title":"GEOPOLITICAL TURN OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: THE CONCEPTUAL REVOLUTION OR CONTINUATION OF THE TRADITION?","authors":"G. V. Kotsur","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-70-77","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-70-77","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the recent geopolitical turn in the EU policy. Conceptually it presupposes the introduction of two notions into the official discourse of Brussels – strategic sovereignty and strategic autonomy. This move caused ambivalent response: traditionally the EU denied geopolitical thinking, sovereignty and balance of power. Moreover, the very identity of the project was based on explicit opposition to those notions. The purpose of the article is to show that there is no contradiction between these two poles. Through the prism of critical geopolitics, the author studies the key EU foreign policy texts and reveals that the normative universalism of Brussels has always been expressed through a certain vision of political geography, namely, the spatially-temporal symbolic mapping. It contains three components. First, the metaphor of a «path» or a «way» that structures reality by placing phenomena and events one after another. Secondly, the model, which turns this path into an ideological vector. The EU presents itself as a model in the official discourse. Thirdly, the European Union places different countries and entire regions along this normative route. Geopolitical concepts of strategic sovereignty and autonomy do not contradict this pattern, but rather continue it at a new stage.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135562545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-71-81
N. N. Samsonova
The article studies the features of reflection of a traumatic event in the collective memory of ethnocultural communities on the example of the consequences of the Bolshevik policy of decossackization. The conceptual foundations of the study are psychoanalytic and sociocultural approaches to the study of historical trauma as a social phenomenon, united by the collective memory of negative experiences as a source of trauma. The research is based on the materials of online communities dedicated to history, culture and revival of the Cossacks. The first stage of the study is devoted to the main elements of the traumatic narrative of decossackization (based on the model of J. Alexander). At the second stage of the study, the author, using a qualitative non-directional content analysis, names the main aspects of traumatic transformation of a collective identity of the ethno-cultural community. Society functions based on a rigid concept of the world with categorical value judgments, built on a highly conflict-prone "friend or foe" scheme. The traumatic event turns into an independent factor in the formation of a new collective identity to replace the lost one and mediates the creation of interpretations of the historical past. This trend amplifies the separation of the traumatized ethno-cultural group from the community.
{"title":"TRAUMA OF DECOSSACKIZATION IN THE COLLECTIVE MEMORY OF CULTURAL AND ETHNIC COMMUNITY","authors":"N. N. Samsonova","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-71-81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-71-81","url":null,"abstract":"The article studies the features of reflection of a traumatic event in the collective memory of ethnocultural communities on the example of the consequences of the Bolshevik policy of decossackization. The conceptual foundations of the study are psychoanalytic and sociocultural approaches to the study of historical trauma as a social phenomenon, united by the collective memory of negative experiences as a source of trauma. The research is based on the materials of online communities dedicated to history, culture and revival of the Cossacks. The first stage of the study is devoted to the main elements of the traumatic narrative of decossackization (based on the model of J. Alexander). At the second stage of the study, the author, using a qualitative non-directional content analysis, names the main aspects of traumatic transformation of a collective identity of the ethno-cultural community. Society functions based on a rigid concept of the world with categorical value judgments, built on a highly conflict-prone \"friend or foe\" scheme. The traumatic event turns into an independent factor in the formation of a new collective identity to replace the lost one and mediates the creation of interpretations of the historical past. This trend amplifies the separation of the traumatized ethno-cultural group from the community.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135609469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-5-11
A. A. Girinsky
This article analyzes the political and philosophical views of the Russian philosopher and sociologist F.A. Stepun. The study briefly outlines his views on the nature of politics, as well as the basic principles of building it in the era of ideocracies and the triumph of ''secular utopias''. Stepun's article "Christianity and Politics'' (1933), where he proclaims the basic principles of his political doctrine, forms the basis for this study. Stepun argues that Western modernity, due to its abandonment of Christian cultural foundations, is at risk of "sacralization" of the political, turning politics into a tool for radical correction of human life on secular grounds. Stepun believes this view is dangerous, as it leads to an increase in violence and the emergence of radical utopian ideologies. Instead, Stepun proposes a return to the principles of "political realism". The study presents the point of view that Stepun's idea is an organic continuation and development of the main line of Russian political philosophy. Its main objective used to be the "conservative legitimization" of the Western project of modernity, designed to find the necessary philosophical tools for the rehabilitation of the Christian foundations of culture in the world of "modernity".
{"title":"POLITICAL REALISM AS THE EMBODIMENT OF CHRISTIAN POLITICS: THE CONCEPT OF F.A. STEPUN","authors":"A. A. Girinsky","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-5-11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-5-11","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the political and philosophical views of the Russian philosopher and sociologist F.A. Stepun. The study briefly outlines his views on the nature of politics, as well as the basic principles of building it in the era of ideocracies and the triumph of ''secular utopias''. Stepun's article \"Christianity and Politics'' (1933), where he proclaims the basic principles of his political doctrine, forms the basis for this study. Stepun argues that Western modernity, due to its abandonment of Christian cultural foundations, is at risk of \"sacralization\" of the political, turning politics into a tool for radical correction of human life on secular grounds. Stepun believes this view is dangerous, as it leads to an increase in violence and the emergence of radical utopian ideologies. Instead, Stepun proposes a return to the principles of \"political realism\". The study presents the point of view that Stepun's idea is an organic continuation and development of the main line of Russian political philosophy. Its main objective used to be the \"conservative legitimization\" of the Western project of modernity, designed to find the necessary philosophical tools for the rehabilitation of the Christian foundations of culture in the world of \"modernity\".","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135659256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-12-20
M. W. Kyrchanoff
This study analyzes the current memory policy in modern-day Hungary during the early 2020s. The author studies the role and place of intellectual communities as the main spaces of the genesis of memory and the functioning of memorial cultures and collective historical memory in modern social and political thought of Hungary. The article demonstrates that the intellectual community, as a systemic component of contemporary Hungarian society, plays a vital role in developing and transforming memorial culture. Additionally, Hungarian intellectual agents of historical memory politics and shapers of various memorial cultures engage in a spectrum of memorial practices that range from historical revisionism to attempts to create a liberal memorial canon. Thirdly, the memorial practices of the modern intellectual community are linked to the development of nationalist discourse, represented by ethnic and civic nationalisms. Besides, the participation of intellectuals in memorial politics actualizes the political and ideological heterogeneity of modern Hungarian society, contributing to the simultaneous development and competition of various forms of historical memories, stimulating memorial confrontations and memory wars. It is assumed that the role of society in the historical politics of modern Hungary will increase, and intellectuals as memory activists will remain among the main active participants of memorial politics.
{"title":"HISTORICAL POLICY AND MEMORIAL CULTURE OF MODERN HUNGARIAN SOCIETY","authors":"M. W. Kyrchanoff","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-12-20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-12-20","url":null,"abstract":"This study analyzes the current memory policy in modern-day Hungary during the early 2020s. The author studies the role and place of intellectual communities as the main spaces of the genesis of memory and the functioning of memorial cultures and collective historical memory in modern social and political thought of Hungary. The article demonstrates that the intellectual community, as a systemic component of contemporary Hungarian society, plays a vital role in developing and transforming memorial culture. Additionally, Hungarian intellectual agents of historical memory politics and shapers of various memorial cultures engage in a spectrum of memorial practices that range from historical revisionism to attempts to create a liberal memorial canon. Thirdly, the memorial practices of the modern intellectual community are linked to the development of nationalist discourse, represented by ethnic and civic nationalisms. Besides, the participation of intellectuals in memorial politics actualizes the political and ideological heterogeneity of modern Hungarian society, contributing to the simultaneous development and competition of various forms of historical memories, stimulating memorial confrontations and memory wars. It is assumed that the role of society in the historical politics of modern Hungary will increase, and intellectuals as memory activists will remain among the main active participants of memorial politics.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135659493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-5-19
K. L. Zuykina
The paper presents a research of structural features of informal and official types of political communities within the VK (VKontakte) social network. To collect data from political communities, the author has developed a script that allows parsing data from the VK by the number of friends of each participant within a community (social capital of community participants), as well as getting data on comments left by participants on public pages. Despite the initially different positioning of the two types of communities, political communities of different types are appeared to have a similar social and communicative structures, owing to the topics of communities and their goals. However, informal communities feature a more uneven distribution of participants: there are several leaders in groups forming their clusters inside the public page, and the number of participants with 1 or 2 friends in a group or no friends at all (“observers”) is much higher there. Simultaneously, official public pages have a high density and a quite high clustering coefficient, which suggests that at the right moment those communities' offline political activity can be used to organize people online. Moreover, unofficial public pages embrace a large number of actors with a high degree of intermediaсу.
{"title":"STRUCTURAL CHARACTERISTICS OF POLITICAL GROUPS WITHIN THE “VK” SOCIAL NETWORK: COMMUNICATIVE ASPECT","authors":"K. L. Zuykina","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-5-19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-5-19","url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents a research of structural features of informal and official types of political communities within the VK (VKontakte) social network. To collect data from political communities, the author has developed a script that allows parsing data from the VK by the number of friends of each participant within a community (social capital of community participants), as well as getting data on comments left by participants on public pages. Despite the initially different positioning of the two types of communities, political communities of different types are appeared to have a similar social and communicative structures, owing to the topics of communities and their goals. However, informal communities feature a more uneven distribution of participants: there are several leaders in groups forming their clusters inside the public page, and the number of participants with 1 or 2 friends in a group or no friends at all (“observers”) is much higher there. Simultaneously, official public pages have a high density and a quite high clustering coefficient, which suggests that at the right moment those communities' offline political activity can be used to organize people online. Moreover, unofficial public pages embrace a large number of actors with a high degree of intermediaсу.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135561075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-20-29
G. A. Grachev
The article proposes to assess party systems using the Hoover Index (HI) and the Pareto curve skewness coefficient, PAC. Conceptually, HI is one of the simplest and most intuitive measures of inequality concentration, designed to determine the proportion of votes that must be redistributed from parties that received at least the average number of votes in elections to other parties in order to achieve an even distribution of votes. The PAC determines which parties contribute the most to overall party inequality as measured by HI. For the typology of inequality concentration in party systems, the generalized Pareto principle is used. When applying the new concept to the analysis of party systems in 18 European countries (158 electoral cases), it was found that most of them had a left-wing skewness of the Pareto curve and a concentration of inequality close to the proportion of the Pareto principle. The proposed method for assessing party systems can be considered as an independent tool, or as an addition to the currently widely used Laakso-Taagepera effective numbers of parties.
{"title":"ANALYSIS OF PARTY SYSTEMS BY MEASURES OF CONCENTRATION OF INEQUALITY AND ASYMMETRY OF THE PARETO CURVE","authors":"G. A. Grachev","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-20-29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-20-29","url":null,"abstract":"The article proposes to assess party systems using the Hoover Index (HI) and the Pareto curve skewness coefficient, PAC. Conceptually, HI is one of the simplest and most intuitive measures of inequality concentration, designed to determine the proportion of votes that must be redistributed from parties that received at least the average number of votes in elections to other parties in order to achieve an even distribution of votes. The PAC determines which parties contribute the most to overall party inequality as measured by HI. For the typology of inequality concentration in party systems, the generalized Pareto principle is used. When applying the new concept to the analysis of party systems in 18 European countries (158 electoral cases), it was found that most of them had a left-wing skewness of the Pareto curve and a concentration of inequality close to the proportion of the Pareto principle. The proposed method for assessing party systems can be considered as an independent tool, or as an addition to the currently widely used Laakso-Taagepera effective numbers of parties.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135562033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-60-70
A. V. Selezneva, N. S. Skipin, E. A. Turkov
The study focuses on the lexico-semantic aspect of the political morality of modern Russian youth and is based on a set of methodological principles of political psychology and moral philosophy. The concepts presented in the article demonstrate that young people in Russia are forming a new political morality in terms of its semantic focuses. Based on traditional and new concepts with both immanent and introduced moral content, the political consciousness of Russian youth develops new ethical criteria for evaluating politics. These criteria are formulated as moral postulates of "give both to others and to oneself" with respect to politicians, and "I get everything and share with no one" with respect to oneself. The psychological significance of the criteria for the overall system of moral norms of youth is the elimination of a number of ethical constraints and the strengthening of egocentric, hedonistic and pragmatic attitudes in the minds of young people at the expense of subjective moral action. The analysis of the concepts revealed that the political morality of young Russians is characterized by an eclectic mix of content and meaning, fragmentation, cognitive simplicity, and emotional intensity, all of which limit its identification and motivational potential.
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