Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-49-59
E. V. Bulipopova
In this article, the US political mythology, its main symbols, archetypes and plots are analyzed within the framework of the original methodological model - the so-called "map of the collective soul", developed by M. Stein on the basis of the psychoanalytic theory of K.G. Jung. The author applies the Jungian model to the study of political and mythological material, based on the objective commonality of the roots from which both various socio-political myths and individual archetypal contents grow. This common ground is the space of the collective unconscious, the territory of a specific mass psychodynamics, where trauma gives rise to a complex, and a complex produces a myth. The study of American political mythology from this point of view provides valuable theoretical material that helps to understand the specifics of the mentality and identity of Americans, as well as the models on which the popular US political discourse is built.
{"title":"US POLITICAL MYTHOLOGY WITHIN JUNGIAN MODEL OF THE COLLECTIVE SOUL","authors":"E. V. Bulipopova","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-49-59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-49-59","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, the US political mythology, its main symbols, archetypes and plots are analyzed within the framework of the original methodological model - the so-called \"map of the collective soul\", developed by M. Stein on the basis of the psychoanalytic theory of K.G. Jung. The author applies the Jungian model to the study of political and mythological material, based on the objective commonality of the roots from which both various socio-political myths and individual archetypal contents grow. This common ground is the space of the collective unconscious, the territory of a specific mass psychodynamics, where trauma gives rise to a complex, and a complex produces a myth. The study of American political mythology from this point of view provides valuable theoretical material that helps to understand the specifics of the mentality and identity of Americans, as well as the models on which the popular US political discourse is built.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135562298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-33-44
K. P. Turceva
Environmental governance is one of the practices of the regional authorities' activities to influence various categories of nature users in order to change their behavior. Various methods are used to quantify the process of environmental governance, among which is the assessment of the intensity of environmental regulation, focused on identifying the degree of activity and effectiveness of measures taken by the state to prevent damage to the environment. In this paper, we will attempt to adapt this indicator to the analysis of the environmental activities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. Furthermore, we will try to demonstrate that the change in its value is influenced by the degree of development of regional environmental legislation, the effectiveness of the implementation of regional state programs and environmental cooperation between neighboring regions. It is proposed to analyze the intensity of environmental regulation in the Russian context as an assessment of the effectiveness of direct measures of regional authorities to prevent and eliminate environmental pollution.
{"title":"ENVIRONMENTAL GOVERNANCE IN RUSSIA: DYNAMICS OF THE INTENSITY OF ENVIRONMENTAL REGULATION","authors":"K. P. Turceva","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-33-44","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-33-44","url":null,"abstract":"Environmental governance is one of the practices of the regional authorities' activities to influence various categories of nature users in order to change their behavior. Various methods are used to quantify the process of environmental governance, among which is the assessment of the intensity of environmental regulation, focused on identifying the degree of activity and effectiveness of measures taken by the state to prevent damage to the environment. In this paper, we will attempt to adapt this indicator to the analysis of the environmental activities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. Furthermore, we will try to demonstrate that the change in its value is influenced by the degree of development of regional environmental legislation, the effectiveness of the implementation of regional state programs and environmental cooperation between neighboring regions. It is proposed to analyze the intensity of environmental regulation in the Russian context as an assessment of the effectiveness of direct measures of regional authorities to prevent and eliminate environmental pollution.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135659498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-75-84
K. Yu. Zamyatin
The text reviews the book by analysing the content of the book itself and providing the context of international scientific research on language and society. The text of the book is analysed sequentially, starting with the introduction and continuing from chapter to chapter. At the end, a conclusion is drawn on the significance of the book for the development of Russian scholarship and for the applied efforts of scholars in the field of language policy. The book raises as its organising principle the key problem of interdisciplinarity in language policy research and represents one of the rare attempts in Russian science to study language policy from the perspective of political science. Such a research perspective is especially relevant in Russia nowadays, when every year new official documents regulating various aspects of language life are developed, from the formulation of conceptual foundations of state policy in this sphere to the approval of language norms and the realisation of other applied aspects. The authors rightly assume that from the point of view of policy effectiveness, one of the main issues is the issue of agency, the plurality of policy actors and the importance of their participation in policy formation.
{"title":"FOR STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM OF STUDYING LANGUAGE POLICY AS A PUBLIC POLICY: REFLECTIONS ON THE MONOGRAPH OF N. M. MUKHARYAMOV AND O. B. YANUSH \"LANGUAGE DEVICE OF THE RUSSIAN SOCIETY: FACTORS OF POLITICAL DYNAMICS” (KAZAN, 2022)","authors":"K. Yu. Zamyatin","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-75-84","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-75-84","url":null,"abstract":"The text reviews the book by analysing the content of the book itself and providing the context of international scientific research on language and society. The text of the book is analysed sequentially, starting with the introduction and continuing from chapter to chapter. At the end, a conclusion is drawn on the significance of the book for the development of Russian scholarship and for the applied efforts of scholars in the field of language policy. The book raises as its organising principle the key problem of interdisciplinarity in language policy research and represents one of the rare attempts in Russian science to study language policy from the perspective of political science. Such a research perspective is especially relevant in Russia nowadays, when every year new official documents regulating various aspects of language life are developed, from the formulation of conceptual foundations of state policy in this sphere to the approval of language norms and the realisation of other applied aspects. The authors rightly assume that from the point of view of policy effectiveness, one of the main issues is the issue of agency, the plurality of policy actors and the importance of their participation in policy formation.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135659795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-39-47
D. M. Semenova, S. A. Kudryavtsev
The relevance of the research is connected with the need to form its own policy and strategy for the development of the ESG agenda in the political space of Russia in the new international and geopolitical conditions. The current international and domestic political situation requires a special approach to understanding and identifying existing risks in the field of forming the ESG agenda. The purpose of the study is to identify the main risks in the political space within the framework of the ESG agenda formation process in modern Russia. In this research, we propose a broader understanding of political risk as a situation of uncertainty that can negatively and positively affect the political situation and stakeholders. The main research methods are content analysis, SWOT analysis, as well as qualitative risk assessment methods: the development of a probability and impact matrix. The results of the study show that a large number of stakeholders (representatives of various political groups and organizations) are involved in the discussion of the topic and the implementation of the ESG agenda in the Russian space. The study identified risk groups with the greatest impact, primarily legal and financial. Also, risks with a high degree of influence are the risks of strategic planning.
{"title":"ESG IN THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF MODERN RUSSIA: KEY RISKS","authors":"D. M. Semenova, S. A. Kudryavtsev","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-39-47","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-39-47","url":null,"abstract":"The relevance of the research is connected with the need to form its own policy and strategy for the development of the ESG agenda in the political space of Russia in the new international and geopolitical conditions. The current international and domestic political situation requires a special approach to understanding and identifying existing risks in the field of forming the ESG agenda. The purpose of the study is to identify the main risks in the political space within the framework of the ESG agenda formation process in modern Russia. In this research, we propose a broader understanding of political risk as a situation of uncertainty that can negatively and positively affect the political situation and stakeholders. The main research methods are content analysis, SWOT analysis, as well as qualitative risk assessment methods: the development of a probability and impact matrix. The results of the study show that a large number of stakeholders (representatives of various political groups and organizations) are involved in the discussion of the topic and the implementation of the ESG agenda in the Russian space. The study identified risk groups with the greatest impact, primarily legal and financial. Also, risks with a high degree of influence are the risks of strategic planning.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135609481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-65-74
E. A. Varfolomeev
Using the past for political purposes is a powerful tool in the formation of identities. Post-Soviet countries demonstrate various strategies when dealing with the memory of the past. This article focuses on the political use of the topic of the famine of 1932-1933 in Kazakhstan. This topic is usually associated with Ukraine, however, starting from 2012, the famine of 1932-1933 has become one of the tools for shaping national identity in Kazakhstan. This article uses Yanow and van Hulst's dynamic frame analysis to determine the dynamics of famine framing in the speeches of Kazakhstan's presidents and their representatives. The central question of this article is how the famine of 1932-1933 is framed by the ruling elite, and what common and distinctive features can be identified through comparison with the famine framing in competing narratives. The analysis shows that the ruling elites of Kazakhstan present the famine as an artificially created tragedy without focusing on the culprit. The constructed official narrative thus differs from rival narratives in its diplomatic language. This both helps to maintain internal balance and avoids memory wars in the international arena, which distinguishes the case of Kazakhstan from the case of Ukraine.
{"title":"INSTRUMENTALIZATION OF THE SUBJECT OF THE FAMINE OF 1932‒1933 IN THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN: FRAME ANALYSIS OF PUBLIC SPEECHES OF THE REPUBLIC'S LEADERSHIP","authors":"E. A. Varfolomeev","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-65-74","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-65-74","url":null,"abstract":"Using the past for political purposes is a powerful tool in the formation of identities. Post-Soviet countries demonstrate various strategies when dealing with the memory of the past. This article focuses on the political use of the topic of the famine of 1932-1933 in Kazakhstan. This topic is usually associated with Ukraine, however, starting from 2012, the famine of 1932-1933 has become one of the tools for shaping national identity in Kazakhstan. This article uses Yanow and van Hulst's dynamic frame analysis to determine the dynamics of famine framing in the speeches of Kazakhstan's presidents and their representatives. The central question of this article is how the famine of 1932-1933 is framed by the ruling elite, and what common and distinctive features can be identified through comparison with the famine framing in competing narratives. The analysis shows that the ruling elites of Kazakhstan present the famine as an artificially created tragedy without focusing on the culprit. The constructed official narrative thus differs from rival narratives in its diplomatic language. This both helps to maintain internal balance and avoids memory wars in the international arena, which distinguishes the case of Kazakhstan from the case of Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135660064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-60-69
D. S. Plotnikov
The article describes the process of Ukrainian authorities opting for the formation of a mono-linguistic strategy (after the collapse of the USSR), which was met with sharp rejection in Russia, and perceived as a tool for "reforging" the Russian population, which, as a result of the collapse of the USSR, found itself outside the borders of modern Russia. The materials of the article confirm the thesis that the Ukrainian language policy serves as a factor in the transformation of not only Ukrainian, but also Russian identity. The idea of protecting the Russian-speaking population acquired ideological forms, embodied in the concept of the “Russian world”. The article analyses the reaction of leading Ukrainian political actors to compromise solution of language issue, expressed in the adoption of the law on "regional languages" in 2012, which gives the right to regions and municipalities to use "languages of national minorities" along with Ukrainian. The abolition of the norm on regional languages in 2014 was one of the reasons for the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine; and the situation of 2022 has led to a new turn in the language policy in Ukraine, the use of the Ukrainian language as a key marker of identity and a resource for political struggle.
{"title":"LANGUAGE POLICY IN UKRAINE AS A FACTOR OF RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS","authors":"D. S. Plotnikov","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-60-69","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-60-69","url":null,"abstract":"The article describes the process of Ukrainian authorities opting for the formation of a mono-linguistic strategy (after the collapse of the USSR), which was met with sharp rejection in Russia, and perceived as a tool for \"reforging\" the Russian population, which, as a result of the collapse of the USSR, found itself outside the borders of modern Russia. The materials of the article confirm the thesis that the Ukrainian language policy serves as a factor in the transformation of not only Ukrainian, but also Russian identity. The idea of protecting the Russian-speaking population acquired ideological forms, embodied in the concept of the “Russian world”. The article analyses the reaction of leading Ukrainian political actors to compromise solution of language issue, expressed in the adoption of the law on \"regional languages\" in 2012, which gives the right to regions and municipalities to use \"languages of national minorities\" along with Ukrainian. The abolition of the norm on regional languages in 2014 was one of the reasons for the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine; and the situation of 2022 has led to a new turn in the language policy in Ukraine, the use of the Ukrainian language as a key marker of identity and a resource for political struggle.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135561547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-85-95
P. V. Panov
Sociocultural, economic, geographical and other heterogeneity of states in a cross-territorial sense is often politicized and results in the rise of self-determination movements and political-territorial conflicts. In search of an answer to the question of which ways of managing political-territorial diversity are more effective, quantitative large-N comparative studies are being conducted by many scholars. These studies require the systematization and integration of large amounts of information on various aspects of the problem: the characteristics of conflicts, movements for self-determination, state policies on conflict management. This ambitious task is not yet fully solved, and the paper presents an overview of several databases that can become the basis for such integration, showing their strengths and limitations, opportunities and difficulties of integration. The main problem with this approach is likely to be that different data sets are based on different units of observation: conflicts, ethnic groups, countries, separate regions, etc. Moreover, even with the same units of observation, dissimilar criteria are used to include them in the dataset. In some datasets, there is a selection bias, which also impedes data integration.
{"title":"POLITICAL-TERRITORIAL HETEROGENEITY, CONFLICTS, AND INSTITUTIONAL SOLUTIONS: THE STATE AND PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF DATABASES FOR QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH","authors":"P. V. Panov","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-85-95","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-3-85-95","url":null,"abstract":"Sociocultural, economic, geographical and other heterogeneity of states in a cross-territorial sense is often politicized and results in the rise of self-determination movements and political-territorial conflicts. In search of an answer to the question of which ways of managing political-territorial diversity are more effective, quantitative large-N comparative studies are being conducted by many scholars. These studies require the systematization and integration of large amounts of information on various aspects of the problem: the characteristics of conflicts, movements for self-determination, state policies on conflict management. This ambitious task is not yet fully solved, and the paper presents an overview of several databases that can become the basis for such integration, showing their strengths and limitations, opportunities and difficulties of integration. The main problem with this approach is likely to be that different data sets are based on different units of observation: conflicts, ethnic groups, countries, separate regions, etc. Moreover, even with the same units of observation, dissimilar criteria are used to include them in the dataset. In some datasets, there is a selection bias, which also impedes data integration.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135659504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-30-38
E. A. Sedashov, K. A. Krikunov
The article is devoted to the study of the influence of the facts of conflict of interest on the electoral support of politicians. To identify causality in the Russian sample, a vignette experiment was conducted, in which respondents received various facts about the biography of candidates. Respondents were asked to answer questions about the attractiveness of politicians and the potential desire to vote for them based on the information received. According to the results of the study, it was found that the disclosure of the facts of the existence of a conflict of interest has a direct impact on the level of support for candidates in individual cases. The effect is significant if the politician has previously demonstrated high performance in the implementation of socio-economic policy. On the contrary, potential voters turned out to be tolerant of information about a conflict of interest in case of inefficiency of politicians in previous periods. The empirical results obtained are partially consistent with previous experiments in other countries and contribute to the discussion about building the election campaign of incumbents. Separately, the article highlights the methodological features of conducting experiments in the social sciences, including the potential limitations imposed by the chosen design on the interpretation of the empirical results obtained.
{"title":"CONFLICT OF INTEREST, POLICY EFFECTIVENESS, AND ELECTORAL SUPPORT: EVIDENCE FROM A SURVEY EXPERIMENT","authors":"E. A. Sedashov, K. A. Krikunov","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-30-38","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-30-38","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the study of the influence of the facts of conflict of interest on the electoral support of politicians. To identify causality in the Russian sample, a vignette experiment was conducted, in which respondents received various facts about the biography of candidates. Respondents were asked to answer questions about the attractiveness of politicians and the potential desire to vote for them based on the information received. According to the results of the study, it was found that the disclosure of the facts of the existence of a conflict of interest has a direct impact on the level of support for candidates in individual cases. The effect is significant if the politician has previously demonstrated high performance in the implementation of socio-economic policy. On the contrary, potential voters turned out to be tolerant of information about a conflict of interest in case of inefficiency of politicians in previous periods. The empirical results obtained are partially consistent with previous experiments in other countries and contribute to the discussion about building the election campaign of incumbents. Separately, the article highlights the methodological features of conducting experiments in the social sciences, including the potential limitations imposed by the chosen design on the interpretation of the empirical results obtained.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135562530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-26-38
A. E. Chirikova
The article examines the performance assessments of the governors of the Perm region by its regional and municipal elites from 2005 to 2022. Particular attention is paid to a comparative analysis of governors who originated from other regions and local figures, including those who have a federal background. The analysis is based on interviews with experts and local elites, conducted by the author in different years (in 2011, 2018, 2020, 2022; a total of 62 interviews). The interviews are complemented by media publications, which make it possible to consolidate the assessments of governors by external experts. The main conclusion from the analysis is that the governor's local origin continues to play a significant role for local elites, yet over time their views are becoming increasingly pragmatic. Today, they care not only about the origin and socialization of the governor in the region, but also about his ability to establish contacts with the Moscow elite and to build a conflict-free relationship with the key figures in the region and elite groups. For the population, on the contrary, the factor of local origin continues to be the most significant one in assessing the performance of the governor.
{"title":"PERM CHOICE: WHICH GOVERNORS AND WHY DO LOCAL ELITES AND EXPERTS PREFER?","authors":"A. E. Chirikova","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-26-38","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-26-38","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the performance assessments of the governors of the Perm region by its regional and municipal elites from 2005 to 2022. Particular attention is paid to a comparative analysis of governors who originated from other regions and local figures, including those who have a federal background. The analysis is based on interviews with experts and local elites, conducted by the author in different years (in 2011, 2018, 2020, 2022; a total of 62 interviews). The interviews are complemented by media publications, which make it possible to consolidate the assessments of governors by external experts. The main conclusion from the analysis is that the governor's local origin continues to play a significant role for local elites, yet over time their views are becoming increasingly pragmatic. Today, they care not only about the origin and socialization of the governor in the region, but also about his ability to establish contacts with the Moscow elite and to build a conflict-free relationship with the key figures in the region and elite groups. For the population, on the contrary, the factor of local origin continues to be the most significant one in assessing the performance of the governor.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135609300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-15-25
Yu. N. Frolova, M. V. Nevzorov
The article addresses the issue of organizational culture of political actors within the principles of natural and self-learning organization. The relevance of the subject is determined by the formation of the system of public authority, as well as the need to create conceptual stability in relation to the organizational culture of the political actor. As a result, the orientations of actors (be it the state or actors inside/outside the state) on confirmantropic or negantropic biopolitics may be developed. Methodologically, the article is based on the theory of organizational metaphors by G.Morgan, the approaches of P.Senge, F.Selznick, and the concept of biopolitics by M.Foucault. Asserting the epistemological significance of the analytical separation of natural and self-learning organization in the analysis of actors, the authors assume that there is a duality and possible coexistence of these approaches in the study of the organizational culture of political actors. Such a phenomenon became possible due to the biopolitical revolution that leveled this gap. As a result, there is a paradoxical possibility of the formation of a negantropic biopolitics that denies the significant role of an autonomous individual and leadership, suggesting a rejection of the emergence of self-learning political actors.
{"title":"ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE OF POLITICAL ACTOR: NATURAL OR SELF-LEARNING ORGANIZATION","authors":"Yu. N. Frolova, M. V. Nevzorov","doi":"10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-15-25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-2-15-25","url":null,"abstract":"The article addresses the issue of organizational culture of political actors within the principles of natural and self-learning organization. The relevance of the subject is determined by the formation of the system of public authority, as well as the need to create conceptual stability in relation to the organizational culture of the political actor. As a result, the orientations of actors (be it the state or actors inside/outside the state) on confirmantropic or negantropic biopolitics may be developed. Methodologically, the article is based on the theory of organizational metaphors by G.Morgan, the approaches of P.Senge, F.Selznick, and the concept of biopolitics by M.Foucault. Asserting the epistemological significance of the analytical separation of natural and self-learning organization in the analysis of actors, the authors assume that there is a duality and possible coexistence of these approaches in the study of the organizational culture of political actors. Such a phenomenon became possible due to the biopolitical revolution that leveled this gap. As a result, there is a paradoxical possibility of the formation of a negantropic biopolitics that denies the significant role of an autonomous individual and leadership, suggesting a rejection of the emergence of self-learning political actors.","PeriodicalId":24044,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Химия» = Bulletin of Perm University. CHEMISTRY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135609747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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